3 The public finances
The fiscal targets
19. The Government's fiscal mandate requires it to
have as its objective a balanced cyclically-adjusted current budget
by end of the rolling, five-year forecast period. Supplementing
this mandate is a target for public sector net debt (PSND) as
a percentage of GDP to be falling in 2015/16. Both of these targets
are laid down in the Charter for Budget Responsibility, which
"sets out the Government's commitment to managing fiscal
policy in accordance with clear objectives and targets".[51]
In the Economic and Fiscal Outlook (EFO) report accompanying each
Budget and Autumn Statement, the OBR forecasts the likelihood
of the Government's meeting these targets.
PERFORMANCE AGAINST THE FISCAL MANDATE
20. The cyclically-adjusted current budget (CACB)
is defined by the OBR as "the amount the Government borrows
to finance non-investment spending, adjusted for the state of
the economy".[52]
The Government's borrowing requirements for non-investment spending
would generally be expected to be higher during periods in the
economic cycle when the economy was operating below potential.
Similarly, these borrowing requirements would be expected to be
lower when the economy was operating above potential. The CACB
is sometimes known as the 'structural current deficit', since
it attempts to strip out the effect of the economic cycle to provide
an estimate of the underlying or 'structural' level of borrowing.
21. At the time of Autumn Statement 2013, the OBR
forecast that there was a "roughly 80 per cent chance"
of the Government balancing the CACB and meeting its fiscal mandate
in 2018/19, the final year of the five-year forecast period.[53]
This marked an improvement in the Government's performance against
the mandate since Budget 2013, when the OBR's judgement had projected
a "roughly 70 per cent chance of achieving the fiscal mandate".[54]
Table 2 highlights the changes over time in the OBR's forecast
of the CACB.
Table 2: OBR projections of surplus on the
CACB as a percentage of GDP
OBR Report date
| Forecast year
|
| 2010-11
| 2011-12
| 2012-13
| 2013-14
| 2014-15
| 2015-16
| 2016-17
| 2017-18
| 2018-19
|
Jun-10
| -4.8 | -3.2
| -1.9 | -0.7
| 0.3 | 0.8
| |
|
|
Nov-10
| -4.7 | -3.3
| -1.8 | -0.5
| 0.5 | 0.9
| |
|
|
Mar-11
| -4.6 | -3.2
| -2.0 | -0.6
| 0.4 | 0.8
| |
|
|
Nov-11
| -4.5 | -4.6
| -3.9 | -2.7
| -1.6 | -0.6
| 0.5 |
| |
Mar-12
| -4.4 | -4.6
| -4.2 | -2.7
| -1.5 | -0.7
| 0.5 |
| |
Dec-12
| | -4.3
| -3.6 | -2.2
| -1.4 | -0.8
| 0.4 | 0.9
| |
Mar-13
| | -4.2
| -4.0 | -2.8
| -1.7 | -1.2
| 0.1 | 0.8
| |
Dec-13
| |
| -3.6 | -2.9
| -2.0 | -1.4
| -0.2 | 0.7
| 1.6 |
Shaded cells = figures not provided. Bold figures
are outturns; otherwise figures are forecasts.
Source: Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic
and Fiscal Outlook report, June 2010; Office for Budget Responsibility,
Economic and Fiscal Outlook report, November 2010; Office for
Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal Outlook report, March
2011; Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal Outlook
report, November 2011; Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic
and Fiscal Outlook report, March 2012; Office for Budget Responsibility,
Economic and Fiscal Outlook report, December 2012; Office for
Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal Outlook report, March
2013; and Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal
Outlook report, December 2013
22. The March 2013 forecast took 2017/18 as the target
year, however, since at the time of the Budget this was the final
year in the forecast horizon. Examining the projected surplus
on the CACB for each individual year of the forecast period, the
OBR projected no improvement relative to its Budget 2013 forecast.
In contrast, projections for the surplus on the current budget
without cyclical adjustment increased in each year of the December
forecast relative to March, as shown in Table 3.Table
3: OBR projections of surplus on the current budget as a percentage
of GDP
OBR Report date
| Forecast year
|
| 2010-11
| 2011-12
| 2012-13
| 2013-14
| 2014-15
| 2015-16
| 2016-17
| 2017-18
| 2018-19
|
Mar-13
| | -6.0
| -6.0 | -5.2
| -4.3 | -3.5
| -1.9 | -0.9
| |
Dec-13
| |
| -5.5 | -4.5
| -3.3 | -2.5
| -1.1 | 0.2
| 1.4 |
Shaded cells = figures not provided. Bold figures
are outturns; otherwise figures are forecasts.
Source: Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic
and Fiscal Outlook report, March 2013; and Office for Budget Responsibility,
Economic and Fiscal Outlook report, December 2013
23. The fact that the projected surplus on the current
budget increased while the balance on the CACB showed no improvement
mirrored the OBR's judgement that "the upward revision to
our economic growth forecast since March is cyclical rather than
structural".[55]
Robert Chote told us:
we have revised down the deficit, the headline
public sector net borrowing in each year going forward in the
forecast. Our judgment is that that improvement is primarily cyclical
rather than structural. It reflects the fact that we believe that
the surprisingly high GDP growth over this year is eating into
spare capacity, rather than suggesting that at one level of the
economy there is more growth potential, [...]. The other changes
to what is left, the structural deficit, are relatively modest
year by year [...]. The key point is that the deficit is lower,
but we are judging that the structural deficit is not significantly
lower than we thought in March.[56]
So in the OBR's view, the recent UK economic recovery
has been beneficial to the current public finances, having boosted
income from taxation and lowered the Government's borrowing requirements.
But the recovery has come from economic activity beginning to
make its way back to potentiala narrowing of the output
gaprather than any increase in the potential output of
the economy.
24. As we noted in our report on Budget 2013, the
measurement of the output gap is subject to considerable uncertainty.
We concluded:
The output gap is important to the formulation
of monetary and fiscal policy. It is used by the Office for Budget
Responsibility when determining the Government's adherence to
its fiscal mandate. At the best of times the output gap is inherently
hard to measure. The existence of the productivity puzzle makes
its estimation even more difficult. A number of possible explanations
for the puzzle have been suggested. However, there is currently
no agreement about an explanation. It is likely that estimates
of the output gap will remain particularly uncertain in the medium
term.[57]
Charles Bean, Deputy Governor of the Bank of England
(Monetary Policy) also told us that when determining how to "to
describe the policy guidance", the output gap was treated
with caution by the MPC as "we have no idea how big that
is".[58]
25. The Committee has previously emphasised the
considerable uncertainty in the measurement of the output gap
and therefore the limit to its usefulness. The OBR's projection
of the cyclically-adjusted current budget, which relies upon a
forecast of the output gap, is therefore also highly uncertain.
Despite these uncertainties, it nevertheless appears that a significant
structural deficit has been the inheritance of the last decade,
emphasising the need for further fiscal adjustment. Closing the
structural deficit will require an improvement in economic performance.
PERFORMANCE AGAINST SUPPLEMENTARY
DEBT TARGET
26. The OBR noted in its December 2013 EFO that the
Government was "still on course to miss its supplementary
target" for PSND to be falling as a percentage of GDP in
2015/16.[59] The OBR
forecast that PSND would rise by 1.7 percent of GDP in 2015/16,
and fall by a "statistically and fiscally insignificant margin"
in 2016/17.[60]
27. The Government has been forecast to miss its
supplementary target since the OBR's forecasts at the time of
the 2012 Autumn Statement, owing to what it described as "cyclical"
drag on the UK economy.[61]
At that point, the Government said:
It is neither necessary nor justified to undertake additional
consolidation in the short term in response to the cyclical deterioration
in the public finances. It would also constrain the operation
of the automatic stabilisers, limiting their ability to support
the economy. As a result, the OBR's assessment is that public
sector net debt as a percentage of GDP will be falling in
2016-17, a year later than set out in the supplementary debt target.[62]
While choosing not to undertake additional consolidation
in order to meet the target, however, the Government did not go
as far as scrapping it:
At this time of rising debt, the Government will
restore debt to a sustainable, downward path and will retain
the existing supplementary debt target. As set out in the June
Budget 2010, the Government will set a new target once the
exceptional rise in debt has been addressed.[63]
28. In response, the Treasury Committee, in its report
on Autumn Statement 2012, noted that the credibility of the target
could be in doubt:
The possible failure to meet the supplementary
target raises the question of the continuing credibility
of that target. Successive governments have committed themselves
to, but then failed to meet, their fiscal targets. For a fiscal
target to be credible, it must be durable, and therefore
not subject to frequent revision as circumstances change.
It must also be capable of accommodating conditions different from
those at the time the target was first formulated.
The Committee felt, however, that the target could
retain its value, despite the projection that it would be missed:
It is not the case, though, that a target is
valuable only so long as it is met. A target can remain credible,
and so constrain a government's choices, even if it is not
being met, so long as the political commitment that created it
continues to inform policy decisions.[64]
29. In its subsequent report on Budget 2013, the
Treasury Committee expressed agreement with the Government's decision
to publish a new fiscal framework "only when the public finances
are returning to a more stable position".[65]
However, as the Treasury Committee noted in its report on Autumn
Statement 2012, the timetable for the review of the target
to take place "once the exceptional rise in debt has been
addressed" was "vague".[66]
A NEW CHARTER FOR BUDGET RESPONSIBILITY
30. In Autumn Statement 2013, the Government announced
a review of the Charter for Budget Responsibility, scheduled to
take place in 2014. This review, the Government noted, would examine
changes to the fiscal framework:
The Government will now begin a review of the
current framework, reporting next year.
The review will consider several questions, including:
· What is the appropriate time horizon
for the fiscal mandate once the structural current deficit is
closer to balance?
· How could fiscal credibility be further
enhanced by a stronger Parliamentary commitment to the path of
consolidation in 2016/17 and 2017/18?[67]
The updated Charter would also be used to provide
the Parliamentary framework for the Government's welfare reduction
plans:
The government will establish [the] framework
for the welfare cap as part of the Charter for Budget Responsibility
[...]. The Charter will specify:
· the requirement for a cap
· the expectation on the government
to bring forward a vote in the House of Commons when setting the
level of the cap, if it wants to change the level of the cap,
and if it breaches the cap
· the role of the OBR in assessing the
government's performance against the cap.[68]
31. As set out in the Budget Responsibility and National
Audit Act 2011, any modified Charter for Budget Responsibility
would need to be approved by a resolution of the House of Commons
before coming into effect.[69]
In his Autumn Statement to the House on 5 December 2013, the Chancellor
confirmed that the Government would ask Parliament to support
the new Charter, which would be laid before it alongside the Autumn
Statement 2014.[70]
32. The Treasury Committee has in the past recommended
that any amendments to the fiscal framework also be subject to
full public consultation. In its report on Autumn Statement 2012,
the Committee said:
When the Government does decide to create a new
fiscal framework, it should do so only after full public consultation.
The Committee will return to this issue.[71]
And in its report on Budget 2013, the Committee reiterated:
We agree with the Government that a new fiscal
framework should be published only when the public finances are
returning to a more stable position. Public consultation should
then take place on the basis of those proposals in an environment
that does not endanger market credibility.[72]
33. It is not yet clear what the outcome of the
Government's review of the Charter for Budget Responsibility will
be. It is reasonable to suppose that it may contain amendments
to the fiscal mandate. This Committee has previously recommended
that any new fiscal framework should be subject to full public
consultation. The requirement for the updated Charter for Budget
Responsibility, including any amended fiscal framework, to be
approved by the House of Commons, falls some way short of this
proposal. The Government should consult on any proposed changes
to the fiscal framework as part of its review of the Charter for
Budget Responsibility. Effective public consultation will improve
the prospects of creating a framework for fiscal policy that will
be more stable and resilient than those used in the past.
The future path of public spending
RING-FENCING
34. In Autumn Statement 2013, the Government confirmed
that it would continue its policy of 'ring-fencing' certain departmental
budgets. Expenditure on Health, schools and Official Development
Assistance (ODA) would "be protected in line with the policy
set out at Spending Round 2013". Other resource departmental
expenditure limits (RDEL) would share additional cuts of £1.1bn
in 2014/15 and £1bn in 2015/16.[73]
Local government spending, HMRC and the Single Intelligence Account
were also exempted from these new spending reductions, although
the Chancellor told the Treasury Committee that:
I would not say that those are ring-fenced. Those
were individual decisions that I took this year.[74]
35. Paul Johnson, Director of the Institute for Fiscal
Studies (IFS) pointed out in addition the ring-fencing of pension
benefits:
You have pensioner benefits that appear to be
largely ring-fenced there, north of £100 billion a year of
ring-fencing.[75]
The Government outlined explicitly the protection
of pensions following the Committee's evidence sessions, confirming
its commitment to increase the size of the state pension by at
least 2.5 percent per year in the next Parliament.[76]
36. The Treasury Committee has expressed its concern
about ring-fencing. For example, in its report on Budget 2013,
we said:
As the Committee has previously highlighted,
the complete protection of ring-fenced departmental budgets will
become more difficult for the Government with each successive
year of tightening. Ring-fencing carries political attractions
for any government, but it threatens to reduce scrutiny of ring-fenced
spending, it can lead to waste or worse and it can distort the
balance of spending as a whole.[77]
37. One of the consequences of ring-fencing is sharply
to alter the overall composition of public spending. Paul Johnson
told us:
By keeping pensions, health and schools, which
are three of the very biggest chunks, entirely unaffected while
taking a lot out of the rest, the effect of ring-fencing is to
dramatically change the shape of what Government is doing.[78] Table
4: Changing composition of DEL
| Share of DEL (per cent)
|
Financial year
| NHS
| Schools
| ODA
| Other DEL
|
2010-11
| 26.4 | 9.8
| 2.2 | 61.6
|
2011-12
| 27.9 | 10.4
| 2.3 | 59.4
|
2012-13
| 29.2 | 10.9
| 2.4 | 57.5
|
2013-14
| 29.7 | 10.8
| 3.0 | 56.5
|
2014-15
| 30.3 | 11.0
| 3.1 | 55.6
|
2015-16
| 31.0 | 11.2
| 3.3 | 54.5
|
2016-17
| 32.0 | 11.6
| 3.5 | 52.9
|
2017-18
| 33.6 | 12.2
| 3.8 | 50.4
|
2018-19
| 34.6 | 12.5
| 4.0 | 48.9
|
Note: The DEL total is consistent with that used
in the 2014 IFS Green Budget, and has been adjusted for various
transfers between DEL and AME to derive a consistent series over
time.
Source: IFS written evidence, PESA 2013, Autumn
Statement 2013, Spending Review 2013, DfID statistics on Overseas
Development Assistance spending.
The IFS noted in their written evidence that:
These protected areas, particularly the NHS and
schools, are taking up an increasing share of a diminishing pool
of resources. As a matter of arithmetic continuing to ring fence
them will place increasing pressure on other budgets.[79]
The IFS provided further evidence, see Table 4, showing
the effect on the non-ring-fenced DELs if the current ring-fences
were maintained, and the Government's planned levels of total
public spending and current policy on Annually Managed Expenditure
was followed.[80] The
IFS told us however that "The Chancellor has mooted the possibility
of an additional £12 billion of cuts to social security spending,
which could be used to ease the cuts to DEL." Table 5 shows
the effect on the unprotected DELs if the £12 billion reduction
in social security spending were used to reduce the cuts to DELs,
while maintaining the ring-fence.Table 5:
Changing composition of DEL, assuming cuts to spending on unprotected
areas in 2018-19 reduced by £12 billion
Financial year
| Share of DEL (per cent)
|
| NHS
| Schools
| ODA
| Other DEL
|
2010-11
| 26.4 | 9.8
| 2.2 | 61.6
|
2018-19
| 33.3 | 12.1
| 3.8 | 50.8
|
Note: The DEL total assumes £12 billion is
cut from social security spending by 2018-19 and allocated to
unprotected departments.
Source: IFS written evidence, PESA 2013, Autumn
Statement 2013, Spending Review 2013, DfID statistics on Overseas
Development Assistance spending .
38. In 2012, the British Social Attitudes survey
asked people what would be their "highest priority for extra
[government] spending" against a list of possible options:
41.9% said health, 30.0% education and 0.5% overseas aid. When
asked for their next preference, 31.5% said education, 29.4% health
and 0.5% overseas aid.[81]
The Chancellor explained that the Government's aim in ring-fencing
certain departmental budgets was to reflect the public preference:
I think what it is a reflection of is where the
public wants their money spent. It is the public's money, not
my money or, dare I say it, Parliament's money. It is the public's
money and the public have made it very clear that their priorities
are things like the national health service. [...] It is up to
all of us, which every party we represent, to seek to reflect
and represent the aspirations of the British people and I think
the decisions we have made on what budgets get a relative priority
are representative of that.[82]
39. This assessment was echoed in part by Paul Johnson,
who told the Committee:
One observes that the protection for health is
politically popular and has been over a long period and that the
demands on the health service are growing, so there is a remarkable
degree of political bipartisanship around some of this. [83]
Mr Johnson also noted, however, that there was inadequate
public discussion about the trade-offs involved in choosing where
to focus public spending:
What is much harder to get a handle on is the
extent to which people recognise the long-run effects in terms
of reductions in things like infrastructure spending, but also
in a lot of the areas of local government and justice and the
environment and so on. I do not think we do have an adequate political
discussion about the trade-offs. Trade-offs are a difficult thing
to have a public discussion about, but the trade-offs in the long
run clearly are very substantial.[84]
WELFARE
40. The Autumn Statement 2013 confirmed that, in
line with previous policy for fiscal consolidation, the Government's
Total Managed Expenditure (TME) would continue to fall in 2016/17
and 2017/18 at the same real rate as over the current Parliament,
bringing its level to 38.4 per cent of UK GDP by 2018/19.[85]
TME includes both expenditure on public services and administration,
and Annually Managed Expenditure (AME), which largely comprises
social security and debt interest.
41. In its December 2013 EFO, the OBR forecast that,
on the basis of current policy, "over the nine years from
2009/10 [...] government consumption of goods and services
a rough proxy for day-to-day spending on public services and administration
[will have fallen] to its smallest share of national income at
least since 1948".[86]
The Chancellor told us, however, that this projection relied on
an "erroneous judgement about what the political system would
do":
I think they are perfectly right that on the
current plans, that is what it shows, but I think the next Government
will want to undertake further reductions in the welfare budget
and further welfare savings. If you undertake further welfare
savings, then you do not reach that 1948 number.[87]
42. While he did not place specific numbers on the
Government's plans, the Chancellor confirmed that "many billions
of pounds of welfare savings are going to be required", and
that:[88]
My view is that welfare expenditure cannot be
excluded from the difficult decisions that need to be made. If
you want to maintain the same pace of reduction in Government
spending that we have had over this Parliament rather than accelerating
it, then you are going to have to find billions of pounds of welfare
savings and I think that is what this country needs to do, personally.[89]
43. The IFS estimated that avoiding an acceleration
in public service spending cuts would "require cuts in welfare
(or other AME) spending of a further £12 billion a year by
2018-19".[90] Describing
the effect of such reductions in welfare spending, Paul Johnson
said:
By not indexing for inflation those benefits
over a period of years, you could get that kind of money if you
get a couple of per cent a year over a Parliament. It is that
sort of scale, I guess. It is saying, "We are going to stop
indexing these benefits for five years".[91]
44. Following the Committee's evidence sessions,
in a speech on 6 January 2014, the Chancellor appeared to confirm
the IFS figures, noting that "on the Treasury's current forecasts,
£12 billion of further welfare cuts are needed in the first
two years of next Parliament [...] to reduce the deficit without
even faster cuts to government departments, or big tax rises on
people".[92]
CONCLUSIONS
45. Ring-fencing, by definition, requires that
the balance of public expenditure restraint and cuts be borne
in the rest of public expenditure. Each successive year of public
expenditure restraint results in an increase in ring-fenced spending
as a proportion of the total. The smaller non-ring-fenced areas
in turn have to bear a higher proportion of any savings in subsequent
years. The IFS has shown that non-ring-fenced expenditure may
fall from 61.6 per cent in 2010-11 to around 50 per cent in 2018-19
of total Departmental Expenditure Limits. Ring fencing also reduces
the discipline on spending in these areas: the rigour of negotiations
between the department and the Treasury on allocations will be
weakened, since it is known in advance by both sides that this
spending is protected.
46. The Chancellor says that the ring-fencing
of health, schools and overseas aid budgets reflects public preferences.
Protection of health and education spending, but not overseas
aid, appears to reflect public preferences.
47. The Government should do what it can to ensure
sufficiently informed public debate on the trade-offs inherent
in ring-fencing and the allocation of spending cuts. Such a debate
is especially important in a period of transformative spending
reductions.
51 HM Treasury, Charter for Budget Responsibility,
April 2011, pp 5,7 Back
52
Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal Outlook,
Cm 8748, December 2013, p7, para 1.11 Back
53
Office for Budget Responsibility, December 2013 Economic and Fiscal Outlook Briefing,
p9 Back
54
Office for Budget Responsibility, March 2013 Economic and Fiscal Outlook Briefing,
p9 Back
55
Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal Outlook,
Cm 8748, December 2013, p6, para 1.6 Back
56
Q63 Back
57
Treasury Committee, Ninth Report of Session 2012-13, Budget 2013,
HC 1063, para 54 Back
58
Oral evidence to the Treasury Committee, Bank of England November
2013 Inflation Report, HC 825, Tuesday 26 November 2013, Q44 Back
59
Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal Outlook,
Cm 8748, p165, para 5.11 Back
60
Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal Outlook,
Cm 8748, p165, para 5.11 Back
61
HM Treasury, Autumn Statement 2012, Cm 8480, December 2012, p30,
para 1.64 Back
62
HM Treasury, Autumn Statement 2012, Cm 8480, December 2012, p30,
para 1.65 Back
63
HM Treasury, Autumn Statement 2012, Cm 8480 December 2012, p31,
para 1.68 Back
64
Treasury Committee, Seventh Report of Session 2012-13, Autumn Statement 2012,
HC 818-I, para 48 Back
65
Treasury Committee, Ninth Report of Session 2012-13, Budget 2013,
HC 1063, para 62 Back
66
Treasury Committee, Seventh Report of Session 2012-13, Autumn Statement 2012,
HC 818-I, para 49 Back
67
HM Treasury, Autumn Statement 2013, Cm 8747, December 2013, p39,
para 1.136 Back
68
HM Treasury, Autumn Statement 2013, Cm 8747, December 2013, p39,
para 1.117 Back
69
Budget Responsibility and National Audit Act 2011, Section 1 Back
70
HC Deb (2013-14), 5 December 2013, Col 1104 [Commons Chamber] Back
71
Treasury Committee, Seventh Report of Session 2012-13, Autumn Statement 2012,
HC 818-I, para 49 Back
72
Treasury Committee, Ninth Report of Session 2012-13, Budget 2013,
HC 1063, para 62 Back
73
HM Treasury, Autumn Statement 2013, Cm 8747, December 2013,
p81, para 2.7 Back
74
Q146 Back
75
Q237 Back
76
"David Cameron pledges to 'protect' the state pension",
BBC News, 5 January 2014 Back
77
Treasury Committee, Ninth Report of Session 2012-13, Budget 2013,
HC 1063, para 137 Back
78
Q237 Back
79
Institute for Fiscal Studies, written evidence Back
80
Institute for Fiscal Studies, written evidence Back
81
NatCen Social Research, British Social Attitudes 30, British Social Attitudes 2012 Face-to-face questionnaire,
Qq299-300 Back
82
Q149 Back
83
Q243 Back
84
Q 243 Back
85
HM Treasury, Autumn Statement 2013, Cm 8747, December 2013, pp80-81,
para 2.5 and Table 2.3 Back
86
Office for Budget Responsibility, Economic and Fiscal Outlook,
Cm 8748, December 2013, p7, para 1.10 Back
87
Q182 Back
88
Q219 Back
89
Q186 Back
90
Institute for Fiscal Studies, Paul Johnson, Introductory remarks to IFS Autumn Statement 2013 briefing,
6 December 2013, pp 2-3 Back
91
Q241 Back
92
Speech by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Rt Hon George Osborne
MP, Sertec Group's Head Office in Coleshill, 6 January 2014 Back
|