International DevelopmentWritten evidence submitted by Parliamentary Outreach
INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEE EVENT, HAMMERSMITH, TUESDAY 22 MAY
AFGHAN DIASPORA IN THE UK
Background
1. The Houses of Parliament Outreach Service were approached by the International Development Committee on how to engage with the Afghan diaspora in the UK as part of their inquiry into the Future of Afghanistan and its development post-2014.
2. In partnership with the Afghan Council UK,1 the Outreach Service organised an event with 32 UK-based Afghans. This event took place on Tuesday 22 May and was attended by six members of the International Development Committee.2 The event included a short introduction to the work of the Committee by the Committee chair Rt. Hon Malcolm Bruce MP. The group was then divided into four smaller groups where members of the Committee chaired discussions on the benefits, problems and future of DFID in Afghanistan.
3. The Outreach Service then organised a follow-up event, again with the Afghan Council UK, which was attended by a further 20 Afghans. This event took place on Thursday 19 July and was facilitated by two Outreach officers and a member of Committee staff. This event included a short introduction to the work of the Committee, followed by discussions on the benefits, problems and future of DFID in Afghanistan. No Committee members were present at this event.
4. The evidence submitted below is a note of those discussions and represents the views of the attendees.
Discussion Groups
Event 1—22 May
5. The audience was divided into four groups. The groups were allocated at random and attendees were not given the choice of which group they would join, with the exception of a short initial session with four women. The make-up of the groups was as follows:
Group 1: A group of eight, with six men and two women. The ages of the group varied from 20–50, with the women both being younger. The group had a mixture of backgrounds including two men who had worked for the UN in Afghanistan, university graduates and others.
Group 2: A group of seven, all men, ranging from early 20s to 60s. Two were recent graduates (one in international relations), one was a doctor, one a former Afghan ambassador to Pakistan, one a former UN worker in Afghanistan and elsewhere, and one an engineer, who had also run one of Afghanistan’s largest factories. The seventh arrived later and did not announce his background.
Group 3: A group of 10 men with an average age of 40–50 years. Within the group was a doctor, a judge and a man who had worked in the intelligence service.
Group 4: A group of seven, with four women and three men. For the first 20 minutes, this was a female only group.
Event 2—19 July
6. The audience was divided into three groups. The groups were allocated at random and attendees were not given the choice of which group they would join. The make-up of the groups was as follows:
Group 1: A group of seven men, two of whom had had previous experience working for UN projects.
Group 2: A group of six with two women and four men. Within this group there was someone who had recently returned from volunteering in Afghanistan, someone who worked for the UNHCR in Iran, a scientist and a PhD candidate.
Group 3: A group of seven, with six men and one woman. Within the group there were two people who had worked on UN projects in Afghanistan, a doctor and somebody who currently works for the Ministry of Education in Afghanistan.
Discussions
7. The discussion centred around three main topics: the benefits of having DFID projects in Afghanistan, the problems with having DFID projects in Afghanistan and the future of DFID projects in Afghanistan. That being said, the discussions were fairly fluid, and a number of other questions and topics came out over the course of the discussions. The main points are covered below.
Are you aware of any DFID projects, and if so how?
8. All attendees were aware that there was British aid in Afghanistan, although this was referred to in a number of different ways: many spoke of the “help from the International Community” or “aid from the British Government”, but only a limited number knew about the particular work of DFID. This knowledge was confined to those who had professional experience working on DFID-funded projects (for example the Chief Operating Officer of the United Nations Mine Action Programme in Afghanistan and other former UN workers).
9. That being said, the vast majority of the discussion groups were aware of British aid projects in Afghanistan and had knowledge, if not personal experience, of a project. There was greater awareness of projects involving agriculture.
10. The main sources of knowledge about aid projects came from the media or from family still living in Afghanistan. However, one discussion group felt that there is a perception that DFID worked only in Helmand and that the US is the largest donor.
QUOTES:
“If we take it from the projects perspective, unfortunately people would not know that. What happens is that DFID is supporting other programs in Afghanistan and they are donating to those programs. DFID, to my knowledge, does not have in existence as such in Afghanistan their own office to deliver the projects themselves. So they are a supporter of other programs and they were donating to other programs, so people are receiving what DFID is providing and what DFID is delivering but not under the name of DFID. For example, the example of mine action, yes, DFID was involved in the saving of Afghan lives and it has benefited a lot to the people of Afghanistan, but to take it as a DFID direct benefit, nobody would know about it because that was all carried out under the name of the UN Mine Action Programme.”
“Normally, DFID is known as the British Government support to the Afghan people and certainly they are doing a lot of things in Helmand. They’ve got a civilian component is busy with the local authorities in building bridges, strengthening the local institutions and doing capacity building and development programme. So there are a lot of things that they do. But not normally the word DFID, they just say British Government is doing the job for the people.”
Which DFID projects have succeeded?
11. It was agreed across all groups that any DFID project is seen as positive thing—Afghans generally believe the UK, US and Germany have done a lot to make positive change in past 10 years.
12. One group identified a key success—besides work on agricultural projects mentioned above—was a electrical supply project to ensure local access to electricity. However, in some parts of country, electricity is coming from central Asian states like Tajikistan, and this was seen as not only expensive, but not making enough use of Afghanistan’s natural resources.
QUOTES:
“The first success (of DFID) in my view, is that we have a functioning Government. Ok, it is heavily infested by corruption, that’s another issue, but we’re back on the map of the world. We’ve got a legitimate Government, regardless of what happened in the elections. We are recognised, so we have an Army and a functioning central Government. These are the things that have been made possible by the lively funding and commitment of the British Government.”
Which DFID projects have failed and how can DFID projects be more effective?
13. While the groups were not able to give examples of specific projects that had failed, there was much anecdotal knowledge of projects that had been started and received a large amount of investment, but there had been no follow up to ensure that the projects are delivered. It was felt that not completing a project, particularly those relating to infrastructure, could be more damaging to the reputation of international aid groups than not having started the project at all.
14. Two factors were considered to contribute to DFID projects not being as effective as they could be: corruption and security.
15. Without exception, every group mentioned the problem of sub-contracting international aid projects and each group gave an anecdotal example. It was felt that there was no evaluation or oversight to ensure that the aid money was going to the people who really needed it.
16. Participants felt that the issue of sub-contracting linked to the wider issue of corruption within society (more in paragraph 25 below) and used the analogy of Afghanistan being a stool with the three legs of humanitarian work, human rights issues and political dimension. They felt there was plenty of work on first two, not enough on third.
17. One group felt that aid was a politicised issue in itself, with those villages that had received substantial funding becoming the target of other villages. Those villages that did not receive funding were more inclined to join the Taliban and other insurgents.
18. A number of groups felt that recruitment for aid projects was also a divisive issue, with Governors or those in charge of the projects recruiting their own families/contacts to ensure that they “got something out of it”. There was also a concern that any local staff that were recruited could potentially manipulate data for personal gain.
19. All groups suggested that a strategic body should be set up to monitor the work of the Government and to evaluate what recipients of aid actually receive; all internal stakeholders should be involved in aid process—Government, Parliament and members of civic society.
20. Many felt that the Afghan Government did not take enough initiative on projects or take responsibility for the allocation of international funding. They felt this could be improved by having better trained civil servants; there was a general feeling that Afghan civil servants couldn’t be expected to perform their jobs effectively when they hadn’t been adequately trained.
21. The other area which it was felt prevented the success of DFID projects was security. One participant gave an example of UN worker-conducted research on cost and time performance of international development projects (including DFID) which looked at 25 projects in Afghanistan and 25 projects in Sudan. The problem identified in Afghanistan, was that DFID may give £100,000 or £200,000 for a specific time frame, but insecurity in Afghanistan raises costs. Materials costs increase, wages increase, while the budget remains fixed. So the timeframe may be extended, or if project is intended for, say, 10,000 pupils, that figure might be reduced to 5,000.
22. Likewise, it was felt that many projects don’t succeed because there isn’t enough publicity and awareness that DFID are doing it. It was felt that better use of the media, particularly for more politically-focused projects, would create more awareness and allow them to be more successful.
23. It was also suggested that many DFID projects are too often run on a short-term basis and that it would be more cost effective and better for local communities if DFID would run more long-term projects. Some participants felt that if a village knew that DFID would be running a project over five years (eg to improve roads or a water source), that would give the stability required to secure local support and would reduce the likelihood of sabotage.
24. Despite the concerns outlined in paragraph 17, it was suggested that another way in which to improve both public awareness and the relevance of DFID projects would be to use more local recruits to spread DFID’s messages. Likewise, instead of using international consultants who have no links with the local culture and less awareness of the socio-ethnic issues providing advice, it would be more useful to have people of Afghan origin living in other countries to advice on key issues as they would have a better understanding of the different tensions within local groups and how to make projects more effective.
QUOTES:
“The British Government, they are leading the process in Afghanistan, they have to be involved in a much much more direct route, rather than just give money, give the news to the media and just sit back and watch how the money goes.”
“Money isn’t enough. We need discipline. There is no discipline in Afghanistan. There is no enforcement of law. The problem is that British aid does send money, but that’s not enough. You need to follow up on where the money is going.”
“For example, in 2007 we went to Zabul, we were part of the policy action group, it was an initiative of the Afghan Government to look at the four southern provinces. We went there and found out a project was initially budgeted for $28 million. But then the end-users just finished with $2.5 million, so the rest was just gone, cascading off the projects, when one sub-contracted and sub-contracted to another and so on.”
“Why is it that they haven’t realised in the last 10 and a half years that that money was going to the corrupt politicians and the warlords, instead of to the refugee camps? There are four huge refugee camps in Kabul alone. People who have fled from Helmand, Kapisa and Kandahar live there. People live in slums and mudhouses. Why hasn’t all that money gone there?”
“There are hundreds of examples, everybody has got examples of this: you (international aid) started work, you started investment somewhere and you didn’t completely finish. You give the money to the people, but you do not make them accountable. You don’t follow the people: where is the outcome? You invest a lot of money, but where is the evidence? Where is the outcome? You don’t have anything to see.”
“It’s not about the quantity of roads build, but quality. What they are building is absolute rubbish. The aim is for the roads to last for long term purposes and not crumble after several months.”
“We have to be realistic regarding Afghanistan. Afghanistan is a completely different country in term of education, society, political structure, geography and so on. We have to learn, we have to go to the public ... That is why the international community don’t have the advantage. They spend billions and they don’t have the advantage, the Taliban have the advantage because you don’t have the publicity, you don’t have their minds. That is why the international community are, to me, the loser.”
“Every person in Afghanistan might not have something to eat, but they definitely have tv or a radio! I think we should use media to educate people, to let them know.”
“In Afghanistan, there is the best freedom of information than any Muslim country, more than Pakistan, more than Iran. Afghanistan media is the best, thanks to our international friends and Afghanistan Government. But unfortunately many TV stations are controlled by former Muhajadeen and they’re media is not in the interest of youth, the majority of the programme is religious activity, our past story, but not the future.”
“Don’t concentrate on the old people you always supported. Bring new generation and bring new people who love Afghanistan. You are giving the same money to the same people and nothing changes ... We have to bring new people with new initiatives and new ideas to pass this message.”
Do people feel safer in Afghanistan?
25. As mentioned above, security was identified as one of the major issues of concern to ordinary Afghans. That being said, it was still felt that the situation has improved over past 10 years, especially in Kabul. However, many participants felt that the security gap between ordinary people and the Government is too high.
26. While there have been improvements, there is still concern for security when combat troops leave. There will still be a need for peacekeepers and many felt concerned that if all international forces leave, they will leave a vacuum that will be filled by Iran and Pakistan. It was suggested that the Afghan army requires more training and resources before combat troops leave if they are to improve security.
27. The other aspect of concern in terms of safety was the ability of the Government to cope in an emergency. It was felt that essential services, such as hospitals, were not fit for purpose. One participant gave the example of when he took a friend to hospital in Kabul in middle of night. The crew in ambulance did not have CPR training and Accident and Emergency was “a shambles”. He felt it was not just matter of money, as the hospital funded by South Korea, but of efficiency and proper training.
QUOTES:
“In terms of security and what concerns me, and this is talking about my own experience. I was there back in August. I was there for three months and during that period I experienced several attacks in the centre of Kabul. With highly heavy security and yet again an attack by a group of terrorist on the US Embassy and they lost it for 24 hours. This is what concerns most of the people within Afghanistan. It concerns me, being outside … It was pretty shocking. This is really what concerns most of the people and most of the young generation both within and outside Afghanistan.”
“I know there is nothing more important than the security of the country because everything depends on that security. We talk about corruption and assassination, everything depends on security.”
“I went to one Government hospital and it was disgusting, I don’t know how they operate there. It was very dirty, corrupted. It was a Government hospital and it was still corrupted.”
“I believe the situation we are in now in Afghanistan is different to how it was 10 years ago. The main problem from outside, if the international development help us and give us money, that doesn’t help us from the wrong intervention of neighbours, especially Pakistan and Iran, that will go nowhere.”
“There will be no peace in Afghanistan until the problem between Afghanistan and Pakistan… Pakistan will never allow a normal, peaceful, strong Government.”
Is corruption just a way of life in Afghanistan?
28. A recurring theme throughout the discussion groups was the endemic corruption within public institutions. It was felt that if you go anywhere, and ask anyone for anything, you must give money (even President Karzai).
29. Some within the groups said that because of this corruption, people do not trust the Government and go to the Taliban to solve their problems. One participant felt that during the day the Government is in power, but only 5 to 10 km from Kabul, during the night, the Taliban is in power.
30. All groups felt that there needed to be more of an effort to build public trust before the next election as there had been “two sham elections” in the past. Views on how this could be achieved varied, with one group suggesting more funding to recruit and train the right people to facilitate the elections and others suggesting that ID cards would be a good way to make the election process fair.
31. A number of anecdotal examples were also given of Government officials being influenced, and sometimes paid, by foreign Governments (Pakistan and Iran most frequently), to ensure they retained control of Afghanistan. The interference and intervention of Iran and Pakistan was another theme that was repeated throughout both sessions.
QUOTES:
“Everything is on sale in the judiciary, the legal system, the attorney general’s office.”
“The national army has been formed based on the ethnic composition, which was a good point at the start to give everyone representation. But in the long run, we are killing ourselves because everyone who is entering the army is coming from his ethnic background, so he seems to be more loyal to his tribe than to his national agenda.”
“They are like heroin addicts when it comes to getting money.”
“Of course the person who is giving me the money, I will be supporting him, rather than anybody else who is giving me ideas but giving me nothing. It is not a country of ideas, it is about practicality.”
“We need to stop the rotation of the corrupt officials within the system ... unless you change this mentality, aid in the community will remain as it is.”
“All the time in Afghanistan there are three power bases: executive, mullahs and the tribal forces. They rule the country. Now we have a democracy, but this is not a real democracy. If you see, you can feel the influence of all the three that form the power of the Government.”
“One of the Ministers was accused of corruption. Instead of that Minister being punished, the person who made the case for corruption is now in exile. We are supporting the Government, and somehow there are rumours there are rumours that we are complicit.”
“To make institutions professional, they must be taken out of politics and be under the law and constitution. Not allow Minister from one area choosing people from that area or Minister from a political party from the same political party.”
“As long as we are not combating the issues that are at the root of everything, we will not succeed in anything: education, economic, nothing because the corruption will eat up everything, so the people will not receive the aid they need.”
“And of course the economy is another big issue. What I see, when I look at Afghanistan is a corrupt system. I want to know if the money you are putting in there, is it going into the right hands? Is it really helping people in terms of education, stability, the economy.”
What is the state of education?
32. The general view across the participants was that education had improved, but not enough. It was felt that this was because of a lack of money and resources in the education system, but also by a lack of security for teachers and pupils.
33. One participant gave the example that at the time of Taliban fewer than one million children were schooled, mainly in religious schools. Now more than five million children are in schools, and the majority are girls. An official estimate states that eight million children who are eligible for school are now going. They still don’t feel that that is enough children.
34. Many felt it was necessary to educate fathers and elders of the necessity of sending their children to school, as part of the reason for low attendance is due to family members not feeling like education is important or necessary for their child.
35. It was also felt that the quality of education is not good enough. Teachers need training in modern learning methods. The Russian system is still in place, and implementation of an English system is needed. Many participants did not understand why there were not any UK schools set up in Afghanistan (as there is an American University, a Turkish school and many Iranian and Pakistani schools) and felt DFID should invest more in educational infrastructure.
36. A number of concerns were raised about a lack of higher and further education. Again, the quality of university education was raised and the inaccessibility of further education to the majority of the population. Many groups suggested that there should be more partnerships between universities in the UK and Afghanistan (eg a satellite site of the University of Manchester in Kabul, as has been done in other countries or online tutorials), allowing Afghans to learn good practice and benefit from the UK system.
QUOTES:
“Why isn’t DFID thinking about any educational infrastructure in Afghanistan? Why not an Oxford School in Afghanistan, why not a Manchester school in Afghanistan, why not a Cambridge school? There is a Turkish school, an American university, Iranian schools and universities, cultural centres and there are Madrassas in Pakistan teaching Pakistani ideology.”
“Generally when people talk about these things for Afghanistan, most people are only thinking about urban areas. Contrary to that, when I think about such issues and I talk about Afghanistan, I mentally travel outside the cities. I go to rural areas because that’s where the problems roots are. We don’t have terrorists in the cities, they are coming from outside and blowing up things. We don’t have problems within the city, people are educated, people are facilitated, people are well paid and well treated. But those people who are outside urban areas, they are very much vulnerable to the enemies tricks, because they need food, they need money, they need water, they need health, they need education.”
“The main issue is, is this country developed by gunpowder or with the pen? Without education, we can’t do anything.”
“Education is also important. We don’t have enough schools in the outskirts of the districts. The teachers are not well paid, they don’t have books, chairs, carpets in the chairs.”
“Every issue is related to each other. What about the school that is built in the village and then destroyed the next day by the Taliban? As many schools we build, they are destroyed the next day ... this is a political point, instead of an educational point ... they want to put pressure Government so it’s not that they don’t know the importance of education, it’s because they want to make the political point that there is no security, that the Government can’t govern. The very people that are now asking the Taliban not to destroy schools are the very people who destroyed thousands of schools and bridges ... Every penny that comes to Afghanistan will have to go to bring security and bringing prosperity to the political system to combat the corruption.”
Has the situation of women improved in the last 11 years?
37. Out of a total of 52 attendees, nine women attended these event. Of those nine, five were in mixed discussion groups and four had a shorter, women-only discussion and were then joined by three men.
38. All women agreed that the rights of women have improved in Afghanistan over the last 11 years. However, they unanimously agreed that they had not improved by enough. They felt this was largely due to two reasons: a lack of knowledge and education of women about their rights and a lack of enforcement of the laws that have been introduced to protect women’s rights.
39. Although women’s rights have increased, domestic violence, street harassment and other crimes against women have also increased over the last 11 years. Again, this was felt to be due to a lack of enforcement of the law.
40. All the female participants agreed that the best way to improve the situation would be to ensure that women’s rights are effectively communicated to the whole of society and women are educated properly on their rights. That being said, they also all accepted that these changes needed to be made gradually. They agreed with the male participants when they said that Afghanistan was a conservative society and that, to be successful, these sorts of changes had to be implemented slowly.
QUOTES:
“You cannot underestimate how much freedom of speech has developed in Afghanistan.”
“Now it’s a lot better for women, I have heard, but there is still a high amount of discrimination about being a female and the way you are treated as a female. We are used as a symbol in the Government, in society. We have got a member of Parliament but we are not the real members of Parliament, we are just a symbol.”
“We should also be thankful for the last 10 years, where we can see tremendous improvements for women’s rights. Believe me if I do something I consult my mother, my wife and even my sisters, so this participatory approach is going on. Since it’s a conservative society, if we are out in full force saying we want full freedom, that will create a lot of things.”
“It’s important to educate women, but also educate men as well. Men don’t understand the concept that a woman is there as a partner, not as their slave.”
“Educating the whole society of how important the woman’s role is in society, in rebuilding ... without women there will never be peace, education or infrastructure to rebuild the nation.”
“Women can speak freely, but the problem is the outcome. They speak freely, but then there is no system of support later on.”
“I wouldn’t be able to wear just a headscarf and walk on the streets of Kabul on my own; I would get harassed.”
“What happens is that women are hardly educated under Islamic law and they are not aware of their rights and the rights Islam has actually given women. When they go to court, they’re actually blamed for being beaten up.”
“I think the main issue here is that women aren’t educated on their rights. It’s not the matter of the laws. The laws are there, but they haven’t been enforced and they don’t know about it.”
“What I think is the main priority before the soldiers leave Afghanistan is to at least advertise that there are laws.”
“Gradually, we are going to change it. Rome was not built in one day, but it can be destroyed in one day.”
“Irrespective of whether we agree or disagree, Afghanistan is a religiously sensitive country, a culturally sensitive country, a tribally sensitive country ... it is the reality. We cannot change it overnight. My advice would be that anything DFID is planning to do, for the basic roots in Afghanistan, anything that comes in contradiction to these interests, will fail and fail and fail. Particularly in rural areas. .. Anything that we are planning to do in Afghanistan, should be, for the time being until that change comes, must be compatible with these interests.”
What should DFID’s future priorities be in supporting Afghanistan?
41. In one group, each member was asked to identify one priority for DFID, which were the following.
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
42. These priorities largely reflect those raised by all the discussion groups, with the exception of also prioritising agricultural and industrial development. Many participants were keen to stress that Afghanistan is a country with many natural resources, which are not being used; DFID should help develop mines and other industries, as this will not allow Afghans to access these resources, but also to create jobs.
43. Likewise, Afghanistan imports a large amount of food from its neighbours, when much of it is grown, or could be grown, domestically. There isn’t sufficient agricultural knowledge and infrastructure (like cold storage) to allow this to develop. Many participants felt that DFID should focus on educating farmers and building agricultural capacity, to create jobs and reduce Afghanistan’s dependence on its neighbours.
44. The other area where the groups focused was in increasing the engagement of Afghans in the development process. Afghans should be more involved as teachers, aid workers and volunteers. DFID should support Afghans in UK to work in Afghanistan—for a year, or even a few months. It was felt that DFID projects would be more successful if Afghans were employed to go into communities and explain the projects and promote DFID’s messages.
QUOTES:
“I think the most important issue in Afghanistan to deal with is security. Without security, the children will not be able to go to school, schoolmaster will not go to school and officials will not be able to go to work.”
“It shouldn’t be forgotten that Afghanistan is very rich in natural resources itself, so pouring all this money, taking out of the healthcare and education system here, is kind of a waste. Firstly, it goes to the wrong people and it never goes where it’s needed. Secondly, Kabul is getting half its electricity from Tajikistan, why is that when we are naturally rich in resources already and oil has been found in four different provinces...?”
“For Afghanistan development after 2014, we have to give the people jobs. There are not enough jobs. Afghanistan is not a poor country, but it is the poorest country now because it is not using its underground resources. It is important for the development of the country. We have huge mine of iron, coal, salt. We have to use this.”
“Why do you bring ammunition rather than tractors to Afghanistan … Unemployment is a major disease.”
“If we have iron, then we are giving people jobs and people will not go to the side of our enemy. Many people don’t have jobs, so they join the Taliban because they are paying something.”
“I think to build the economy, we need to start from agriculture. First to train the farmers in what seed and fertiliser they should use. The second to make cold storage for vegetables and things to keep and link our farmers to find an international market and also build textile projects in Afghanistan.”
“All the projects should be implemented by Afghans, but it shouldn’t be contracted. It should be implemented first-hand ... one project, one person. Projects should not be allowed to be sold on.”
“I would suggest when DFID do the next job, you should employ voluntary people, go to the school, the mosque and other meetings and tell about these projects and programmes and tell about these experiences.”
“We can educate our own people.... We have to educate our own people so later on they become self-sufficient. We don’t have to import food from Pakistan and Iran. We have to make fabrics and food in our own country.”
“We would like to ask DFID to do more to ensure the ‘Afghanisation’ of the aid—why do these aid agency employees have thousands and thousands of employee from Pakistan, from Phillipines, from India, why is it not Afghans? Why do they employ these people from other countries? They don’t know our culture, they don’t know our people.”
Conclusion
45. The majority of attendees felt that the first step in ensuring the development of Afghanistan is removing corruption; it is rife within every aspect of society, from high office to hospitals and there was unanimous agreement that Afghanistan could not move forward without getting rid of corrupt practices.
46. Another theme was ensuring that there is more accountability for those receiving money from DFID and other international aid. Many individuals spoke about the practice of sub-contracting DFID projects, with funding being siphoned off at every level. It was suggested that an independent oversight board to hold people accountable, in addition to proper accounting for aid programmes to ensure that the results were being delivered, could prevent this. Some even suggested banning the sub-contracting of international aid projects altogether.
47. The other main concern was security, the need for which underpinned all the other development needs: education, employment, women’s rights. It was accepted that without effective national security, children and teachers couldn’t go to school, laws would not be properly enforced and investors (both foreign and domestic) would not feel confident investing in Afghanistan and creating jobs, all of which were agreed to be vital to the reconstruction of the country.
September 2012
1 http://afghancounciluk.org/
2 Rt Hon Malcom Bruce MP, Hugh Bayley MP, Pauline Latham MP, Jeremy Lefroy MP, Michael McCann MP and Chris White MP.