In the streets of Finchley and Golders Green, which has the largest Jewish community of any parliamentary constituency, I have never seen or heard of fear like the fear during the summer months. There is always a rumbling of incidents that concern my constituents, but this summer I have never seen such a palpable change in sentiment on the streets of my constituency, and that
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was matched by a change in the level of correspondence, as people genuinely feared that society in London had turned against them.
There were swastikas on buildings—not just on Jewish buildings, such as synagogues, but on telephone boxes—and general intimidation; youths were driving down Golders Green road, winding down the windows shouting anti-Semitic abuse; and barbers elsewhere in London were refusing to serve a Jewish customer. We had not seen such incidents in Europe since the rise of Hitler. I do not use that term lightly. These were comments made to me by my constituents. They felt that the clock had been turned back and that we had suddenly been transported back to Nazi Germany.
Dr Offord: My constituency borders that of my hon. Friend, and I have experienced the same kind of problems as he has. Is he aware of a local Jewish newspaper poll that concluded that 63% of our constituents no longer felt safe and were considering moving abroad as a result of that fear?
Mike Freer: My hon. Friend is right. Many of my constituents said that they were now actively considering emigrating. I hope that that view has passed now that things have calmed down. However, that highlighted the genuine fear on the streets in my constituency.
Of course, it was anti-Israel sentiment that masked anti-Semitism—this constant dialogue in mainstream media that refused to differentiate between a Jew and an Israeli. That laziness seeped into an ugly discourse that fed anti-Semitism. One example of that in London is the disgraceful actions of the Tricycle Theatre, an art organisation, which banned the Jewish film festival—not the Israeli film festival—because it disapproved of the actions of the Israeli Government. That same theatre was happy to have a film festival funded by other countries involved in Government actions—internal conflicts or war with neighbours—that people disagreed with, but it singled out the Jewish film festival. That is blatant anti-Semitism, the likes of which we have not seen on the streets of London, and I hope not to see it again.
I want to mention one final thing before drawing my remarks to a close, because I do not want to repeat myself. In the demonstrations on the streets of London, people were wandering around, legitimately protesting about the Gaza conflict, but waving placards saying, “Hitler was right” and “Death to the Jews”. My constituents were shocked because the police stood by and allowed those people to walk past. I have raised this with both the Met and the Home Secretary and I understand that, operationally, the police are wary of wading in to lift those people out, for fear of causing a further disturbance. I understand and accept that. However, we need high-profile prosecutions—this is where I hope the Minister will be able to talk to his colleagues in the Home Office—such as those after the riots in Tottenham. The community and the public need to see firm action from the police in dealing with anti-Semitism, then people will start to feel safe.
I echo the words of the hon. Member for Bassetlaw: the work of the APPG, the cross-departmental work and the bipartisan work of parties form a model. Clearly, work still has to be done, but although the UK had problems, it did not have the same problems as France
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and Germany, and that is testament to the fact that what we are doing is having an effect. I hope that the Minister gives a commitment and says that we will continue to have the full support of this Government and whatever Government come after them.
3.39 pm
Lyn Brown (West Ham) (Lab): I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Bassetlaw (John Mann), not only on securing the debate, but on his tireless work on this issue.
Where I come from and represent has a long, proud tradition of fighting racism and fascism and condemning anti-Semitic behaviour in all its forms. It is a tragedy that despite our understanding of the consequences of anti-Semitism, we are still having to debate how to tackle it in communities today. It shocks me that the latest manifestations of virulent and hateful anti-Semitism use the imagery of the holocaust to denigrate, abuse and persecute.
This summer we saw terrible scenes across Europe. An anti-Jewish riot took place in the suburb of Sarcelles, just outside Paris. What began as a protest turned into a rampage. Cars and waste bins were set ablaze, several Jewish-owned businesses were torched and a Molotov cocktail was thrown at a synagogue. As the rioters rampaged through Sarcelles, witnesses described hearing the chant, “Hitler for President.” In the same month in Germany, Molotov cocktails were thrown into the Bergische synagogue in Wuppertal, a place of worship that had previously been destroyed on Kristallnacht. That was not an isolated incident. An elderly Jewish man was beaten up at a pro-Israel rally in Hamburg. Bottles were thrown through the window of an anti-Semitism campaigner’s house in Frankfurt. In several German cities, anti-Israel protests sparked by the latest Gaza conflict included anti-Semitic chanting. Dieter Graumann, president of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, said:
“These are the worst times since the Nazi era.”
Meanwhile, far right parties such as Greece’s Golden Dawn and Hungary’s Jobbik seem to have gained a foothold in European politics. We cannot allow a revived anti-Semitism or a base fascist narrative to gain credence and acceptance once more on our continent.
Let me be absolutely clear: there is never any justification for anti-Semitism or racism in any form or against any group or individual. Many will take exception to the actions of the state of Israel—I, too, have been vocal about the behaviour of the Israeli state—but that is not, cannot and must not be seen as a justification for anti-Semitism, just as the conflicts that inflame the middle east, of which we have seen manifestations at home, cannot and must not be used as an excuse for Islamophobia.
Although I have mentioned violence on mainland Europe, Britain was unfortunately not immune from the summer’s upswing in anti-Semitism. The Community Security Trust, which does excellent work on behalf of Britain’s diverse and vibrant Jewish community, as well as on community cohesion per se, recorded 314 anti-Semitic incidents in July in the UK. That is the highest monthly total on record. A further 229 incidents were recorded in August. To put that in context, the July total surpasses the 307 incidents recorded in the previous six months.
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The combined July and August 2014 figure of 543 incidents is higher than the entire total for 2013. I am told that of those incidents, just under half involved a direct reference to the second world war and a third used holocaust-related language or imagery. It is nothing less than sickening that, 70 years on from the most shameful episode in European history, the holocaust is being used as a tool to abuse and taunt the Jewish community. The events of the second world war are being evoked in an attempt to create real fear and distress.
Many of the anti-Semitic incidents recorded in July and August took place on social media channels, and that continues today. The use of social media and the internet more widely has huge potential for good. It allows for communication and education on a scale unimaginable just a generation ago, but it also allows for the spread of falsehoods, lies, myths and rumours that are designed to deceive. As we have seen, social media sites can provide a platform for abhorrent views and levels of abuse that would simply not be acceptable in normal public life.
The recent vitriol, harassment and abuse directed at my hon. Friends the Members for Liverpool, Wavertree (Luciana Berger) and for Bassetlaw by far right extremists and white supremacists is completely repugnant. I know that all Members unequivocally condemn it. Sadly, there is a perception in some quarters that anti-Semitism on social media is less serious than anti-Semitism on the street. I dispute that, as do others. On social media, it is more permanent and more widely viewed and distributed. In many ways, it can be much more personal and more real, because it is beamed in, directly infiltrating victims’ phones, homes and computers, and can be shared with millions of people.
The previous Labour Government passed laws to stop the incitement of racial hatred. Those laws need to be enforced to the fullest possible extent by the police and the Crown Prosecution Service. The major social networks, Facebook and Twitter, have a responsibility to do much more given the platform they provide for users. I was encouraged to hear that Facebook now sees the importance of tackling cyber-bullying and empowering others to report cyber-abuse, but it was disappointing to hear that when Members from this House met with Twitter last month, its representatives likened anti-Semitic tweets to hearing an offensive conversation in the street, where it is gone as soon as it is passed. That is simply not true. On so many levels, it is a fallacious argument.
Clearly, social networks need to do more—first to enforce their own existing rules and secondly to ensure they are equipped to deal with hate and prejudice in the constantly evolving sphere of technology and communications. The Community Security Trust has issued helpful guidance on combating anti-Semitism on social media and how to report hatred. It sets out the four important steps of reporting all hate crime to the police; reporting all anti-Semitic hate crime to the CST; collecting evidence; and, finally, reporting incidents directly to the social media site. I encourage all those who experience or witness anti-Semitic incidents or other racist incidents to follow the trust’s advice.
We know that hate crime develops from dislocation and dissonance in our communities, so as well as confronting hate crime when it appears, we must work together to fight its causes. We must tackle divisions
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and silos within our communities and prevent the spread of ignorance and fear, but we must recognise just how complex and multifaceted the issues are and that they straddle a number of Departments.
I offer my thanks to every Member who has contributed to this excellent debate. Clearly more needs to be done to tackle the most persistent, baseless and irrational prejudice. My hon. Friend the Member for Bassetlaw knows that better than most, and his efforts to ensure accountability and decency within our society are to be applauded and supported. The issues raised in today’s debate need to be looked at carefully, and I am sure that the Minister will address those important points when he responds.
3.47 pm
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government (Stephen Williams): Good afternoon, Mrs Main. I think every Member who has spoken has, as is the normal courtesy, congratulated the hon. Member for Bassetlaw (John Mann) on securing this debate. I thank him for securing the debate and giving us all the opportunity to make some important and powerful remarks and to put them on the record, so that they can be read by constituents and people who are not constituents and be reported in the media. It is important that Parliament speaks with one voice. As the shadow Minister rightly said, anti-Semitism is wrong, wrong, wrong in every case. There is never an excuse for it.
I thank the hon. Member for Bassetlaw for his chairmanship of the all-party group against anti-Semitism. That point was made by my hon. Friend the Member for Finchley and Golders Green (Mike Freer), who spoke powerfully on behalf of his constituents, and I echo it. I value my relationship with the hon. Member for Bassetlaw in the role I discharge on behalf of the Government. I can confirm that all the recommendations made originally to the previous Government in 2006 by the all-party group against anti-Semitism have been met, and he said much the same. The report made 35 recommendations, and a document is being prepared to draw together and set out all that the Government have done on them, as the final response to that important piece of work. The intention is for something to be published shortly. The all-party group is looking into the recent upsurge of anti-Semitism as a result of events in Gaza. There will no doubt be further recommendations that we will have to take on board and respond to in time.
We also continue to hold quarterly meetings of the cross-Government working group on addressing anti-Semitism, which is mainly made up of officials. I thank the hon. Member for Bassetlaw for the generous tribute he made to various officials both in my Department and elsewhere, in particular Sally, who is with us today and who provides me with good advice. I attended the most recent meeting of the group, as did the Chief Rabbi, and we both spoke to its members. This important group, which brings together various Departments, will monitor further progress and implementation of the commitments made by Ministers right across Government.
While much progress has been made since the 2006 report, the work is sadly never complete, as many have said. It is shocking and offensive that British Jews
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continue to be singled out for anti-Semitic abuse. Whether from the far left or the far right—an abhorrent anti-Semitic streak goes through both extremes of British politics— or from misguided individuals who happen to be Muslim, who pervert the true meaning of Islam when they attack British Jews, all such attacks should be condemned.
During the summer, when the Gaza crisis was at its height, the Community Security Trust, another group with which I have an important relationship, collated some shocking statistics, showing that 543 anti-Semitic incidents were recorded in July and August, although I suspect that that is the tip of the iceberg and not the full picture. I met the CST in August, returning to London especially for that meeting, and immediately put out a strong statement of support to the Jewish community together with other Ministers. I wrote to relevant Government colleagues in the Home Office and the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills—because of the various issues raised about campuses and safety for students about to arrive at university—and to the Secretaries of State for Scotland and for Wales. As my hon. Friend the Member for Finchley and Golders Green and others have mentioned, our fellow citizens are feeling a deep anxiety that has not been experienced for some time. It is right that we continue to be vigilant and work with all relevant groups to try to allay those fears.
We have asked the national policing lead on hate crime to work with public order leads to consider how arrests and charges can be clearly communicated and publicised by police forces to provide reassurance to local communities that criminal acts will be prosecuted. Following a rise in anti-Semitic daubings on private and public property, the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government and David Delew of the CST wrote to all local authorities in England, reminding them of the importance of removing offensive graffiti and reporting it to the police.
Despite the events over the summer, data commissioned by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights in 2012 show that levels of anti-Semitism in the UK are significantly lower than in other western European countries. The shadow Minister referred to events in other European countries, and it is only a matter of relative comfort that anti-Semitism in Britain is not as prevalent as it is in some other countries. We still have important work to do.
Jim Shannon: As has been illustrated by the contributions of others, anti-Semitic attacks have taken place across the entire United Kingdom, including Northern Ireland. Has the Minister had any discussions with the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament or the Welsh Assembly to co-ordinate a plan? Many of those involved in such attacks have connections across the whole United Kingdom. Groups in London are connected to groups in Belfast, and groups in Glasgow have connections with those in Cardiff.
Stephen Williams:
As I just said, after the meeting with the CST, because some of its concerns were about Cardiff and Glasgow, we communicated with the devolved Administrations via the Secretaries of State for Scotland and for Wales. No particular concerns were raised about Northern Ireland at the meeting, but if the hon. Gentleman
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or the CST wants to draw particular problems to our attention, we will of course co-ordinate a response with the devolved Assemblies and Governments.
It is also important that all initiatives are accompanied by a robust communications strategy that reassures the public that those who commit hate crimes will be punished with the full force of the law.
Having said all that, many Jewish individuals and organisations have been singled out for anti-Semitic abuse via social media, as the shadow Minister said. Various hon. Members have also mentioned our colleague the hon. Member for Liverpool, Wavertree (Luciana Berger). From my conversations with her, I know that she has been comforted by supportive telephone calls from and encounters with hon. Members.
In response to ongoing concerns about the impact of controversial external speakers creating an atmosphere that leaves many students feeling uncomfortable, Universities UK has published guidelines entitled “External speakers in higher education institutions”. This is an area of concern to many Jewish societies on campuses, and we want to work with leaders in this area. It is down to all of us who have universities in our constituencies to ensure that we have a good relationship with the Jewish societies at those universities, which I certainly do at Bristol.
Twitter has been mentioned several times today and has rightly come in for some strong condemnation from colleagues. It is not necessarily for the Government to tell Twitter or Facebook what they should be taking down from their sites, but those remarks were made on the record and will appear in Hansard, and I am happy to join the shadow Minister and everyone else who has said that such organisations have a responsibility to their users to look at the content that is being published via their means of communication. They are not responsible for what people say, but they are responsible for disseminating it, which is the distinction that I will draw.
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In the time remaining, I want to refer to some other Government initiatives. The Department for Education has confirmed funding of just over £2 million for 2014-15 and going forward for providing security at Jewish free schools in England as part of the school security grant. My hon. Friend the Member for Aberconwy (Guto Bebb) said that he was shocked to discover that it was needed—as, indeed, was I. He also said that we all have a responsibility as parliamentarians to consider the language that we use, and I endorse that remark.
Since May 2010, the Government have excluded 153 people from the United Kingdom, including 61 exclusions on national security grounds, 15 of which were made in 2014. The Department for Communities and Local Government and the Ministry of Justice have continued to the support the hate crime web facility, True Vision, which collates hate crime statistics. We have also funded the Society of Editors to produce good practice for online moderation of comments made on websites. My hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton South West (Paul Uppal) mentioned holocaust education, and the Government give important support both to the Holocaust Education Trust and to the Holocaust Memorial Trust.
I will end by thanking my hon. Friend the Member for Lancaster and Fleetwood (Eric Ollerenshaw) for mentioning his experiences in Hackney. I appreciate his invite, but I went to the Cazenove ward last week and visited both the Orthodox Jewish school and the Muslim-led community centre. I was incredibly impressed by the long-term commitment to leadership shown by Councillor Ian Sharer and Councillor Akhoon, who happen to be Liberal Democrats. Community cohesion does not happen by accident. All of us, whatever our party, are in positions of leadership and should lead by example and bring people together. That has happened in a microcosm in that ward, where tensions have dissolved because people have worked together.
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Secondary Education (Skelmersdale)
4 pm
Rosie Cooper (West Lancashire) (Lab): It is a real pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mrs Main, for this debate on the future of education provision in Skelmersdale.
High-quality education unlocks choice and opportunity for our children and young people. We strive for the best education that we can possibly get for them. Skelmersdale is a town with a population of 36,000. Secondary education provision consists of one Catholic high school and two non-faith high schools. Lancashire county council is consulting on the possible closure of Glenburn sports college, which is one of the two non-faith schools and the only school located in the town centre. The proposal is for a phased closure of the school by 31 August 2016 and for pupils to be offered a guaranteed place at the other non-faith school, Lathom high school.
Glenburn faces possible closure for several reasons. It has only 850 pupils on its roll, and numbers have been falling for several years. The school budget this year fell into deficit, in part because of the falling numbers on roll. Attainment is below the national floor target. Added to that, the school is in special measures, and we await the outcome of the most recent Ofsted inspection on 25 and 26 November.
No one is ignoring that situation, but let us place Glenburn sports college in the appropriate context. Education professionals tell me that the school’s profile is disproportionately skewed towards the lower ability levels, which means that reaching the required national floor target attainment levels will always be a challenge. Lancashire county council’s own report states that
“Glenburn Sports College has more than twice as many pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds than any of its neighbouring schools.”
Furthermore, in the Ofsted inspection report of March 2014, we find:
“The proportion of students who are supported at school action is much higher than average…The proportion of students known to be eligible for support through the pupil premium is much higher than average.”
Glenburn sports college’s catchment area draws children from some of the most deprived wards in the country. I hear from parents and pupils, however, that Glenburn provides caring, emotional and pastoral support to create a positive environment for many children, including those who have been turned away by other schools and those from vulnerable homes with disruptive family lives, for whom school is their safest and calmest place. Children at the higher ability levels are also supported by Glenburn to achieve and to reach their exam results targets, and they have done well.
The school faces attainment and finance challenges, but it is important to understand the context in which it operates. Lancashire county council appears to have been somewhat opportunistic in the timing of its decision to deal with secondary education provision in Skelmersdale.
Parents are angry that the county council does not appear to have provided the support needed since Glenburn was placed in special measures, nor has it been given the time to improve its performance or for the intervention in years 7, 8 and 9 to show in the attainment levels. Other schools in the county have also faced deficit
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budgets, but they have been given time and support while addressing the financial position. This is the first year in which Glenburn has had a deficit, but no real help has been available.
That action is required is accepted, but the nature of the action being considered by Lancashire county council is opposed. The council’s approach to reorganising secondary school provision in Skelmersdale is fundamentally flawed. Proposed provision has the potential to fail present and future school pupils of Skelmersdale unless a different course of action is taken. The closure of Glenburn sports college simply appears to be the cheapest and easiest option; it is not necessarily the right option. I believe that it is not the right option.
Falling pupil numbers in Skelmersdale and throughout West Lancashire have resulted in the need to reduce the number of school places. What is shocking is that under successive and different administrations at county hall, the education authority has failed to deal with the impending situation, to deliver a proper structural solution to secondary education provision in Skelmersdale or to address the quality of that education provision. Of the 2,600 children of secondary school age, some 650 are educated outside Skelmersdale. That level of outward migration every day prompts the question of why parents choose to send their children to other high schools in West Lancashire on such a scale. It cannot be a surprise to those who are supposed to have been looking after those pupils and the level of education in Skelmersdale over the years.
It is recognised that Skelmersdale can support only one non-faith high school, but that is where the county council’s approach is fundamentally flawed. Lathom high school, the receiving school, also has a falling roll. In fact, as the education authority acknowledges, in two years’ time Lathom is likely to be in a similar situation to Glenburn, with about 450 pupils on roll.
The proposed closure of Glenburn only works, therefore, if a significant number of its pupils transfer to Lathom high school. If they do not, the viability of Lathom will become questionable in two years or so. The county has already acknowledged that it got its sums wrong when it excluded Up Holland high school from the calculations. If Glenburn parents choose to send their children to schools other than Lathom, it is not inconceivable that Skelmersdale could be without a non-faith school within three or four years.
Allied to that, the Minister knows that if a school is closed, it is a requirement that pupils go to a better- performing school. Lathom high school, however, is a school requiring improvement. Is that good enough for him? Lathom faces its own challenges to improve performance. In fact, had the authority acted in previous years on numbers or finance, Lathom might have been the school under threat.
Imagine trying to integrate pupils from Glenburn into Lathom high school while at the same time addressing existing performance challenges. Then add to the mix moving pupils from a town-centre school to a school right on the edge of town. The Minister should bear in mind that Skelmersdale is a new town, built on Radburn principles, with a labyrinth of subways instead of pavements. Children will face a 45-minute walk each way, with no identifiable safe routes, and many will have to walk to school because bus fares will be prohibitive in price for some Skelmersdale families, while other children will
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have to walk if they miss the school bus, because the school is not on a bus route. Closing Glenburn will also place uncertainty on the relatively new and popular community sports facilities, which have hosted many groups and users since the borough council demolished the one and only sports centre and failed to provide a replacement.
Some Glenburn parents are already seeking secondary school places other than at Lathom. That is happening now. I have had reports of parents of Lathom high school pupils seeking to remove their children from the school following the announcement of the consultation and the proposed solution. Even before a decision is made, the logic of moving Glenburn pupils into Lathom high school to prop up its falling roll is starting to crumble.
The proposed solution is fundamentally flawed, just as the process for making the decision is fundamentally flawed. From the outset, the management of the announcement and of the consultation process has not built trust and confidence. In fact, it has nurtured distrust and cynicism among parents. I will give a few examples of why parents are not filled with confidence about the process, beginning with the announcement of the consultation. It just so happened that the consultation on the possible closure was announced when parents were choosing their preferred school options, which made them think twice about making Glenburn their No. 1 choice. There was an Ofsted inspection right in the middle of the consultation period. Competitor schools actually took out advertisements in the local newspaper after the options closing date, hoping to sweep up the children from Glenburn. I have heard reports that county council officers told parents at the consultation hearings, to which people could go only if they made an appointment, that they would not be undertaking the consultation if the decision to close the school had not already been made—I paraphrase, but that is what the parents understood that they said. Not enough consultation books were made available to primary schools, families and the wider community.
There were only four questions in the consultation document. It asked the consultees, first, for their category; secondly, for their postcode; thirdly, whether they agreed or disagreed; and, fourthly, the reasons for their view. It was difficult to get the council cabinet member for education to meet the parents. When he eventually met 20 of them, he told them that they would have to come forward with alternative proposals for future school provision if they wanted to stop the county council proposal. That was not stated explicitly anywhere in the consultation document, so the parents did not know that they could offer a different solution.
I understand—this is a recent development; in fact, I heard about it only today—that the concerns about the transport, which I have mentioned and which were raised during the consultation, might delay the decision from March to late spring or early summer. I want the Minister to understand that the decision, which came out of the blue, has caused great instability, has affected children’s health and well-being in some cases, and has increased the pressure on staff.
I say to the governing body, the local education authority and the Minister that we need a pause. The governing body, the local education authority and the
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Department for Education must to work together. We need time to properly consider how best to serve the interests of Skelmersdale schoolchildren now and in the future. Perhaps the answer is to build a new school—preferably on a town centre site so the children can actually get to school—but, whatever the decision, we need to invest in the future of those children, and not run away or choose the quickest and easiest option. We cannot allow education bosses, whether in county hall or Whitehall, to gamble with the future of the children in Skelmersdale simply because it is the easy option.
I am pleased to have secured this debate. When the Minister wrote to me on 3 December, he declined to meet me because education provision, apparently, is nothing to do with the Department for Education. My constituents—those parents—do not understand that for one minute. The lack of accountability in the education system adds to the confusion and lack of trust when tough decisions have to be made.
I come to the nub of the issue. The Department for Education says that the decision must be made locally, but the local authority tells me that it must act as directed by the Department for Education. The parents and I were told that the governors decided to pursue the closure option, but I was also told that they were presented with a fait accompli and had no real choice because of the pressure from the LEA and the Department for Education. I have made freedom of information requests for much of that information, but I am still waiting. If I carry on waiting, my requests will end up with the Information Commissioner. Somebody is not telling the truth.
I have raced through my argument to try to get in as much as I can, but I will end on a simple message to all the participants in this farce: I believe they are all responsible and accountable. My constituents and I are angry, and the pupils are upset. I cannot believe that this is in the best interests of pupils. Education is about helping pupils to be the very best they can be. It is often referred to as value-added, but what value is added by playing pass the parcel with children’s lives? This is about their future, which is the only one they have got. We need some investment from the county, the Department for Education, the governors and the school. Everybody must get together to invest in those children. Do it now, otherwise a whole generation will be lost, and that is not right or fair.
4.15 pm
The Minister for Schools (Mr David Laws): It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship today, Mrs Main. I congratulate the hon. Member for West Lancashire (Rosie Cooper) on securing this important debate.
I fully accept that the proposed closure of a school can cause great concern among the pupils who attend the school, their parents and the surrounding community, so I fully understand why the hon. Lady has raised this issue today. She set out her concerns extremely clearly. I will make some broad opening comments about the issues that she raised, then I will explain the process that we have to go through and the opportunities that there are to challenge the closure. I will finish by commenting on the situation at Glenburn and responding to some of the hon. Lady’s points.
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Through statutory guidance and law, the Department has set out the long-established process that a local authority must follow when it proposes a school closure. That guidance and legislation clearly state that all decisions must be taken locally to allow those directly affected by the proposals to feed in their comments, and to ensure that they are properly considered during the decision-making process. The Government’s role is to agree and set national policy. We then allow local communities to decide how best to implement that policy. That approach allows local communities the freedom to develop the school system to best meet local needs. I can confirm that the Department for Education has so far received no representations from the local authority in Lancashire about this closure.
During this Parliament, we have invested more than £5 billion to help to create much-needed school places. As a result, last year there were more than 250,000 more places than there were at the 2010 general election. Ensuring that every child is able to attend a good or outstanding school in their local area is at the heart of the Government’s comprehensive programme of reform of the school system. In Lancashire, that has meant that the allocation for basic need funding, which was £23.4 million between 2007 and 2011, increased to £65.4 million in the current Parliament, and a further £17.4 million has been allocated for 2015 to 2017.
The School Organisation (Establishment and Discontinuance of Schools) (England) Regulations 2013 set out the process local authorities must follow when proposing to close a school. To be clear, the Department for Education has no direct role in the proposals to close a maintained school. It is a local process to allow local areas to make the right decisions in the light of all the relevant facts.
In January, the Department for Education published new guidance for maintained schools and academies that seek to make changes to their size and characteristics. Following national consultation, the Department set out in the guidance a new fast-track process for schools seeking to make certain changes—for example, expanding their premises or altering their age range by up to two years—without following the full statutory process. The one area that the revised guidance did not speed up was the proposed closure of a school. Ministers were clear that that is always such an important decision that no fast-track approach should be available. It is vitally important that all the elements of that type of proposal are carefully considered and analysed. Effective engagement with all the bodies that would be affected by the proposals should not be rushed through.
There are five stages to the statutory process for a proposed school closure, which I will set out so that the hon. Lady is clear about what the local authority will have to do. The first stage is consultation. The local authority or governing body must carry out preliminary, informal consultations with interested parties to consider a range of options, including closure.
The second stage is the publication of the statutory proposals. The school or local authority must publish the full copy of the proposal on its website, and a notification must be posted in a local newspaper and at all the entrances to the school. A statutory proposal must contain sufficient information for interested parties
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to make a decision on whether to support or challenge the closure—departmental guidance sets out the minimum that should be included. The proposal should be accessible to the whole community, so it should be set out in plain English.
The third stage is representation. Once the proposals have been published, a four-week statutory consultation or representation period follows, during which comments on the proposals can be made. Anyone can submit comments, which can be objections as well as expressions of support. The consultation period is a formal opportunity for individuals and organisations to express their views about the proposals and ensure that they will be taken into account by the decision makers. The consultation period must not be altered—for example, it cannot be shortened or extended to fit in with scheduled meetings, or to take school holidays into account. Every effort should be made during the consultation period to advise stakeholders of when the notice is likely to be published.
The fourth stage is the decision. All decisions relating to school closures are taken locally by the local authority or, in very limited circumstances, by the schools adjudicator, in order to allow those directly affected by the proposals to feed into the process at a local level. That way, decisions are taken by people who really understand the local area. If the local authority fails to decide proposals within two months of the end of the representation period, they must forward proposals to the schools adjudicator for decision. They must forward the proposals, including any received representations, within one week from the end of the two-month period. The Department does not prescribe the process by which a local authority carries out its decision-making function; however, decision makers must have regard to the statutory guidance when making a decision. All decisions must include reasons for the decision—irrespective of whether the proposals were rejected or approved—which should indicate the main factors and criteria for the decision.
The fifth and final stage is implementation. There is no maximum limit on the time between the publication of a proposal and its proposed date of implementation, but the circumstances may change significantly if too long a period elapses. In general, the implementation date for the proposals, which is stated in the statutory notice, should be within three years of their publication. Proposers may be expected to show good reason if they propose a longer time scale. I thought that the hon. Lady would find it useful for those regulations to be put clearly on the record. If she has any questions about the details, our officials would be happy to give her more guidance.
Let me turn to the particular case of Glenburn sports college. Lancashire county council launched a consultation on its proposed closure on 3 November, and that consultation is due to close on 14 December. Again, I stress that it is a live issue and that no final decision has been taken. The authority is under a duty to listen and respond to all the issues and concerns that are raised. It must ensure that any decision that it reaches addresses all the points that the consultation will inevitably raise, including some of the matters that the hon. Lady mentioned.
As I have already stated, once the stages of consultation, publication and representation have been completed, the local authority has a two-month window in which to make a final decision. Should the process take longer
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than that, the role of decision-maker will be passed to the schools adjudicator. I understand that Glenburn is a foundation school; as such, should the local authority decide to close it, the college’s governing body will have the right of appeal. Such an appeal would be heard by the independent schools adjudicator. It would be up to the adjudicator to review the statutory process that the authority had followed, as well as to examine the accuracy of the related information that the local authority had published in support of its case, including its impact on the final decision. While demonstrating transparency, the system underlines that the proposal, decision-making and appeals processes are all independent of the Department. It also demonstrates the levels of checks and balances that we have deliberately built into the system to allow schools and their communities to have their voices heard and to be an essential element of the final decision.
Local authorities are under a statutory duty to ensure that there are sufficient primary and secondary school places for all the children living in their area. In doing so, they should ensure that they achieve best value for money to guarantee the best use of resources. To enable them to achieve that, local authorities are not only under a duty to secure new school provision via the academy presumption when facing a shortage, but sometimes face the hard reality of a potential closure when a school may be surplus to requirements. That may be because of a lack of local demand for places, or because a school simply may not be delivering the required quality of education over a sustained period.
It is important that Lancashire county council diligently follows all the stages of the statutory process. It has sought to assure the Department that that is the case. As reflected by the hon. Lady’s comments, some of the difficulties experienced by Glenburn sports college over recent years are a matter of public record, including historical underperformance in GCSE attainment and a significant reduction in demand for school places from the local community, as well as being placed in special measures following an Ofsted inspection in March this year. Glenburn’s recent performance at GCSE is as
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follows: in 2010, 38% of young people achieved five A* to C GCSEs, including English and maths; in 2011, that figure fell to 29%; in 2012, it rose to 39%; and, in 2013, the figure was 41%. The data for 2014 will be released by the Department shortly, following appropriate checks. However, in spite of the hon. Lady’s comments about the proportion of disadvantaged pupils in the local community, which is a relevant consideration, I can say that, until now, the progress of disadvantaged pupils has been disappointing, which is no doubt why Ofsted has had concerns about the school.
Like other schools in the area, Glenburn has experienced a decline in pupil numbers between the 2005-06 and 2013-14 academic years. While some schools, such as Up Holland high school, have experienced a fall in pupil numbers of about 25%, Glenburn has experienced a particularly steep decline in pupil numbers, as the hon. Lady will know, of 54% over that time, which is no doubt one reason why the local authority is concerned. Nevertheless, none of those issues and factors, taken either individually or together, should mean that the school’s closure should be considered a foregone conclusion. Statutory guidance delivers a clear duty on local authorities to ensure that such proposals are carried out in a clear and transparent way. Local authorities must be measured in their conduct in order to ensure that all those affected are properly heard and able to voice their concerns.
I would urge all the students and families affected by the proposals to respond fully to the local authority’s consultation—as I mentioned earlier, there are still a number of days before it closes. It is only through engaging with that locally driven process that pupils, parents and the local community can ensure that their views are properly taken into consideration and have an effect on the decision-making process. I am grateful to the hon. Lady for raising her concerns about the proposed closure of the school and securing today’s debate on these important issues. I hope that I have explained to her the limits of what the Department can and cannot do, as well as the rules within which the local authority must operate. I am sure that her concerns have been heard by both her constituents and the local authority.
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Power Cuts (North Finchley)
4.29 pm
Mike Freer (Finchley and Golders Green) (Con): It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship yet again this afternoon, Mrs Main. I welcome my hon. Friend the Member for Wyre and Preston North (Mr Wallace), who is acting in locus ministries, if I have got my Latin correct.
I will give a little background on the situation that has affected businesses and homes in and around High road, North Finchley. During the past year there have been a series of power cuts: on 4 September, 16 and 18 October and 16, 18, 23 and 24 December 2013; and on 6 and 7 January and 13 and 14 November 2014, just a few weeks ago. I make the point of listing those power cuts to stress the ongoing impact and disruption not just to householders but to businesses in North Finchley. In particular, last December, in the run-up to Christmas—the busiest part of the year—businesses struggled to recover the customers and profits that they lost because their shops were closed in that period.
A series of issues has caused the power cuts; one problem has cascaded into another. First, in September last year, the outages were caused by water ingress into a UK Power Networks box, which meant that, quite reasonably, the current had to be isolated on safety grounds. The power then had to be redirected to the remaining circuits, but because those circuits were old, that led to the October outages and the first two outages in December, which were the result of power redirected to the neighbouring circuits overloading the cables: they could not cope and they failed.
Just before Christmas last year, the low-voltage board of the main substation that supplied the circuits failed, which caused yet more outages. That problem reoccurred in January this year. Then, in mid-November—just a few weeks ago—the insulation on the cables supplying this part of North Finchley failed yet again.
I want to put on record that UK Power Networks has been as helpful as it can be. I have met with its officials on a regular basis and they did bring forward a £70,000 investment to remedy the issue. The ducting for the cables to this part of North Finchley has been replaced, the substation has been upgraded, and next week the cables will be replaced through the new ducting. Barnet council has also been helpful in waiving the usual restrictions that prevent major works in the Christmas period so that that can be undertaken in an effort to ensure no repeat of last Christmas’ loss of business.
Although the repair and upgrade programme has taken more than 12 months, we seem to be on the brink of having a—hopefully—permanent solution in place. However, the power cuts that occurred in the past year or so have highlighted a couple of weaknesses in how the electricity is supplied and how customers are dealt with in such events.
One of the factors that contributed to the failure of the cables and the failure of the low-voltage board was increased demand. We have all seen the retail proposition changing: traditional shops, such as clothes shops and newsagents that are relatively low power users, have been replaced with cafés and restaurants. If such shops become restaurants, their power usage profile will be very different. Although the change of use goes through,
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the builders go in and the electricians assess the supply and say, “Yes, Mr Retailer, the power supply to your unit can cope,” what is missed is the cumulative effect of changes to the connections of that shop and neighbouring shops. Initially, the supply network simply absorbs the increased demand, but that strains the existing, and probably old, infrastructure.
The weakness in the system is that change-of-use permissions at the planning authority, which I appreciate fall under the remit of the Department for Communities and Local Government and not the Department of Energy and Climate Change, are not automatically fed to the network providers so that they can monitor and plan their infrastructure investment and ensure that they can cope with such changes in electricity usage. Perhaps the Minister could arrange that co-ordination with colleagues across Government, so that a system to monitor cumulative impact is put in place.
Finally, there is the issue of compensation, which I have raised with both UK Power Networks and Ofgem. UK Power Networks is helpful, but it is firm that it is bound by the regulations. Ofgem, while sympathetic, says that it holds the power suppliers’ feet to the fire through its internal mechanisms, and that it cannot be held responsible for all the consequential losses that the traders and householders incur through a series of power cuts.
The current arrangements do not provide adequate compensation to householders or businesses, nor do I believe that they hold the infrastructure providers’ and energy suppliers’ feet to the fire. A householder receives only £54 and a business £108 in compensation. That might be bearable if that were per power cut, but it is not. That compensation is payable only when there have been power cuts of at least three hours on four or more occasions in any 12-month period. A business therefore has to be interrupted for a minimum of 12 hours before it gets its £108, which is £9 an hour. That is hardly compensation.
Even though compensation is to increase in April to £150, that is still only £12.50 an hour. That is not compensation; it is barely a gesture. A restaurant that has 12 power cuts of only two hours could lose 12 lunch times but get nothing. I ask the Department to consider instructing Ofgem—or to ask it, if it cannot instruct—to replace the compensation thresholds with a scheme that pays out for each power cut, rather than having that unreasonably high bar. A greater financial penalty may result in faster repairs and investment in the network’s resilience. I have a background in business, where we always work to the motto: “If you grab people by the budgets, their minds will follow.”
In conclusion, we need to join up the change-of-use approvals so that increased energy demand is monitored. We also need a new compensation scheme that treats customers fairly and incentivises the power companies to invest in a resilient supply network.
4.38 pm
Mr Ben Wallace (Wyre and Preston North) (Con):
May I say what a delight it is to serve under your chairmanship, Mrs Main? I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Finchley and Golders Green (Mike Freer) on securing the debate. I know from my constituency postbag how important it is for businesses to be able to
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do business at this time of year. In this economic environment, it is vital that they can keep their doors open to get custom.
Overall, electricity networks across Great Britain are among the most reliable in the world, but that does not mean we should ever be complacent. It is vital that those affected by interruptions to their supply have their power restored as quickly as possible, and that networks ensure that their infrastructure is sufficient.
By way of background, I will tell my hon. Friend about what has been going on. Demand has incrementally increased over the past two years in North Finchley owing to changes in use in and around Ballards lane. There has been a corresponding increase in faults on UK Power Networks’ low-voltage network. On each occasion, UKPN responded to restore supplies as quickly and safely as possible. Network infrastructure has been repaired and new equipment installed. UKPN has some 134,000 km of underground network as well as, obviously, an overhead network. Work to reinforce the network has been under way, as my hon. Friend pointed out, for a number of months, and it is hoped or planned to be complete by Christmas 2014. So far, more than £2,000 has been paid in compensation.
The increase in demand above the capacity for which the low-voltage network was originally designed can result in potential weak points failing. That is why UKPN is carrying out works to reinforce that network. As my hon. Friend said, it has so far invested £60,000 to £70,000 in doing so. Following a high-voltage fault in January 2013, customers near Briarfield Avenue substation were affected. Following restoration and repair of that fault, UKPN yet again invested in new high-voltage equipment to improve the reliability and operational flexibility of the local network. In December last year, a fault developed at Friern Park substation that interrupted some local supplies. Repairs were carried out, the network was stabilised and customer supplies were restored. Shortly afterwards, UKPN invested in a new substation, as well as reconfiguring the local network.
In 2014, there have been 11 separate incidents on Ballards lane, affecting different circuits on the low-voltage network supplied from Gaumont substation in Finchley. The demand profile in that specific area has increased over the last 18 months. As my hon. Friend rightly pointed out, changes of business use have led to higher usage of electricity, which has increased loading on low-voltage cable circuits. We are talking about restaurants, coffee shops and so on.
This is what has happened so far as a result. Compensation to date has included the following. Five businesses have received four good-will gestures totalling £424 and one electricity guaranteed standards payment totalling £54. Also, 28 domestic customers have received 19 gestures of good will totalling £1,072 and nine electricity guaranteed standards payments totalling £520. Actions have been taken to rectify issues and faults. For example, in February 2014, UKPN installed a low-voltage link box in Ballards lane to split up the network and to balance loading across local substations.
We should not forget that at this time of year vulnerable customers are affected by power outages. Network operators are required by Ofgem to offer a range of free services, known as the priority services register, to their most vulnerable customers. The scheme is available to all
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household gas and electricity customers who fulfil any of the following criteria: being of pensionable age, having a disability, having a hearing and/or visual impairment and/or having long-term ill health. Those customers listed by UKPN on its register have a dedicated freephone priority number. If my hon. Friend is unaware of it, I would be happy to write to him with the details.
The Electricity (Standards of Performance) Regulations 2010 define the guaranteed standards that we can expect from our power suppliers. They cover a range of network reliability circumstances in which customers are entitled to payments when distribution network operators fail to meet those standards. They are established measures of performance that apply in the current electricity price control period, covering the 2010 to March 2015 period, and that will be continued—and, importantly, tightened—in the next price control period, RIIO-ED1, commencing in April 2015. That is a catchy title if ever there was one.
Currently, in normal weather conditions, business customers are entitled to a payment of £108 if power is not restored within 18 hours and a further £27 for each further 12 hours off supply. For multiple interruptions, defined as four interruptions of at least three hours or more in a 12-month period, customers are entitled to £54. To help to reduce the duration of power cuts and to incentivise improved performance, Ofgem has proposed—the Government fully support this—that the minimum standard for restoration of supplies in normal weather conditions be reduced from 18 hours to 12 hours from next year. As has already been pointed out, in normal weather conditions, payment levels will increase to £150 for business customers and a further £35 for each further 12 hours. For multiple interruptions, the level will be raised to £75. I recognise that that is not exactly in line with the calls made by my hon. Friend, but it is going in the right direction. It is about tightening up obligations on suppliers to ensure that they bear the responsibilities to customers that we would expect today.
As we head into winter, with forecasts for severe weather in parts of the country over the next few days, I should add that Ofgem proposes to double the payments that DNOs make to customers following a prolonged period without supply caused by severe weather. Those will be £70 after the initial period of interruption, followed by an additional payment of £70 for each successive period of 12 hours without supply. The cap per customer, for both business and residential customers, will be increased to £700.
It is important to recognise that the guaranteed standards of performance are in recognition of “inconvenience” to customers, rather than being a reflection of the full cost of a power cut to a customer. The level of payments reflects a balance between the impact faced by customers from periods without power and the amount of expenditure that each customer pays to their local electricity distribution company through their bill. Currently, distribution costs make up about 16% of an average electricity bill. If payments for loss of supply were far in excess of the amount paid for the service, that would result in increased network charges and higher customer bills, which we all wish to avoid. Indeed, Ofgem research indicated that customers did not place a high value on higher compensation levels if those ultimately led to higher customer bills.
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It is important to recognise at this stage why, unlike some other products, electricity has certain conditions around it that often make it hard—this has been the case for decades—for consumers to seek recourse through the civil courts. An electricity supplier has a duty to connect; it has to serve the customer. In addition, the nature of a network means that continuous supply in one area may cause damage elsewhere, and that may require a switch-off or an adjustment. Effectively robbing Peter to pay Paul, with damage in one place rather than the other, is not good for the overall impact of the network. The other issue is the very nature of electricity. It is hazardous, and it is always difficult to guarantee it 100% of the time for 100% of customers. Those extra duties and difficulties mean that it is often harder to make a pure economic case for loss of business as opposed to actual damage to one’s property through a direct fault. That has an established place in law and has done over many years. It is not of great comfort to businesses, but the Government recognise, as does Ofgem,
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that things are moving in the right direction. The consultation on an increase in penalties is a move in the right direction, although we certainly wish to do more.
On the important issue of notifying network operators following change-of-use permissions, my hon. Friend brought out an incredibly good point. I will ask my right hon. Friend the Minister of State to write to the other relevant Departments and colleagues regarding the possibility of ensuring that we notify network operators following change-of-use permissions, to try to reduce the number of incidents of this sort occurring in the future. Forewarned is forearmed. I certainly agree with my hon. Friend that if we ensure that people are prepared for what is coming down the line, then hopefully, by the time we get to next Christmas or the next peak period, the network will be in a better position to make accommodation for that.