4 The Benefit Cap
92. The Welfare Reform Act 2012 provided
for a cap on total household benefits. The cap limits the total
benefit a household can receive to £500 per week for a family
and £350 per week for a single person with no children. The
difference between a claimant's total benefit and the Cap level
is subtracted from Housing Benefit, or from support for housing
costs under Universal Credit. The Cap was initially piloted in
four London boroughs from April 2013 and was then implemented
in all local authority areas in Great Britain between July and
September 2013. (It is due to be implemented in spring 2014 in
Northern Ireland).[96]
93. The Government's stated intentions
for implementing the cap are to improve working incentives for
those on benefits, to deliver fiscal savings, and to ensure workless
households do not receive more in benefits than the average working
household. DWP estimated that by 2015 around 40,000 households
would be impacted by the Benefit Cap, and that the Government
will have saved £470 million (in current value).[97]
94. Exemptions apply to those in employment
for 16 hours per week (or equivalent earnings at the minimum wage),
those in receipt of certain disability benefits, and people over
State Pension Age. Exemptions also apply to those living in supported
housing schemes with "exempt accommodation" status;
this is dealt with in detail in Chapter 5.
95. The Government plans to review the
Benefit Cap's first year of operation and publish the results
this autumn.[98]
The impact of the Benefit Cap
on affected tenants
96. As of January 2014, 38,600 households
had been affected by the Cap. Those most likely to be capped were
families with several children, and those who live in high rent
areas or expensive accommodation (such as temporary accommodation).
Almost half of all capped households, 47%, were in London. Of
households subject to the Cap in January 2014: 60% contained between
one and four children and 36% contained five or more children.
59% were single-parent households with children.[99]
97. Witnesses expressed concerns regarding
the large proportion of income that affected households were losing.
The average loss differed between different areas. In Newcastle,
the average loss among the 56 affected households was £48pw,
with six households losing in excess of £100pw (reducing
their Housing Benefit to less than 50p weekly). Z2K, a London-based
charity, found that tenants were losing between £5 and £500pw,
with an average loss of £91pw. According to the DWP, 22%
of all capped households are losing more than £100 per week
as of January 2014.[100]
98. The Chartered Institute of Housing,
and Haringey Council, were concerned that reductions in income
arising from the Cap could lead to poverty for affected claimants.
They were particularly concerned about the effect the Cap could
have on levels of child poverty.[101]
The Children's Society provided calculations, illustrating the
way in which the Cap might affect the poverty level of families
in private rented housing under Universal Credit:
Table 3: Disposable income after
cap applied for out of work couple with average private rental
sector rent for relevant property sizes[102]
| Average PRS rental prices
| Disposable income after cap applied
| Poverty line (after housing costs deducted)
|
1 child |
£146 |
£196 |
£272 |
2 children
| £175
| £261
| £367
|
3 children
| £175
| £325
| £413
|
4 children
| £236
| £264
| £508
|
5 children
| £236
| £264
| £553
|
6 children
| £236
| £264
| £649
|
The Cap and relocation of affected tenants
99. Witnesses told us that some tenants
affected by the Benefit Cap were being made homeless as a result
of accruing unmanageable levels of arrears. Yvette Burgess of
the Coalition of Care and Support Providers in Scotland said that
placing homeless people in the private sector had become more
difficult and expensive for local authorities because the Benefit
Cap had reduced the range of affordable properties. The London
Borough of Brent said that it was having to look "further
afield" for affordable accommodation. However, moving people
out of London could cause increases in rents in other areas: according
to Z2K, private sector rents were starting to go up in areas such
as Enfield where inner-London based local authorities were placing
people.[103]
100. There is evidence that some private
sector landlords have specifically been evicting or ending tenancies
of people on Housing Benefit because of fears they might be affected
by the Cap. The London Borough of Brent reported that evictions
of private sector tenants due to the Benefit Cap were causing
an increase in homelessness. Joanna Kennedy of Z2K said that currently
around 18% of private sector landlords were renting to tenants
on Housing Benefit, while two years ago the proportion was closer
to a third. She cited a survey which found that "57% of landlords
actively said that they would not take Housing Benefit tenants".[104]
The Benefit Cap, disabled people
and carers
101. Claimants of most disability benefits
are exempt from the Cap (DLA/PIP, Attendance Allowance, Industrial
Injuries Benefits and equivalent payments made as part of a war
disablement pension or the Armed Forces Compensation Scheme; and
the Support Component of ESA).[105]
Carers UK was concerned that Carers Allowance was not included
in the benefits which provided exemption. It explained that many
carers would be protected from the Cap if they were caring for
a disabled partner or child, but that those caring for a disabled
adult who was not their partner (often an adult son or daughter)
would not be exempt from the Cap, because carers in this position
are not considered to be part of the same "household"
as the disabled person, for benefit purposes.[106]
There are also situations where the carer may live in their own
home but receive Carers Allowance for a relative living elsewhere.
They might be affected by the Benefit Cap due to a high private
rent and/or the number of children in their own household, but
be unable to enter employment due to being a carer. Moving to
a cheaper property, even if available, might be impossible due
to caring responsibilities.
102. Carers UK cited Government estimates
that around 5,000 carers are likely to be affected by the Cap
and lose, on average, £105pw. It argued that this goes against
the main rationale for the policy, of improving work incentives:
carers eligible for Carers Allowance provide care of 35 hours
or more per week, the equivalent of a full-time job, so would
not be expected to seek work. It pointed out that, although the
Government had stated that it was not the intention of the policy
to push carers into work, it may have that effect. It also highlighted
that the policy was intended to affect those who do not "contribute
to society", whereas carers contribute an average of £18,000pa
in unpaid care. It recommended that the Government exempt carers
from the Benefit Cap.[107]
Government figures have since been revised down and it estimates
that fewer households in total will be capped and therefore, fewer
than 5,000 carers.[108]
103. The Government recognised that
the interaction between Carers Allowance and the Cap could result
in "difficult cases". However, Lord Freud's view was
that this could be addressed through transitional protection (Discretionary
Housing Payments (DHPs)) for an extended period. [109]
When pressed on why an exemption could not be made to carers,
he said:
[...] it is very hard to produce
exemptions that capture the group that you really want to help
without capturing a very wide group, and that is why the discretionary
housing payment strategy is designed to focus in on the real areas
of need.[110]
104. However, Carers UK argued that
many carers were finding it difficult to access DHPs because of
"insufficient guidance and funding from central Government"
.[111]
105. Following our questions to Ministers
about a possible exemption for carers, the Government provided
us with its rationale for not adopting this approach. It said
that, for the Cap to apply in the households we have described,
"the carer will have significant levels of benefit that are
nothing to do with their caring responsibilities or the needs
of the disabled person". It reiterated its view that DHPs
were the most appropriate means of mitigating hardship.[112]
106. We are concerned that the Benefit
Cap is having an adverse impact on people with disabilities and
their carers in cases where the carer is resident in the same
household but is not considered part of the same household as
the disabled person for benefit purposes. This would typically
occur where a person is the carer for an adult son or daughter,
or for a parent. Carers who live separately from the person for
whom they receive Carers Allowance may also be adversely affected
by the Cap. DWP now estimates that fewer than 5,000 carers are
affected by the Cap. However, we disagree with the Government's
view that Discretionary Housing Payments are the most appropriate
way of addressing these issues. DHPs cannot act as an effective
long-term mitigation because they are intended to be temporary
and not all carers in this situation are considered to be eligible.
We recommend that the Government exempt all recipients of Carers
Allowance in such circumstances from the Benefit Cap. If the number
of carers affected is as low as DWP estimates, then the cost of
exemption will be commensurately low.
Temporary accommodation and the
Benefit Cap
107. Households which are accepted as
homeless by the local authority are often placed in temporary
accommodation while the LA attempts to find more permanent accommodation
for them. Temporary accommodation used to house statutorily homeless
families is usually more expensive than other forms of rented
housing and often falls outside the definition of exempt accommodation
for the purposes of the Benefit Cap. In Haringey, in August 2013,
43% of capped households lived in temporary accommodation.[113]
108. New Charter Housing Trust explained
that because "the duty to secure temporary accommodation
under homelessness legislation is an absolute, there are occasions
where placement in higher cost accommodation is unavoidable where
no other suitable accommodation is available." The negative
impact of the Benefit Cap was borne by the claimants, who had
no choice about living in higher cost temporary accommodation,
and by local authorities who frequently had to continue to cover
the extra costs because there was nowhere cheaper available.[114]
109. CoSLA argued that the provision
of temporary accommodation is a key element of homelessness prevention
and that it is reasonable that temporary accommodation is more
expensive than permanent placements because of the extra resources
involved and the short-term nature of the placements. It emphasised
that tenants do not have a choice about what type of temporary
accommodation they are placed in and recommended that all temporary
accommodation should be exempt from the Benefit Cap.[115]
Paul Anderson of Homeless Link told us that the increase in the
number of people in temporary accommodation and B&Bs over
the last few years, particularly in London, has meant that local
authorities have had to spend a large portion of their own funding,
including through DHPs, on filling the rent shortfalls for homeless
households in temporary accommodation.[116]
110. Local authorities often have
no option but to use more expensive temporary accommodation to
house homeless households. These households often then fall within
the scope of the Benefit Cap. We recommend that the Government
exempt households in temporary accommodation from the Benefit
Cap because these claimants have no choice about where they are
housed and few options for reducing their housing costs. Moreover,
local authorities often then have to fund the difference between
the capped benefit paid and the rent due, and so there is likely
to be no overall saving in public funds from the inclusion of
these claimants in temporary accommodation within the scope of
the Cap.
Savings arising from the Benefit
Cap
111. DWP originally estimated that around
40,000 households would be affected by the Cap, and that the Government
would save £470 million (in present value) by 2015.[117]
However, research by Riverside Housing Group and the University
of York estimated that the Government's savings were likely to
be reduced by a third because people in temporary accommodation
affected by the Cap were moving into housing in the PRS which
was relatively expensive. Carol Matthews of Riverside told us
that, as a result: "we are seeing that those savings, even
on a moderate basis, are down by one third based on our experience
over eight months."[118]
112. Gavin Smart of the Chartered Institute
of Housing elaborated on the ways in which the Benefit Cap may
result in savings in some budgets but cost more in others:
On the face of it, the benefit cap
was saving Haringey about £60,000 a week in terms of benefit
expenditure. That is only about 1.2% of their total benefits bill.
However, if you then look at the fact that people are receiving
discretionary housing payments and the amount of time and money
being invested either by the council or by their landlords in
terms of support and advice services, it is clear that there was
an element of cost coming in through the backdoor and/or cost
shunting to other organisations. The savings are not as great
as one might imagine.[119]
113. We assess transitional protection
measures, including DHPs, in Chapter 7.
The Cap and incentives to work
114. As we have noted, one of the Government's
stated intentions for introducing the Benefit Cap was to "improve
working incentives for those on benefits". The Government
is confident that the Cap is providing people with a "strong
incentive to work". It stated in December 2013, that around
19,000 people who were potentially affected by the Benefit Cap
have moved into work. The latest official Benefit Cap statistics,
published in March 2014 (covering the period to the end of January
2014), showed that just over 4,200 households who were previously
capped were now exempt due to an open Working Tax Credit claim.[120]
However, moving into employment is only one of the reasons for
ceasing to be affected by the Cap. On our visit to Luton, one
of the local housing providers told us that a number of the 28
households which had been identified as potentially affected by
the Cap had subsequently been found to be eligible for previously
unclaimed Disability Living Allowance, which took them out of
the scope of the Cap.
115. It should be noted that it is not
possible from the available data to come to conclusions about
the proportion of claimants who might have entered or increased
work regardless of the Cap. Some witnesses did report
that some affected tenants had been able to avoid the Cap by moving
into work. The London Borough of Brent reported that 40% of potentially
affected families with which it had contact were helped to move
into work. However, several witnesses stressed that, while local
councils, housing providers and support organisations were doing
their best to help affected tenants to enter work, for many people
work was simply not an option, because of, for example, language
barriers, skills barriers, or family commitments. Z2K
estimated that only around a third of those affected by the Cap
were capable of work. It also referred to DWP research which showed
that some of those affected by the Cap who moved into work would
have done so anyway.[121]
96 DWP, Impact Assessment- Benefit Cap (Housing
Benefit) Regulations 2012: Impact assessment for the benefit cap,
July 2012 Back
97
DWP, Impact Assessment- Housing Benefit: Under occupation of
social housing, June 2012 Back
98
DWP (HCT92), section 7 Back
99
DWP Benefit Cap-households capped and off flows, data to January
2014, GB February 2014 Back
100
Newcastle City Council (HCT 48) para 5; Zacchaeus 2000 Trust (HCT
35) para 17; DWP Benefit Cap-households capped and off flows,
data to January 2014, GB February 2014, Oral evidence taken
on 29 January 2014, Q375 Back
101
Chartered Institute of Housing, Haringey Council, Experiences
and effects of the benefit cap in Haringey, October 2013 Back
102
The Children's Society (HCT 80) section 2, Figure 5 Back
103
Oral evidence taken on 18 December 2014, Q197; Oral evidence taken
on 29 January 2014, Qq398, 449 Back
104
Chartered Institute of Housing (HCT 63) paras 1.8 and 1.27; Industrial
Communities Alliance (HCT 21); Oral evidence taken on 06 November
2014, Q34; Oral evidence taken on 18 December 2014, Qq 186-189;
Oral evidence taken on 29 January 2014, Q452 Back
105
House of Commons Library
Standard Note, The Household Benefit Cap, SN/SP/6294, June
2013 Back
106
Oral evidence taken on 15 January 2014, Q309 Back
107
Oral evidence taken on 15 January 2014, Q309; Carers UK (HCT 76)
para 1.2 Back
108
DWP (HCT92) section 6 Back
109
Oral evidence taken on 12 February 2014, Qq487-489 Back
110
Oral evidence taken on 12 February 2014, Q493 Back
111
Carers UK (HCT 76) para 1.2 Back
112
DWP (HCT92) section 7 Back
113
CIH, Haringey Council, Experiences and effects of the benefit
cap in Haringey, October 2013, page 11 Back
114
New Charter Housing Trust (HCT 06) para 4.1 Back
115
Convention of Scottish local Authorities (HCT 53) paras 27-33 Back
116
Oral evidence taken on 15 January 2014, Qq325-327 Back
117
DWP, Impact Assessment- Benefit Cap (Housing Benefit) Regulations
2012: Impact assessment for the benefit cap, July 2012 Back
118
Oral evidence taken on 04 December 2013, Q88 Back
119
Oral evidence taken on 04 December 2013, Q77 Back
120
DWP, Benefit Cap (Housing Benefit) Regulations 2012: Impact
assessment for the benefit cap, July 2012; DWP Press Release:
Benefit cap successfully in place nationwide, 27 September
2013; DWP Press Release: Benefit cap: 19,000 potentially capped
into work , 9 December 2013; DWP Benefit Cap-households
capped and off flows, data to January 2014, GB February 2014 Back
121
Citizens Advice (HCT 77) para 2.7, Placeshapers (HCT 24) para
5.3, Oral evidence taken on 18 December 2014, Qq185, 201; Oral
evidence taken on 29 January 2014, Q402 Back
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