3 A Scottish defence force
SNP policy
23. The SNP Foreign, Security and Defence policy
update provides a broad outline of its vision of the structure
and purpose of the proposed Scottish armed forces:
The Scottish armed forces will comprise 15,000
regular and 5,000 reserve personnel, operating under Joint Forces
Headquarters based at Faslane, which will be Scotland's main conventional
naval facility. All current bases will be retained to accommodate
units, which will be organised into one regular and one reserve
Multi Role Brigade (MRB). The air force will operate from Lossiemouth
and Leuchars.
Regular ground forces will include current Scottish
raised and restored UK regiments, support units as well as Special
Forces and Royal Marines, who will retain responsibility for offshore
protection.
The Scottish armed forces will be focused on
territorial defence, aid to the civil power and also support for
the international community. The Multi Role Brigade structure
and interoperable air and sea assets will provide deployable capabilities
for United Nations sanctioned missions and support of humanitarian,
peacekeeping and peace-making 'Petersberg Tasks'.
The Scottish defence and peacekeeping forces
will initially be equipped with Scotland's share of current assets
including ocean going vessels, fast jets for domestic air patrol
duties, transport aircraft and helicopters as well as army vehicles,
artillery and air defence systems. A Scottish defence industrial
strategy and procurement plan will fill UK capability gaps in
Scotland, addressing the lack of new frigates, conventional submarines
and maritime patrol aircraft.[19]
24. The SNP proposes an annual defence and security
budget of £2.5bn, which it states is "an annual increase
of more than £500m on recent UK levels of defence spending
in Scotland but nearly £1bn less than Scottish taxpayers
currently contribute to UK defence spending".[20]
According to the Scottish Government, this would constitute approximately
1.77% of Scottish GDP.[21]
The role of a Scottish defence
force
25. In their paper published by RUSI, Stuart Crawford
and Richard Marsh posit the following role for a Scottish defence
force:
the internal security of Scotland, generally
in support of the police, military assistance to the civilian
community, and support in tasks given priority by the civilian
authorities; defending Scottish territory, assets and possessions
on land, at sea and in the air against intrusion, disruption and
attack; maintaining Scotland's political, economic and cultural
freedom of action, and generally protecting Scottish rights and
interests; and the pursuit of Scotland's wider security interests
and the fulfilment of regional and international defence obligations
such as they exist.[22]
26. In his oral evidence, Stuart Crawford told us
that the design of an independent Scotland's armed forces would,
in part, be predicated upon whether a Scottish Government decided
it wished to contribute ground troops to overseas operations—"whether
they be in general conflict, whether they be peacekeeping operations,
whether they be stabilisation organisations".[23]
Professor Chalmers expressed the view that "a Scotland that
did not face any land threats would not want to give an overwhelming
priority to its ground forces, just because the Scottish-badged
forces we have right now are there".[24]
However, we note that the SNP plans include a commitment that
"regular ground forces will include current Scottish raised
and restored UK regiments" which suggests that a significant
proportion of a Scottish defence force would be in the army.
27. We asked Keith Brown MSP how the combined complement
of 15,000 and 5,000 reserve forces would be broken down by service.
He declined to respond, but told us that as Scotland had a different
set of needs from those that are currently served by the UK Government,
the Scottish Government was taking some time to find out exactly
what the configuration of a Scottish defence force should be.
He explained:
I have mentioned already that we have 800 islands
and a large coastline. Obviously, we want to reflect that priority.
Beyond that, the extent to which you need to have sustainable
levels of forces for air forces and land forces would be reflected
in that as well. We are talking to a number of people just now
about exactly what that configuration should be, but that will
be made clear in the White Paper.[25]
28. Mr Brown also told us that the Scottish Government
was involved in discussions with a wide range of people in a number
of different countries about what an independent Scotland's defence
requirements would be. However, he complained that the ability
to prescribe what would be required had been "inhibited by
the lack of communication from the UK Government and a sensible
pragmatic discussion. That means that it is more difficult to
be prescriptive".[26]
He continued:
we have a clear idea of the kind of things we
would like to see a Scottish armed forces do and some of the obligations
it would have. So we have a fairly clear idea of that. Where we
can be less clear is in the areas of collaboration and co-operation
with the UK Government. That hampers us coming to a final conclusion
on these things. But we are clear about the role that we would
see for the armed forces and the obligations it would have, especially
in relation to international treaties and so on.[27]
29. The SNP appears to envisage an independent
Scotland which is outward looking, with a strong maritime focus
given its geographic position. It would be keen to collaborate
closely with northern European neighbours and expects to work
with and through the UN, EU and NATO. Beyond that, however, we
have found it very difficult to establish how the foreign and
security policy of the SNP has informed its vision for a Scottish
defence force. We have seen little evidence that the Scottish
Government has reached any understanding with Northern European
nations regarding military co-operation. Claims by the Scottish
Government that its policy development has been hampered by a
lack of co-operation from the UK Government seem to us to be somewhat
overplayed.
30. We will look to the Scottish Government's
forthcoming White Paper to provide additional information about
its foreign and security policy and the role a Scottish defence
force would be expected to fulfil.
A Scottish navy
31. The SNP policy update anticipates inheriting
"Scotland's share of current assets", including ocean
going vessels, and the establishment of a Scottish defence industrial
strategy and procurement plan to address perceived capability
gaps such as new frigates and conventional submarines.[28]
SURFACE SHIPS
32. Asked about the likely surface fleet capabilities
a Scottish navy would need, Keith Brown MSP was able to rule out
the need for an aircraft carrier, but was more circumspect about
providing specific requirements. He told us that the Scottish
Government was looking at requirements in relation to "energy,
international contribution and maritime patrol" and said
that a Type 26 frigate, perhaps with a lower level of specification,
"would be a possibility".[29]
He continued:
where we find we cannot agree with the UK Government,
or the UK Government currently do not have the capability that
we want, we will procure from elsewhere.[30]
33. In a speech in Shetland in July 2013, First Minister,
Rt Hon Alex Salmond MSP, discussed Scotland's defence needs and
priorities:
At present what we have, we don't need. And what
we need, we don't have. Our current naval capability is based
on prestige, not performance. The navy does not have a single
major surface vessel based in Scotland. The largest protection
vessels stationed in Scottish waters are those of the fisheries
protection vessels run by the Scottish government.
It is absurd for a nation with a coastline longer
than India's to have no major surface vessels. And it's obscene
for a nation of five million people to host weapons of mass destruction.
An independent Scotland would prioritise having the air and naval
capability needed to monitor and secure our offshore territory
and resources - our oil and gas resources, fisheries protection,
and safeguarding our coastal waters.[31]
SUBMARINES
34. The UK is a solely nuclear submarine operator,
and operates the nuclear power plants and much of its operational
equipment on the basis of a longstanding bilateral relationship
with the US. The SNP has stated that it has no wish to inherit
or operate nuclear submarines. It has however stated that it wishes
to have as part of its navy, conventionally powered submarines.
We sought views from witnesses about the viability of this proposition.
35. Rear Admiral Alabaster told us that it would
be unlikely to be cost-effective to create a conventional submarine
building facility in Scotland and that "it would be more
cost-effective to look elsewhere, either to the UK or indeed to
some of the other European nations that currently build conventional
submarines successfully".[32]
36. Professor Trevor Taylor of RUSI suggested that
the cost of development and construction of just one submarine
domestically would swallow up the entire Scottish defence equipment
budget for a year or more.[33]
37. We note that the Royal Canadian Navy has experienced
considerable problems and expense with its diesel-electric submarines.[34]
The Royal Australian Navy has, meanwhile, embarked on an ambitious
replacement programme planned
for 12 boats of a new class at an approximate cost of Aus$1.4
- 3.0bn (£850M - £1.8bn) per
boat, commencing delivery around 2025, but
like the Canadians has also experienced significant cost growth
and manning difficulties in sustaining its current submarine force.[35]
We note also that Denmark decided to phase out its submarine service
in 2004.[36]
38. In light of the evidence of the experience
of other countries, we have serious doubts about the SNP's stated
intention to acquire conventional submarines. This could only
be achieved by procurement from abroad at considerable cost and
risk.
NAVAL BASES
39. There are strategic implications arising from
the SNP's policy preference for Faslane to be Scotland's major
naval base. Several commentators have expressed serious doubts
about the wisdom of this policy given Faslane's distance from
the North Sea centre of gravity and the practicalities of splitting
the main operating base from the likely refit and maintenance
base at Rosyth.
40. George Grant, in his report for the Henry Jackson
Society, commented:
Legitimate questions exist as to the strategic
viability of placing the entire Scottish Navy in the southwest
of the country, given that both its primary at-sea assets (the
oil and gas rigs), as well as potential threats, are located almost
entirely in the north and east.[37]
41. Dr Phillips O'Brien, Director of the Scottish
Centre for War Studies, reached the view that in an independent
Scotland, Faslane would have to be reduced to one-third of its
present size (including hosting some army personnel as part of
a joint facility), and a naval presence on the East Coast
would be required to provide protection to the oil fields
in the North Sea.[38]
42. Rear Admiral Alabaster told us that it would
require a "substantial amount of work" to convert Faslane
from its current configuration and that it would require "some
new and more cost-effective facilities for a conventional naval
base". For example, he pointed out that there is no dry dock
at Faslane and that the cost of using and maintaining existing
infrastructure, such as the shiplift, built to lift a 16,000 tonnes
nuclear-armed submarine out of the water safely, would be very
expensive.[39]
43. Asked whether a naval facility on the East coast,
perhaps based at Rosyth might be a better choice for the headquarters
of a Scottish navy, Rear Admiral Alabaster replied:
You would have to do the sums quite carefully.
The facilities at Faslane are better, but they are the wrong facilities.
They are expensive. It would need some very detailed work to look
at the options, but building a new facility at Rosyth would certainly
be one worth looking at.[40]
44. Keith Brown MSP was asked about the numbers of
personnel who would be based at Faslane under the Scottish Government's
plans. Although he would not provide specific numbers, he replied:
You can take from the fact that it will be a
headquarters facility, and also the major naval base for Scotland,
that it will be a matter of thousands of people servicing that
facility.[41]
45. As yet, the Scottish Government has given
only a preliminary indication of its plans for a Scottish navy.
When it publishes more detailed requirements, it will be important
to know the following:
- What would be the size and configuration of
its surface fleet and associated rotary wing force?
- What personnel, vessels and helicopters would
it hope to inherit from the Royal Navy?
- What additional vessels would it procure?
- How many submarines would it procure, and
from where would they and the necessary qualified personnel be
sourced?
- What role, size and configuration would any
Marine Infantry capability take? and
- How many naval bases would a Scottish navy
operate from, where would they be, and how many personnel would
be expected to be based at each?
Finally, the Scottish Government should make clear
in its White Paper the anticipated cost of acquiring, staffing,
operating and maintaining these assets.
A Scottish army
46. In its policy update, the SNP provides a brief
description of the ground forces which would make up a Scottish
army:
Regular ground forces will include current Scottish
raised and restored UK regiments, support units as well as Special
Forces and Royal Marines, who will retain responsibility for offshore
protection.[42]
47. The policy update also envisaged a Scottish army
structured around "one regular and one reserve Multi Role
Brigade". We note that the concept of a Multi Role Brigade
was envisaged in the run-up to and including the 2010 Strategic
Defence and Security Review (SDSR), but following further cuts
in 2011 it was clear there would be insufficient resources to
implement this structure. Keith Brown MSP told us that since the
adoption by the SNP of its policy update, "the goalposts
have completely shifted" in terms of UK army structures.
He continued:
The armed forces units that we would have would
make sense on a logistical level—what we thought were suitable
for our purposes as an independent Scotland—but as to how
they would relate to the current number of UK armed forces, it
is hard to tell because it changes so much.[43]
48. Keith Brown MSP confirmed that the Scottish Government
intended to retain all current Scottish infantry battalions and
to "reinstate Scottish regiments previously abolished".
However, he told us that "given the numbers involved, that
it would not be on the same scale as currently", suggesting
that battalions would be smaller in size.[44]
49. Rt Hon Philip Hammond MP, Secretary of State
for Defence, stated in a recent speech that the current complement
of the Scottish "teeth" regiments - the five battalions
of the Royal Regiment of Scotland, the Scots Guards, and the Royal
Scots Dragoon Guards - is some 4,100 posts. If the King's Own
Scottish Borderers when they were amalgamated with the Royal Scots
- a further 550 posts - were added, this would comprise almost
a third of the entire proposed Scottish defence force. This did
not take account of the support functions; the "tail".
The tooth to tail ratio in the British Army is approximately 1:2.[45]
50. The SNP also has a stated commitment to retain
all current army bases in Scotland. Keith Brown MSP confirmed
that the White Paper would include detail about this:
We think that we are currently well served with
the bases that we have, if you look at the capacity at Leuchars,
for example, and some of the changes taking place there. If you
look at the capacity at Redford barracks, which is being sold
off in part, and elsewhere, that capacity exists just now. There
is no guarantee that it will exist at the point of independence.
You will understand that we have to wait until the White Paper
to see exactly what we will do about those bases.[46]
51. The proposed retention and reinstatement of
historic Scottish Regiments clearly has implications for the size
and structure of a Scottish army. It is not apparent from the
SNP's published plans which Scottish regiments "previously
abolished" it intends to restore or how that could be achieved
within the overall numbers of personnel proposed.
52. In light of the new British Army structures
envisaged in the Army 2020 proposals, the Scottish Government
should consider publishing a new plan for a Scottish army.
53. Questions which it might wish to address include:
- What would be the size and structure of a
Scottish army, including the envisaged balance of regular and
reserve troops?
- What would be the balance between combat (infantry
and armoured), combat support (artillery, aviation and engineers),
combat service support (logistics) and command support (communications)
troops?
- Which historic Scottish regiments would be
reinstated?
- Where would Scottish army units be based?
- What equipment and infrastructure would a
Scottish army expect to inherit from the British Army?
- What would be the cost of recruitment, training
and retention measures? and
- How would a Scottish army attract and train
the necessary specialist troops such as engineers, signallers
and logistic personnel?
A Scottish air force
54. According to the SNP policy update a Scottish
air force would operate from two air bases at Lossiemouth and
Leuchars and would be equipped with "fast jets for domestic
air patrol duties, transport aircraft and helicopters" and
Scotland would procure maritime patrol aircraft.[47]
AIR DEFENCE
55. We explored with witnesses what type of aircraft
might prove suitable for the air defence of an independent Scotland.
In his proposal for a Scottish air force, Stuart Crawford suggested
that the RAF's Hawk advanced trainer aircraft might prove sufficient
for the purpose. He told us:
It is an option for a small nation with a limited
budget to equip its air force with. The attraction is that it
is, of course, dual-role as an advanced trainer, so it covers
that as well. It does have a limited operational capability. It
is a significant part of the RAF's current inventory, which also
makes it attractive, in that a share could be negotiated. I only
offered it up as an alternative to going for something much more
sophisticated and much more expensive.[48]
56. Air Marshal McNicoll gave us his assessment of
the suitability of the Hawk:
On the air defence side and the suggestion that
Hawk might be able to fulfil the need, my personal view is that
it could not possibly. The Hawk is a great training aircraft—a
fantastic aircraft in many ways—but the idea that it could
cope with the defence of what would be the Scottish air defence
region is, I think, completely unrealistic. It does not have the
radar capability to do so, nor would it have the speed to catch
up with something that was travelling quickly. So I do not see
that as a starter.[49]
57. Asked whether Typhoons were the preferred option
of the Scottish Government, Keith Brown MSP replied:
I do not want to prejudice what the White Paper
says, but I think the Typhoons would be beyond the requirements
of an independent Scotland. Obviously, we have contributed substantially
to their cost, but there may be more suitable ways for us to provide
air cover.[50]
58. In relation to the Hawk aircraft, Mr Brown told
us that there "could very well be a role for them",
for example, for training, but he accepted that they would not
be suitable for air intercepts.[51]
He concluded that while Typhoons may be one possibility, "there
are many others internationally for us to try and see whether
we can use"[52].
59. We asked Air Marshal McNicoll how many fast jets
a Scottish air force would need in order to function effectively:
You could discuss at great length whether one
squadron or two squadrons might be sufficient, but you would be
heading towards 15 to 30 aircraft perhaps; that sort of nature.
That is total fleet size, of course. Some of them would have to
be held in reserve—as attrition reserve—and some would
be undergoing depth maintenance, so the total number of aircraft
you have is not necessarily the total number that you have available
on the front line to fly day to day. If you were to keep people
current but also maintain a quick reaction alert, a squadron would
be pushed to cope with that.[53]
60. Air Marshal McNicoll noted that a proportion
of the RAF Typhoon force might be available to a Scottish air
force, but he also gave us an assessment of other options which
could fulfil the air defence function. He ruled out the F-35 joint
strike fighter, suggesting instead the SAAB Gripen and F-18 Super
Hornet. However, he cautioned that the purchase of these aircraft
would not be possible with an annual budget of under £400m
per annum.[54]
61. In 2009, the MoD announced that it would procure
40 Typhoon aircraft as part of the €9 billion production
contract for a further 112 aircraft for the four partner nations:
Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom.[55]
This represented approximately €80m (£70m/$112m) per
aircraft. By comparison, a Saab Gripen costs $40-60m depending
on the variant and the Boeing F/A-18 E/F Super Hornet has an estimated
unit cost of approximately $81m.[56]
On the basis of these estimates, a fleet of 30 fast jets for a
Scottish air force, as suggested by Air Marshal McNicoll, could
cost between $1.2bn (£780m) and $2.6bn (£1.7bn) to procure.[57][58]
62. As an alternative, Professor Chalmers, RUSI,
proposed a co-operative model for Scottish air defence, on the
basis that Scotland became a member of NATO:
I find it hard to imagine a situation in which
an independent Scotland took sole responsibility for patrolling
its own air space. Given its economic resources and the difficulty—the
expense—of maintaining a high-level capability, some co-operative
arrangement with NATO allies seems much more likely.[59]
He pointed to the example of the Baltic Air Patrol,
in which other NATO Member States, and non-NATO states, help with
air patrolling the air space of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia.[60]
MARITIME PATROL
63. In our report on Future Maritime Surveillance,[61]
we expressed our serious concerns about the capability gap in
maritime surveillance in the absence of a Maritime Patrol Aircraft
(MPA) following the decision in the 2010
SDSR to cancel the Nimrod
MRA4 maritime patrol aircraft programme. We therefore understand
very well the desire of the Scottish Government to fill this gap
in current capabilities.
64. We look forward to reading in the forthcoming
White Paper the detailed proposals the Scottish Government has
for the procurement and operation of a maritime patrol squadron
and how this will be financed within the overall aspirations for
Scottish defence capability.
AIR BASES
65. In respect of Scottish Government plans for air
bases, Keith Brown MSP told us that one air base would be sufficient
for Scotland's needs.[62]
This was a significant departure from previously agreed SNP policy
which envisaged a Scottish air force operating from both Lossiemouth
and Leuchars. Asked whether there was a preference between the
two bases, he replied:
Once again, there are different options available
to us. I think you have to wait and see. For example, if you have
an air base or an army base that has been used for a number of
years, and then is no longer used, bringing it back into use presents
different logistical challenges. [...] It makes an awful lot of
sense to take decisions on some of the detail as close to the
decision as possible, because then you understand what the actual
position is in the UK.[63]
66. In view of the costs associated with acquiring
different air defence aircraft from those the UK currently operates,
we do not currently understand how the Scottish Government expects,
within the available budget, to mount a credible air defence -
let alone provide the additional transport, rotary wing and other
support aircraft an air force would need. The Scottish Government
will no doubt wish to set out a detailed explanation of this in
its White Paper.
Associated costs
67. The SNP envisages an annual defence and security
budget of £2.5bn, which it asserts is "an annual increase
of more than £500m on recent UK levels of defence spending
in Scotland but nearly £1bn less than Scottish taxpayers
currently contribute to UK defence spending"[64].
Given the stated ambitions for a Scottish defence force, we asked
our witnesses how realistic this figure was.
68. Professor Trevor Taylor told us:
With a budget of that size and the economies
of scale you get, it is difficult to imagine that they would have
anything other than lightly armed ground forces, coastal patrols
and perhaps vessels that could do something to protect the oil
rigs ... The air domain would be very difficult, as would the
communications domain—satellite communications, and that
kind of thing. It would be a small country's coastal, local defence
force. Currently, they are part of a big country's force that
still runs a sizeable Air Force and still has an oceangoing Navy,
which still has large naval vessels. For a new country, any one
of those things would swallow up its money.[65]
69. Professor Malcolm Chalmers, writing in the RUSI
Journal, set out some of the capital costs associated with the
establishment of a Scottish army and a Scottish Ministry of Defence:
The British Army has several thousand soldiers,
based around a brigade headquarters, in Scotland. Yet the transport
aircraft and helicopters needed to carry them around, the staff
colleges needed to train them, the organisations that buy and
maintain their weapons, and the strategic headquarters needed
to command them are all in the rest of the United Kingdom. All
of these functions would have to be newly created for Scotland
to have a functioning national army. A new Scottish Ministry of
Defence and military headquarters would need to be established
and staffed in order to organise procurement, payroll and planning.
New training and exercise facilities would be needed, and probably
also some new bases.[66]
70. When he gave evidence to us, Keith Brown MSP
gave an indication of the Scottish Government's approach to the
budget available to establish a Scottish defence force:
We have between £7 billion and £8 billion
of assets. Scotland starts from that position, and not just a
position of being able to spend the £2.5 billion, and that
compares favourably with many other countries.[67]
71. Without receiving detailed answers to the
questions posed elsewhere in this report, it would be unrealistic
to expect us to judge the exact running costs of the proposed
Scottish defence force. However, given the information we have
so far received from the Scottish Government, we are unconvinced
that there is sufficient funding to support both the proposed
Scottish defence force and to procure new equipment.
DIVISION OF ASSETS
72. According to its policy, SNP expects a Scottish
defence force to inherit a proportionate, population based share
of existing UK defence assets on separation: some £7-8 billion
according to Keith Brown MSP. Its interests are focused primarily
on bases, ocean going vessels, fast jets and other aircraft and
vehicles. It has no interest in negotiating a share of the Royal
Navy's fleet of nuclear submarines or the aircraft carriers.
73. Asked how an independent Scotland could afford
to supplement the small number of fast jets it might inherit from
the RAF, Mr Brown explained how he believed the negotiations regarding
a division of assets might proceed:
It is quite possible to say, "You would
not have aircraft carriers. How would we reflect your share in
relation to other aspects?" You can have that discussion.
It would not necessarily be the case that it would be proportionate
in relation to Typhoons, for example.[68]
74. Asked for his response to this, the Secretary
of State explained how the Ministry of Defence would approach
negotiations:
The starting point would be an assumption of
pro rata sharing and then there would obviously be a negotiation.
When I made my speech in Scotland that I referred to earlier,
I think we concluded that they would get 0.7 of an Astute submarine
and 1.6 frigates and destroyers. There is clearly a technical
problem and therefore there would have to be some negotiation
about how assets were divided. It would be a mistake to assume
that they could simply cherry-pick the asset register.[69]
75. Examination of the experience of the division
of military assets between the Czech Republic and Slovakia, following
the dissolution of Czechoslovakia, suggested to us that an appropriate
starting point for the negotiation might well be a population
based share of existing assets taking into account the location
of fixed assets such as military bases.
76. We note that the process of negotiation on
the division of military assets would not be one sided, and that
the remainder of the UK would be likely to bring into the negotiations
existing shared liabilities, such as decommissioning of nuclear
submarines, and the additional costs it would incur by losing
a proportion of the economies of scale it enjoys at present.
TRAINING
77. A Scottish defence force will, immediately upon
formation, require access to training facilities and instruction
for its new recruits, NCOs, officers and specialists such as engineers,
medics, and other trades. This would present a significant challenge
as the British Army, for example, does not presently depend on
any schools in Scotland within its individual and collective training
regime.
78. Beyond the training needs of new recruits, there
would be significant costs associated with providing the career
training for personnel on the equipment that a Scottish defence
force had inherited or procured. For the Royal Navy and RAF, almost
all of the career training is delivered south of the border on
type specific training rigs and courses, which would either have
to be replicated in Scotland or access negotiated. This would
represent a major resource burden within a relatively small defence
budget.
79. Another risk associated with separation is that
those service personnel transferring from UK Armed Forces may
not have the skill sets they require depending on the equipment
acquired by Scottish forces. For example, what would happen if
no Typhoon aircraft technicians wished to transfer to a Scottish
air force which had inherited these aircraft, or if nuclear submariners
wish to join a Scottish navy equipped only with conventional submarines
or none at all?
80. In A' the Blue Bonnets, Crawford and Marsh
suggested that the most significant training deficit a Scottish
defence force would face would be the absence of an area for manoeuvring
mechanised forces. They suggested that an arrangement to train
the Scottish army's mechanised forces outside Scotland would be
one solution perhaps with a reciprocal arrangement for access
to other training opportunities in Scotland.[70]
81. In oral evidence, Stuart Crawford also pointed
out that there are no officer training schools in Scotland and
that in the model of a Scottish defence force he had prepared
he had assumed that:
until such time as an independent Scotland created
and built its own resources, army officers would be sent to Sandhurst,
for example, or similar European officer training colleges.[71]
82. The benefits of scale which can be achieved across
the United Kingdom's armed forces would be lost to Scotland should
it become independent. If new schools had to be established, and
the trainers trained, the result would be that an independent
Scotland would be forced to invest in new training infrastructure.
Both the capital and running costs would bear heavily on the ability
of Scotland's armed forces to train and deploy. The rUK would
also face the impact of reduced advantages of scale in delivering
these services to its own armed forces.
83. Keith Brown MSP told us that although Scotland
could establish its own training facilities, another option would
be to collaborate with rUK in order to access the training places
required by Scottish armed forces. In relation to officer training
places at Sandhurst, Dartmouth and Cranwell, Mr Brown considered
that following dialogue with the UK Government it would be possible
to secure places.[72]
84. However, the Secretary of State for Defence suggested
that Scotland would have to join the queue of other nations who
wish to access places at UK officer training academies and other
training facilities. Mr Hammond told us:
I have no objection in principle to the idea of having
overseas students on our terms, on a full cost-recovery basis,
and capped and limited in such a way that it enhances the training
experience for our own cadets rather than detracts from it.[73]
I certainly would not want to guarantee that we could
make that number of places [200] available. We would want to manage
this looking at the interests of the academy [Sandhurst] and of
our own cadet training programme. Of course, there are military
training opportunities available in other countries—other
European and NATO countries—which also accept foreign students
on their training courses.[74]
85. We consider it unlikely that the Ministry
of Defence would make available sufficient training places for
Scottish personnel at facilities such as Sandhurst, Dartmouth
and Cranwell. The Scottish Government should therefore include
in its White Paper an assessment of alternative options and cost
estimates for delivery of this training.
Conclusion on a Scottish defence
force
86. The SNP set out, in general terms, its vision
for the role Scottish armed forces would be asked to perform.
With the exception of its stance on nuclear weapons, the SNP appears
to envisage a role which is broadly similar to that fulfilled
currently by UK Armed Forces involving territorial defence, aid
to the civil power and support for the international community
through a commitment to contribute to international operations.
87. Before we can judge whether these ambitions
could be met within a cost envelope of £2.5 billion per annum,
we require more details from the Scottish Government in its White
Paper about its plans for a Scottish defence force. In particular,
the plans must establish a coherent model which reflects a realistic
"tooth to tail" ratio of combat troops to the personnel
required to supply and support them, and clarity over the training
capacity to maintain the appropriate professional standards. It
is also incumbent upon Scottish Ministers to set out how they
propose to finance the equipment, vessels, aircraft and associated
support services a Scottish defence force would require to deliver
the objectives set for it.
19 SNP. Foreign, Security and Defence Policy Update,
October 2012 Back
20
Ibid Back
21
Q 306 Back
22
RUSI. Whitehall Report, A' the Blue Bonnets: Defending an Independent
Scotland, Stuart Crawford and Richard Marsh, 15 October 2012.
Available at: http://www.rusi.org/downloads/assets/Scottish_Defence_Forces_Oct_2012.pdf
Back
23
Q 42 Back
24
Q 41 Back
25
Q 279 Back
26
Q305 Back
27
Q 307 Back
28
SNP. Foreign, Security and Defence Policy Update, October 2012 Back
29
Qq 296-297 Back
30
Q 299 Back
31
Scottish Government News Release, First Minister sets out vision
on defence, Speech, 25 July 2013, news.scotland.gov.uk/News/First-Minister-sets-out-vision-on-defence-2a6.aspx
Back
32
Q 152 Back
33
Q 229 Back
34
House of Commons Canada. Procurement of Canada's Victoria Class
Submarines. Report of the Standing Committee on National Defense
and Veterans Affairs,www.parl.gc.ca
Defense Industry Daily, Victoria
Class Submarine Fleet Creating Canadian Controversies, www.defenseindustrydaily.com/sub-support-contract-creating-canadian-controversy-04563/ Back
35
Parliament of Australia, Parliamentary Library Background Note,
Australia's future submarines, www.aph.gov.au Back
36
Danish Naval History, www.navalhistory.dk/english/theships/classes/tumleren_class(1989).htm
Back
37
In Scotland's Defence? An Assessment of SNP Defence Strategy.
The Henry Jackson Society 2013 Back
38
Royal Society of Edinburgh,Enlightening the Constitutional
Debate (Defence and International Relations), Edinburgh, 29
May 2013, Speaker Notes, www.royalsoced.org.uk/cms/files/events/programmes/2012-13/speaker_notes/phillipsobrien.pdf
Back
39
Qq 164-165 Back
40
Q167 Back
41
Q 311 Back
42
SNP. Foreign, Security and Defence Policy Update, October 2012 Back
43
Q 285 Back
44
Q 332 Back
45
Rt Hon Philip Hammond MP. Stronger and Safer Together.
Speech 14 March 2013 Back
46
Q 334 Back
47
SNP. Foreign, Security and Defence Policy Update, October 2012 Back
48
Q 55 Back
49
Q 179 Back
50
Q 318 Back
51
Qq 319-320 Back
52
Q 321 Back
53
Q 184 Back
54
Q 181 Back
55
Eurofighter Typhoon, 9 billion euro contract for 112 Eurofighter
Typhoons signed, www.eurofighter.com/media/news0/news-detail/article/9-billion-euro-contract-for-112-eurofighter-typhoons-signed.html Back
56
U.S. Department of Defense (2012). Fiscal Year (FY) 2013 President's
Budget Submission: Navy Justification Book Volume 1 Aircraft Procurement,
Navy Budget Activities 1-4, www.finance.hq.navy.mil/FMB/13pres/APN_BA1-4_BOOK.pdf Back
57
Higher figure assumes Scottish air force inherits 7 Eurofighter
Typhoons from the RAF and requires to procure 23 additional aircraft. Back
58
Exchange rate: 1 British Pound = 1.54 US Dollars Back
59
Q 62 Back
60
Q 38 Back
61
Defence Committee, Future Maritime Surveillance, Fifth
Report of Session 2012-13, HC 110 Back
62
Q 323 Back
63
Q 325 Back
64
SNP. Foreign, Security and Defence Policy Update, October
2012 Back
65
Q229 Back
66
Professor Malcolm Chalmers, Kingdom's End?, The RUSI Journal,
157:3, 6-11 Back
67
Q 326 Back
68
Q 327 Back
69
Q 387 Back
70
Royal United Services Institute, A' the Blue Bonnets, Whitehall
Report 3-12, www.rusi.org/downloads/assets/Whitehall_Report_3-12.pdf Back
71
Q 19 Back
72
Qq 282-284 Back
73
Q391 Back
74
Q394 Back
|
