5 Advisory Committee on Business Appointments
Membership
42. The members of ACoBA are appointed by the
Prime Minister, comprising three senior Parliamentarians nominated
by the leader of each of the three main political parties; and
five independent members with "experience at a high level
in the Civil Service, the Diplomatic Service, the Armed Forces
and in Business".[42]
The current members are:
- The Rt Hon Lord Lang of Monkton
(Chairman)
- The Rt Hon Lord Macdonald of
Tradeston CBE
- The Rt Hon Lord Dholakia OBE
DL
- General The Lord Walker of
Aldringham GCB CMG CBE DL
- Sir Colin Budd KCMG
- Sir Hugh Stevenson
- Mark Addison
- Mary Jo Jacobi
43. Our predecessor committees expressed concerns
about the "establishment" nature of the membership of
ACoBA, and we specifically sought evidence on this point.[43]
44. If the public are to have confidence in the
system, then the "man on the street" needs to feel confident
that the Advisory Committee would have understood his perceptions
and concerns in relation to any given case. As Transparency International
explained:
the current composition of ACoBA leaves it open to
criticism that it is not representative of UK society. This is
highly unfortunate for an institution charged with a scrutiny
role.[44]
This view was shared by Spinwatch, which said:
We believe the Committee's current cross-party membership
of four peers and two knights is too elitist and should be broadened
to include a wider cross section of civil society. Some commentators
and politicians have suggested the inclusion of lay members, which
we would support.
With public trust in politicians and government officials
at an all time low, the 'Establishment' makeup of ACoBA and its
choice of chairman does little to instil confidence in the impartiality
and independence of a 'watchdog' tasked with the scrutiny of former
public servants to ensure there is 'no suspicion of impropriety'
when they join the corporate world.[45]
45. Sir Christopher Kelly said:
One of the striking things about ACoBA [
] is
that, with the exception of the representative from business,
they are all members of the tribes to whom they are providing
advice. Although I have no reason in the absence of evidence to
think that they are not giving entirely independent, objective
advice, I would feel more comfortable if there were more people
on ACoBA who belonged to different tribes and might provide more
grit in the oyster.[46]
46. Despite reiterating that its membership was
not a matter for him, Lord Lang defended ACoBA's membership.[47]
He explained that:
[Those] members are not there because they are peers
or knights but because they have experience in the areas from
which our client group comes. It is a legitimate view that that
client group should not be represented at all, but it seems to
me there are certain obvious advantages of having it that way
and it is counter-intuitive to say that they should not be on
the committee.[48]
47. During the course of this inquiry, the Prime
Minister appointed two new members to ACoBA to fill the vacancy
left by Dame Juliet Wheldon, who stepped down in July 2011, and
another long-standing vacancy which had been unfilled since Sir
Denys Henderson stepped down in 2001. The appointments were made
following an open public competition, held in accordance with
the Code of Practice of the Commissioner for Public Appointments.[49]
In written evidence, the Cabinet Office defended the continued
appointment of three political nominees to the Advisory Committee,
stating that this was "appropriate" because of the Advisory
Committee's role in "providing advice direct to former Ministers".
[50]
48. We are not persuaded that
the appointment of political nominees to ACoBA is necessary purely
because of its role in "providing advice direct to former
Ministers": the membership of ACoBA included three political
nominees from its inception in 1975, twenty years before it was
given responsibility for considering applications by former Ministers
in 1995. Moreover, the majority of applications considered by
ACoBA come from former civil servants and special advisers, not
from former Ministers, yet the three political appointees make
up nearly half of the Committee. The recent appointments made
under the Commissioner for Public Appointments' Code of Practice
are a welcome step in the right direction, but we recommend that
the membership of ACoBA be reconsidered entirely, to ensure that
it is able to command public trust and confidence in its decisions.
Rather than appointees representing different "client groups",
we recommend that a pool of people with a wide range of experience
and backgrounds be appointedafter
open competition and in accordance with the Commissioner for Public
Appointments' Code of Practicefrom
which a different panel could be drawn to consider each application.
This proposal would have the advantage of increasing the capacity
of the Advisory Committee to deal with short-term increases in
workload.
Resources
49. As well as increasing direct contact between
officials and the private sector, Civil Service "downsizing"
and changes in working practices also have the potential to increase
the number of people moving between the public and private sectors.[51]
50. In its first Report, in 1995, the Committee
on Standards in Public Life (the "Nolan Committee")
recommended that the Government should "monitor the workload
of the advisory committee [on business appointments] and put in
place contingency arrangements for its staffing to be augmented
to deal with the aftermath of any change of administration".[52]
51. In its 2011 Annual Report, covering the period
following the 2010 General Election, ACoBA acknowledged that it
had only met its target of providing advice to former Ministers
within 15 days in 55% of cases.[53]
Despite this, in written evidence the ACoBA Secretariat said that:
ACoBA believes that its current structure allows
it to handle a short-term rise in civil servants leaving the service.
Following the change of government in 2010 the Committee saw a
sharp rise in the number of applications from former Ministers.
The number of cases advised upon during 2010/11 (95 appointments)
was over double that usually considered during the course of a
year. ACoBA was able to cope with this short term rise with over
half of applications being advised upon within the published target
of 15 working days or less.[54]
52. Lord Lang denied that the committee had been
"overwhelmed" but confirmed that no additional resources
had been made available to ACoBA in the period following the 2010
General Election.[55]
In supplementary evidence he provided further figures for 2011-12:
During the year we considered 26 applications from
former Ministers and 56 from civil servants, and I am pleased
to say that the Committee met both [timeliness] targets in 77%
of cases, with the average completion time being 11 days for former
Ministers' cases and 18 days for civil servants. These are a marked
improvement on the figures for the previous year which we reported
on in our last annual report. The earlier figures obviously reflect
the significantly higher number of cases handled by the Committee
after the General Election.[56]
53. Sir David Bell KCB, whose application was
considered by ACoBA in the 2011-12 reporting year, and on whose
case ACoBA eventually "declined to advise" because his
acceptance of the appointment was announced before the Advisory
Committee had issued its advice, told us in written evidence that
it was:
clear from the outset that the ACoBA arrangements
were not designed to deal with a situation where a prospective
new employer, not unreasonably, wanted to move at a pace in confirming
a decision. In these circumstances, I felt that I could not be
bound by a process that would have put me in a difficult position
with [my new employer].[57]
54. The Government told us that the recent changes
to the Rules to make departmental Permanent Secretaries responsible
for more senior civil servants' applications had "freed up
the Advisory Committee to focus on applications from staff at
SCS3 (Director General) level and above (and equivalents) [
]This
has meant that the increase in numbers of people leaving Crown
service has not so far had a marked impact on the Advisory Committee's
workload, but there may be a future impact".[58]
55. The ACoBA Secretariat told us that, "in
order to meet its contribution to administrative cost savings",
it had recently started sharing resources with the Secretariat
to another non-departmental public body, which would give it "access
to additional resources during temporary surges in its work".[59]
The recent filling of the long-vacant eighth place on the Advisory
Committee may also help slightly to increase its capacity and
flexibility.
56. We were not impressed by
ACoBA's record of processing "over half of applications"
in 2010-11 within its published deadlines, although it is somewhat
reassuring that more flexible staffing arrangements are now in
place, and that the Government recognises that ACoBA may need
more resources in future. It is disappointing that ACoBA and the
Cabinet Office failed to anticipate the entirely foreseeable rise
in applications following both the General Election and reductions
in Civil Service numbers in the subsequent Spending Review. This
potential problem was foreseen by the Committee on Standards in
Public Life as long ago as 1995, and failure to heed its advice
has led to a year of sub-standard service which has had a direct
impact on applicants.
Compliance and enforcement
57. The current Business Appointment Rules apply
to former Ministers and civil servants for two years after they
leave their public role. During this time, ACoBA can recommend
restrictions on the types of work which may be undertaken, or
a waiting period of up to two years before an appointment is taken
up. All former Ministers are given a standard ban on lobbying
the Government for the full two years on leaving office, and departing
permanent secretaries are usually advised to wait at least three
months before taking up new appointments. These provisions are,
however, largely unenforceable. The Government explained that:
[For] the Rules to be enforceable, they have to be
shown to have been incorporated into the relevant terms and conditions
of service. It would be difficult to invoke sanctions for non-compliance
with the Rules, as they will tend to be individuals no longer
in our employment. In extreme cases, it may be possible to seek
legal injunctions to prevent an individual taking up an external
appointment or employment, although such an injunction has never
been sought.[60]
"GARDENING LEAVE"
58. The practice of imposing a waiting period
of paid "gardening leave" on departing employees can
be used by employers to enforce contractual terms of employment
(such as confidentiality agreements etc.) during the notice term
after the effective end of a person's employment, by retaining
them on the payroll. Finland's Guidelines for the Transfer
of an Official to the Service of Another Employer (2007) provide
for a maximum of one year of "non-availability" after
public sector employment, during which the official cannot work
at all for another employer, but continues to be paid the equivalent
of their former salary under Section 44 of the Finnish State
Civil Servants' Act (750/1994).[61]
59. In written evidence, the Government asked
for PASC's views on whether there should "in exceptional
circumstances be provision to continue to pay individuals who
are required to observe a waiting period before they take up outside
employment and are not in receipt of any other compensatory payment
from the public purse".[62]
The Minister expressed his strong support for such an approach,
saying:
If people are in the middle of their working lifeif
they have come into public service and they are leaving public
serviceand are told by one part of the state that they
may not take another job, it is a matter of absolutely basic fairness
that a civil servant who is in that position and is told, "You
may not take another paid role for which you are suited"
should be paid. That is universal practice in the private sector.
If there is a conflict of interest and a previous employer says,
"You may not take up your new employment because of the conflict
point," then there is an absolute moral obligation to continue
to pay that person during the period in which you have said that
they may not take up new employment.[63]
He went on:
There are plenty of circumstances where it is completely
proper, when a person leaves to go to another job, to say that
there is a waiting period before they can take that job up. That
is completely proper and would happen in many other circumstances,
but in those circumstances if we, the state, are saying, "You
may not, when you leave the state's employ, take up another job,"
we have an absolute moral obligation [
]to continue to pay
people while we are denying them the opportunity to be paid somewhere
else.[64]
60. Sir Christopher Kelly, however, drew a distinction
between enforced unemployment and restrictions on particular appointments:
I don't think it is within ACoBA's remit to say that
anyone should do nothing, but it is certainly within their remit
to refuse permission for up to two years to do something that
they believe would be wrong.[65]
61. We consider that it is an
unfit reward for public service for individuals to be left by
Government without any means of financial support for a period
of up to two years. This would not occur in the private sector,
and we agree with the Government that, in exceptional circumstances,
it may be appropriate to continue to pay former public servants
who are required to observe a waiting period before taking up
another. Allowing former public servants to take paid "gardening
leave" before beginning in their new roles does, however,
mean that they may remain on the public payroll for a significant
period after they have left public service. The cost to the public
purse of extended paid "gardening leave" has to be proportionate
to the real risk of hardship to the individual, and the avoided
risk of impropriety from letting an individual take up alternative
paid employment.
LENGTH OF RESTRICTIONS
62. Giving evidence to PASC in February 2011,
Lord Lang told us that:
If we were to seek to impose a longer term [than
two years] [
] we would then be open to charges of acting
in restraint of trade and charges under the Human Rights Act of
removing an individual's right to pursue their career in freedom.[66]
63. Other countries, including some within the
EU, do have stronger enforcement of post-employment restrictions
than the UK. Transparency International's report Cabs for Hire?
(2011) points to a number of other jurisdictions within which
these issues are governed by statute law:
Some countries have primary legislation prohibiting
and restricting forms of post-public employment, usually as part
of a general law on the civil service. To this end, Belgium and
France have the General Statute of Officials, Austria and Germany
have Acts on Federal Civil Servants, and Japan has a National
Public Service Act.[67]
In France, "having left civil service or public
office to assume a private-sector position in an industry over
which they had previously exercised influence as a public servant"
within a period of three years is a crime punishable by two years
imprisonment and a fine of up to 30,000 Euros.[68]
64. There is also a precedent for statutory regulation
of post-public employment regulation in the UK. Section 15 of
the Budget Responsibility & National Audit Act 2011, which
received Royal Assent on 22 March 2011, prevents former holders
of the office of Comptroller & Auditor General from working
for, or providing services to, any body which is subject to audit
by the National Audit Office. Former Comptrollers must also consult
the "specified person" (ACoBA) before taking up certain
posts within the two years following the end of their term in
office.[69] It is not
clear, however, whether this approach could be applied generally
to Crown servants who do not hold a specific statutory office,
such as civil servants, special advisors or military personnel,
nor whether to do so would be proportionate to the actual risks
of impropriety.
65. As the 2010 OECD report explains:
An attractive feature of primary legislation is that
it provides strict standards for sanction and can, therefore,
be a more effective deterrent than other instruments. However,
while primary legislation may be a powerful deterrent to post-public
employment conflict of interest, it can also be a strong disincentive
to prospective public officials who may view these prohibitions
and constraints as unduly restrictive of their rights.[70]
66. In written evidence, ACoBA cautioned that:
While ACoBA remains an advisory, non-statutory committee
it is difficult to see how it could operate as an enforcement
body. Considerable change in its legal basis, structure and resourcing
would be required to enable it to undertake the necessary investigatory,
inquiry, judicial and enforcement functions. Effective enforcement
would also require a range of legal or contractual sanctions to
be provided for. ACoBA is a small organization with a small Secretariat;
it is not clear how and whether it would deal with such a significant
change in its remit as currently constituted.[71]
42 Advisory Committee on Business Appointments, Annual
Report 2010-11, paragraph 2 Back
43
Public Administration Select Committee, Third Report of
Session 2009-10, Selection of a New Chair of the Advisory Committee
on Business Appointments, HC42-I, paragraph 11; Public
Administration Select Committee, First Report of Session 2008-09,
Lobbying: Access and influence in Whitehall, HC36-I, paragraph
191 Back
44
Ev 68 Back
45
Ev 71 Back
46
Q 104 Back
47
Oral Evidence taken before the Public Administration Select Committee
on Tuesday 8 February 2011, HC 780-i [Lord Lang of Monkton DL]
Q5 Back
48
Q 320 Back
49
Ev 75 Back
50
Ev 76 Back
51
Ev 67 and 70 Back
52
Committee on Standards in Public Life, First Report, (1995)
Recommendation 20 Back
53
Advisory Committee on Business Appointments Annual Report
2010-11 paragraph 26 Back
54
Ev 65 Back
55
Q 332 Back
56
Ev 78 Back
57
Ev 76 [Sir David Bell KCB] Back
58
Ev 76 [Cabinet Office] Back
59
Ev 65 Back
60
Ev 74-75 Back
61
OECD, Post-Public Employment: Good Practices for Preventing
Conflict of Interest, (2010), page 50 Back
62
Ev 75 Back
63
Q 451 Back
64
Q 452 Back
65
Q 34 Back
66
Oral Evidence taken before the Public Administration Select Committee
on Tuesday 8 February 2011, HC 780-i, Q 66 Back
67
Transparency International, Cabs for Hire?, (2011) p 25 Back
68
Code Pénal, Article 432-13 Back
69
The provision makes specific exception for former Comptrollers
who may be subsequently appointed to the equivalent posts in Wales,
Scotland and Northern Ireland. Back
70
OECD Post-Public Employment: Good Practices for Preventing
Conflict of Interest, (2010), page 45 Back
71
Ev 65 Back
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