Conclusions and recommendations
Principles and Values
1. The
strength of the Commonwealth's commitment to its principles and
values, including the promotion of human and political rights,
has helped to give it a substantial and distinctive role in the
international community. However, in recent years the moral authority
of the Commonwealth has too often been undermined by the repressive
actions of member governments. We were disturbed to note the ineffectiveness
of the mechanisms for upholding the Commonwealth's values, despite
its efforts to improve governance and the conduct of elections
in member states. We urge the Foreign and Commonwealth Office
to ensure that the Commonwealth Ministers' Action Group makes
full use of its new mandate and responds robustly whenever there
is corroborated evidence of repression or abuse. (Paragraph 28)
2. We conclude that
continuing evidence of serious human rights abuses in Sri Lanka
shows that the Commonwealth's decision to hold the 2013 Commonwealth
Heads of Government Meeting in Colombo was wrong. We are impressed
by the clear and forthright stance taken by the Canadian Prime
Minister, who has said he would attend the Meeting only if human
rights were improved. The UK Prime Minister should publicly state
his unwillingness to attend the meeting unless he receives convincing
and independently-verified evidence of substantial and sustainable
improvements in human and political rights in Sri Lanka. (Paragraph
32)
Commonwealth Charter
3. We
support the Eminent Persons Group's proposal for a Commonwealth
Charter. However, the UK should only accept the Charter's final
wording if it reflects the fundamental principles of the Commonwealth.
Before signing the Charter, the Government should assure itself
that substantial progress is being made by the Commonwealth towards
compliance with international human rights norms. (Paragraph
36)
Commissioner for Democracy, the Rule of Law and
Human Rights
4. We
recognise that the Eminent Persons Group's proposal for a Commissioner
for Democracy, the Rule of Law and Human Rights has not found
favour right across the Commonwealth. There is clearly room for
discussion and negotiation about the nature of the role, including
its title. It is important that it should not duplicate the responsibilities
of the Secretary-General and the Ministerial Action Group. However,
the intention behind the recommendation for a Commissioner is
an important one, and goes to the heart of what the Commonwealth
is about. (Paragraph 40)
5. The UK Government
should insist that the key elements of the EPG's recommendation
for a Commissioner are accepted and implemented. In particular,
we believe that it is important that the mechanism that emerges
from the negotiations should reflect the EPG's recommendation
that the Commissioner should provide "well researched and
reliable information" on "serious or persistent violations
of democracy, the rule of law and human rights in member states,"
and "indicate approaches for remedial action." (Paragraph
41)
Reforming the Commonwealth Secretariat
6. The
Commonwealth has in the past often launched influential initiatives
on key global issues. However, it has appeared less active and
less publicly visible in recent years and there is disturbing
evidence that it is missing opportunities to influence events.
The Commonwealth Secretariat must sharpen, strengthen and promote
its diplomatic performance—along the lines proposed by the
Eminent Persons Group—if the Commonwealth is to realise
its full potential as a major player on the world stage. (Paragraph
52)
7. It is now nearly
a year since the acceptance of many Eminent Persons Group recommendations
at the 2011 CHOGM. The lengthy period of consultation and discussion
over the EPG since October 2011 must not cause a loss of momentum
in the process of implementing those recommendations. The FCO
should monitor implementation closely, and should continue to
press for action on all key recommendations, reporting back to
this Committee on progress every six months. (Paragraph 54)
A cornerstone of foreign policy?
8. As
Minister of State, Lord Howell worked very effectively to raise
the profile of the Commonwealth in the UK and overseas, and he
deserves considerable credit for his contribution. (Paragraph
57)
9. Despite Lord Howell's
enthusiastic advocacy, we are concerned that the UK Government
as a whole has not had a clear and co-ordinated strategy for its
relations with the Commonwealth. The several Government departments
with an interest in Commonwealth matters should work together
to develop a strategy for engagement with the Commonwealth, aimed
at ensuring that the UK makes the most of the opportunities presented
by the Commonwealth. The FCO needs to ensure its 'warm words'
are substantiated by its actions. (Paragraph 62)
10. We conclude that
the treatment of the Eminent Persons Group report by a number
of Heads of Government at Perth has damaged the Commonwealth's
reputation. (Paragraph 67)
The role of Ministers
11. The
Foreign and Commonwealth Office should be much more proactive
across Whitehall in ensuring that Ministers participate in Commonwealth
meetings where there is a clear UK interest in the outcome. (Paragraph
71)
Resources for the diplomatic effort
12. We
believe that the Government already makes a good return on its
modest investment in relations with the Commonwealth. Given the
unrealised potential of the Commonwealth, the UK could usefully
invest more. In its programme of reopening posts across the world,
and in the plans for the staffing of Whitehall departments, the
Government should maintain and strengthen links with the Commonwealth.
The Committee praises the recent announcement by the Foreign Secretary
that the UK and Canada will share premises and services at missions
abroad. (Paragraph 76)
13. We urge the Government
to make the fullest possible use of the Commonwealth's informal
networks. Although formal diplomatic processes will always be
important, the highly developed and well-established networks
of "the people's Commonwealth" offer excellent opportunities
for the exercise of "soft power", which can also be
more cost-effective than the work of the official institutions
of the Commonwealth. We would welcome a clear statement of the
UK Government strategy for engagement with the informal Commonwealth.
(Paragraph 78)
Accountability to Parliament
14. Parliament,
and especially this Committee, can play a part in a more serious
and sustained UK approach to Commonwealth issues. After every
CHOGM and other major Commonwealth meeting, we will invite the
Foreign Secretary and FCO Permanent Under Secretary to report
on the outcome of that meeting and to report on what governments,
the Secretariat and other Commonwealth agencies have done to implement
previous Commonwealth decisions. (Paragraph 80)
BBC World Service cuts
15. We
stand by the conclusions of our previous report on the BBC World
Service. The Government needs to see the big picture when considering
the funding of the BBC World Service, not least the fact that
the vacuum left by departing services could quickly be filled
by others. Modest savings achieved through ill-thought-out cuts
could lead to a damaging loss of influence in highly important
countries, including a number of Commonwealth countries. (Paragraph
84)
Losing credibility on development
16. The
Commonwealth's performance as a provider of development aid has
been disappointing in recent years, and needs to improve substantially
if its reputation is to be restored. We look to the UK Government
to keep the development performance of the Secretariat under close
scrutiny and to keep to its stated intention to provide further
funding only on convincing evidence of improvement. (Paragraph
88)
Enabling trade and investment
17. The
evidence for the existence of a special "Commonwealth factor"
in trade and investment is not conclusive, despite the sustained
and vigorous growth in many of the Commonwealth's emerging markets,
but the potential for this to develop in the years ahead is enormous
and should be given a high priority by H.M. Government. (Paragraph
92)
The UK interest in trade and investment with the
Commonwealth
18. We
are not convinced that member states are making the most of the
economic and trading opportunities offered by the Commonwealth.
There may not be a distinctive "Commonwealth factor"
in trade and investment, but the Government should do more to
help create such a factor. In particular, we agree with Lord Howell's
remark that the UK should "concentrate ... very much more"
on seeking finance for infrastructure projects in the UK from
sovereign wealth funds, including those in fast-growing Commonwealth
countries. (Paragraph 98)
19. We also note with
concern the doubts about the current value to the UK of the Commonwealth
Business Council (CBC), and welcome the FCO's intention to take
the opportunity of the appointment of a new Director General of
the CBC to explore the possibility of a closer and more fruitful
relationship. However, we do not believe that this limited initiative
will make the most of the economic opportunities offered by the
Commonwealth. We recommend that the Government should set out,
by the end of 2012, a five-year strategy to increase the benefits
to the UK of trade and investment with Commonwealth countries.
(Paragraph 99)
A Commonwealth Free Trade Area?
20. There
is currently much debate about a possible re-evaluation of the
relationship between the UK and the EU, and the economic opportunities
presented by the Commonwealth certainly play a part in that debate.
However, many other considerations, including for instance economic
relations with such countries as China and the United States,
will undoubtedly play a bigger role. It is clear that the creation
of a free trade area with Commonwealth countries would require
a fundamental and potentially risky change in the UK's relationship
with the European Union, and the benefits may not outweigh the
disadvantages. (Paragraph 102)
Education and Scholarships
21. We
note that part of the funding for Commonwealth Scholarships now
comes from institutions of higher education. We are concerned
that this could develop into an unsustainable burden on the limited
funds available to those institutions. We recommend therefore
that, recognising the importance of the Scholarships for the achievement
of the UK's objectives, the Government should guarantee to maintain
at least the current level of funding in real terms. (Paragraph
109)
22. We believe that
Commonwealth Scholarships are a cost-effective way of widening
opportunities for young people across much of the Commonwealth.
They also help the UK to achieve some important diplomatic goals.
If the Government's commitment to revitalising the UK's relationships
with the Commonwealth is to mean anything, the numbers of Commonwealth
scholarships should increase. A special new scholarship scheme
would be a very fitting way to mark the Queen's Jubilee. The suggestions
made for part-funding by the private sector are promising. We
urge the Government to announce a competition for the first Queen's
Jubilee Scholarships. (Paragraph 111)
23. The suggestions
made to us by Professor Dilks for strengthening the education
and engagement work of the Commonwealth, through such means as
medical, teacher and youth exchanges, and greater attention to
the Commonwealth in school curricula, deserve serious consideration.
They appear to be cost-effective ways of raising the public profile
of the Commonwealth. The Government and the Commonwealth Secretariat
should urgently examine their feasibility. (Paragraph 113)
24. When considering
its policy on immigration, the Government must bear in mind the
possibly serious effects of a restrictive student visa policy
on the wider interests of the UK, including the economic and diplomatic
benefits brought to the country by Commonwealth students. (Paragraph
116)
The future membership of the commonwealth
25. We
welcome the fact that the Commonwealth continues to attract interest
from potential new members, and see advantages in greater diversity
and an extended global reach for the Commonwealth. However it
is crucial that the application process is rigorous and that any
new members are appropriate additions to the Commonwealth 'family',
closely adhering at all times to its principles and values. The
UK Government must ensure that these membership criteria are fully
observed with every application, if necessary employing its veto
in suitable cases. (Paragraph 122)
Overseas Territories
26. We
conclude that there are substantial arguments in favour of stronger
connections between the Commonwealth and the Crown Dependencies
and Overseas Territories, all of which can benefit from closer
relationships, especially with the smaller independent states
of the Commonwealth. We note the apparently increasing interest
in the Crown Dependencies in stronger connections with the Commonwealth,
in some cases including associate status. (Paragraph 142)
27. However, we are
also aware of the constitutional objections, both in the UK and
in other countries across the Commonwealth, to the institution
of a wholly new category of Commonwealth member. We are currently
conducting an inquiry into the foreign policy implications of
and for a separate Scotland, and some related issues will be considered
during the course of that inquiry. (Paragraph 143)
28. The main objective
of Government policy towards the Overseas Territories on Commonwealth
matters is clear; it wishes to strengthen the capacity of the
Territories to run their own affairs and thereby to reduce their
dependence on the UK and the financial and other liability that
they incur. This is a reasonable objective, but it is disappointing
that the Government's discussions with the Commonwealth over an
enhanced status for Overseas Territories have continued for some
time, with no concrete outcome as yet. The FCO should update the
Committee on progress on these discussions by the end of December
2012. (Paragraph 144)
Conclusion
29. We
conclude that the Commonwealth benefits from the involvement of
the United Kingdom and that the United Kingdom benefits from its
membership of the Commonwealth. The benefits emerge in many ways,
ranging from strong trade and investment links to cultural contacts.
Recent profound changes in the balance of global political, diplomatic
and economic power have greatly enhanced the prosperity and political
influence enjoyed by many Commonwealth countries. The Commonwealth
clearly could have a bright future. (Paragraph 145)
30. But we are deeply
concerned that, despite all these advantages, the Commonwealth
is failing to realise its great potential. In recent years it
has been too often both silent and invisible: silent on occasions
when members flout its principles, and invisible to its people.
Too many of the benefits of the Commonwealth are intangible, as
we discovered from our evidence sessions and our visits to Commonwealth
countries. (Paragraph 146)
31. It is also difficult
accurately to measure the benefits of the Commonwealth to its
member states including the UK; it is not easy to assess increased
influence in the world or to attribute that increase to the Commonwealth
rather than to bilateral relationships. We conclude that the FCO's
rhetoric about the importance of the Commonwealth is not being
matched by its actions. The past closure of diplomatic missions,
particularly in the Pacific, cuts to the BBC World Service and
changes to the UK visa regime are prime examples. We urge the
Government to address this gap between words and deeds. (Paragraph
147)
32. We conclude that
the Commonwealth must move quickly along the road to reform if
it is to make the most of its natural advantages and demonstrate
its value to its members. We expect the UK to play a prominent
role in this process, and to show that it can match its pro-Commonwealth
rhetoric with effective action. If the Commonwealth takes the
right decisions in the next few months, we are confident that
it can protect and promote its values and benefit the interests
of all of its members, including Britain. (Paragraph 148)
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