4 Addressing the problem
Accountability
79. The headline accountability measure for schools
is currently the proportion of children achieving a benchmark
at key stage 2 or key stage 4.[123]
We have argued previously that this encourages schools to focus
on pupils at the borderline of this thresholdthe C/D candidates
at GCSE levelrather than seek to improve the performance
of all pupils.[124]
From late 2016, the "Progress 8" measure will be introduced
as the floor standard, "measuring students' progress measured
across eight subjects: English; mathematics; three other English
Baccalaureate (EBacc) subjects (sciences, computer science, geography,
history and languages); and three further subjects, which can
be from the range of EBacc subjects, or can be any other approved,
high-value arts, academic, or vocational qualification".[125]
We welcome this change, and believe that it will be beneficial
to all pupilsincluding white working class children.
80. Ofsted told us that "It is now harder
for schools to be judged good or outstanding where the achievement
of disadvantaged pupils is below that of other pupils".[126]
This is also to be welcomed.
"Closing the gap"
The Pupil Premium
81. The pupil premium is additional funding given
to publicly funded schools in England "to raise the attainment
of disadvantaged pupils and close the gap between them and their
peers".[127] Introduced
in 2011, the funding is available to both mainstream and non-mainstream
schools, such as special schools and pupil referral units. Since
2012 it has been paid to schools according to the number of pupils
who have:
· registered as eligible for free school
meals at any point in the last 6 years ('Ever-6 FSM')
· been in care for 6 months or longer[128]
In the 2013/14 financial year, schools receive £953
for each eligible primary-aged pupil and £900 for each eligible
secondary-aged pupil. "Ever-6 FSM" covers 1.83 million
pupils.[129] In addition,
the Government has recently announced a prize fund of £4m
to be awarded to schools that best improve the performance of
their disadvantaged pupils.[130]
82. The question of how well the pupil premium
is performing for disadvantaged children was explored by the think
tank Demos, which found that in 72 out of 152 local authorities
in England the free school meals attainment gap at GCSE level
widened in 2012/13, and that in 66 areas the gap was wider than
when the pupil premium was introduced.[131]
In a letter to the Guardian, Professor Becky Francis, Dr
John Dunford and Dr Kevan Collins described a brighter picture
at primary level, with the gap closing by 3 percentage points
at Key Stage 2 between 2011 and 2012.[132]
We asked the Minister for his views on the evidence for the impact
of the pupil premium. He told us:
It is only two years into the pupil premium,
so we are talking about the results of young people who have spent
most of their time in a school system that has not had this money.
We will not really know how successful it has been until two,
three, four, or five years down the line.[133]
83. The Minister also told us that the pupil
premium would be the appropriate source of funding for parental
engagement activity:
If schools decide that getting young people from
disadvantaged backgrounds properly engaged is a big prioritygetting
parental engagement, getting children to get in through the school
gate each day and attend, and having them motivated in the right
waythey ought to think about using their pupil premium
for that.[134]
[
] the pupil premium is exactly the kind
of thing that could be used by schools, particularly where there
is a large disengagement problemif they think there is
evidence this worksto employ somebody who could spend quite
a lot of their time engaging with families, sorting out problems,
making sure parents are supportive of the school and getting children
into school each day and on time. As you know, many of the best
schools do this already.[135]
84. Nevertheless, the Social Mobility and Child
Poverty Commission suggests that "nearly two-thirds of students
not getting English and maths GCSE at grades A*-C are ineligible
for the pupil premium [
] Schools should have some flexibility
to use the pupil premium for disadvantaged students and for low
attainers".[136]
85. We welcome the introduction of the pupil
premium and the recent announcement of its extension to early
years. The Government should continue to monitor the impact of
this policy.
86. Ofsted produced a report in February 2013
on the way in which the pupil premium was being used by schools,
based on visits to 68 primary and secondary schools.[137]
87. We welcome Ofsted's 2013 report on the
use of the pupil premium and recommend that a similar report be
produced annually to highlight how effective schools are in using
this money, focusing on the impact and highlighting case studies
of schools where the greatest progress is being achieved.
OTHER DISADVANTAGE FUNDING
88. The Minister emphasised that in excess of
£6 billion was being spent on deprivation funding in schools,
only £2.5 billion of which was the pupil premium. The other
funding, distributed by local authorities, was based on IDACI
measures of deprivation and low prior attainment, and thus included
children who were not eligible for free school meals or the pupil
premium but were still underachieving.[138]
The Minister argued that the apparent cliff-edge of eligibility
for the pupil premium was softened by the use of these measures,[139]
but he was willing to consider whether other methods should be
used to target money in the future:
It would be a brave Minister who would say that
they could be confident that it would be perfect. So one of the
challenges as we go into the next Parliament [...] should be to
look at the way we are funding disadvantage.[140]
89. We were particularly interested to learn
during our visit to the Netherlands, as part of our Sure Start
inquiry, that the level of parental qualifications was used as
a means of targeting additional funding for disadvantaged pupils.
The Minister told us that he was "perfectly open and perfectly
interested in commissioning work on whether there are other characteristics
of pupils [that should be used to target disadvantage funding]
[
] We have, so far, distributed money in the most rational
way open to us based on the evidence. It would be useful to go
on looking at that evidence and trying to improve the system".[141]
90. We welcome the Minister's willingness
to investigate whether other measures of disadvantage may be more
appropriate for allocating disadvantage funding and tracking the
performance of disadvantaged groups. The Government should move
quickly to do this.
THE EEF TOOLKIT
91. Joint written evidence from the Sutton Trust
and the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF) highlighted the 'EEF
toolkit'[142] as a
way of schools assessing the effectiveness of interventions. The
toolkit is a synthesis of over 8,000 research studies which identifies
high-impact techniques such as improving the quality of feedback
to pupils and the use of collaborative learning to raise attainment.[143]
The Toolkit currently covers 33 topics, each summarised in terms
of their average impact on attainment, the strength of the evidence
supporting them and their cost. According to the National Foundation
for Education Research (NFER), 36% of school leaders say that
their school uses the toolkit to help decide how to use pupil
premium funding, with 67% using either the toolkit or some other
kind of research evidence.[144]
92. We see the EEF Toolkit as a positive development
which will help schools to make informed decisions about how to
make best use of pupil premium funding. This will be particularly
important to support the roll-out of the pupil premium to early
years settings.
Tackling regional variation
A national strategy versus
area-based responses
93. Despite the existence in the past of a range
of targeted strategies for tackling ethnic minority underachievement,
relatively few of our witnesses called for a specific national
strategy for addressing white working class underachievement.
The Minister argued that:
Circumstances differ markedly from place to place,
and depend upon the social mix at the particular school or college.
The situation for a white working class pupil in a school with
predominantly middle class pupils presents different challenges
from that of working class pupils [...] It is important that schools
are able to decide at their local level what approaches to take,
tailoring them to their particular environment and priorities.[145]
Teach First supported this view: "[...] White
working class children are not a homogenous group. The challenges
they face vary greatly and are often driven by geographical and
economic factors, rather than ethnicity".[146]
Buckinghamshire County Council suggested that "The impact
of relative deprivation by comparison with the community you live
with is distinct from being a member of a community where a larger
number are from a similar social and economic context".[147]
The Minister told us that he was "[
] not particularly
in favour of devising all sorts of different strategies for different
ethnic groups", but that
[
] we do need to learn the lessons of why
it is that these ethnic groups, both in and outside London, appear
to have better levels of attainment for the same level of deprivation,
because that might help us to understand what we need to do for
white children to improve their attainment beyond the things that
we know work for all children.[148]
REGIONAL PROGRAMMES
94. The Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission
noted that the performance of poor white pupils in London was
much better than in other parts of the country, and that "London
is proving that deprivation need not be destiny":[149]
Children are far more likely to do well in London
schools than elsewhere in England. That is particularly the case
for the most disadvantaged pupils [...] Although some commentators
have suggested that London's performance is driven by the high
attainment of particular ethnic groups concentrated in the capital,
the effect is still observed when looking at the attainment of
white pupils alone.[150]
95. Some witnesses attributed the recent improvement
in the performance of children in London to the "London Challenge".
This programme was established in 2003 to tackle underperformance
in London secondary schools. Primary schools were included in
2008. Ofsted reported on the scheme in 2010, noting that secondary
schools in London had improved at a faster rate than the rest
of the country in terms of examination results.[151]
The model was extended in 2008 to The City Challenge, which included
programmes in Manchester and the Black Country.[152]
The more generalised 'National Challenge' programme was also introduced
by the then Government in 2008 to all English secondary schools
whose standards were below the floor target.[153]
96. Ofsted noted that the eight-year time span
for the London Challenge was important: "It had sufficient
time to make a real impact. It is crucial that any future area-based
strategies are not seen as quick fix solutions to complex problems.
Along with high levels of accountability, such approaches must
be given time to implement change and bring about sustainable
improvements".[154]
Total funding for the City Challenge was approximately £160m:
£28m for the Black Country, £50m for Manchester and
£80m for London.[155]
Professor Gorard emphasised the importance of suitable funding
for any such approach: "The London Challenge was set up in
an era of relative economic prosperity and was reasonably well-funded.
In addition to any activities or changes, schools got extra money.
It is not reasonable to expect other and poorer parts of England,
such as the North East, to achieve the same without the same funding".[156]
97. Ofsted noted in Unseen Children that
"area-based initiatives are often successful in stimulating
local activity and are viewed positively by teachers and parents.
However, it is less clear whether they offer good value for money
or are accessed fully by the most disadvantaged pupils".[157]
The report notes that the London Challenge is a notable exception
to this.
98. We heard some evidence which was more sceptical
about whether the improvements in London's performance should
be attributed to the London Challenge. Professor Gorard told us
that the London Challenge was "one possible explanation",
but that
The relative growth of the level 2 indicator
(5+ GCSEs including English and maths) in London does not really
take off until 2007 and later [
] This is confounded with
a change in the way this indicator was measured from 2005 onwards,
the addition of English and maths to the official metric, and
the economic downturn which could have influenced many other factors
including who did or did not attend fee-paying schools [
]The
Challenge took place, unavoidably, in an era of many other interventions
for London (including an overlap with preparation for the 2012
Olympics) [
][158]
99. The improvements in London's educational
performance suggest that the problem of white working class underachievement
in education can be tackled. In determining future policy in this
area the Government must carefully assess what positive impact
the London Challenge may have had and what its key features were.
SUB-REGIONAL CHALLENGES
100. Sir Michael Wilshaw has recommended the
development of sub-regional "challenges", aimed at raising
the achievement of disadvantaged pupils,[159]
and the Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission has also
recommended this approach.[160]
Ofsted explains that "The potential strength of such an approach
would lie in the fact that it would allow different areas to set
up coherent and well-focused strategies for improvement that take
into account the specific needs of a particular locality".[161]
We asked the Minister for his views:
Our attitude to sub-regional challenges is this:
we are very supportive of them as a way of getting schools to
work together and challenging underperformance. We are very pleased
to see that a lot of regions and metropolitan areas are establishing
these themselves. However, both the Secretary of State and I are
nervous about centrally determined, top-down initiatives that
would single out five, 10 or 15 areas of the country and say,
"These are the ones that merit this type of investment and
other areas do not". [
] You run the risk of having
borders that do not make any sense in reality. [
] We need
to learn the lessons of things like London Challenge and some
of the other sub-regional challenges, and then we need to build
those into a national system.[162]
101. We agree with the Minister that sub-regional
challenges risk prioritising one area over another, but would
reiterate the importance of school collaboration and cooperation,
and the need to encourage this on a local basis.
REGIONAL FUNDING
102. Sir Michael Wilshaw has drawn attention
to the fact that the distribution of underachievement has shifted
away from big cities and is now most concentrated in "deprived
coastal towns and rural, less populous regions of the country".[163]
This makes it all the more important that the school funding formula
distributes money fairly according to need, and it is disappointing
that the Government has not fulfilled its promise of introducing
a new national funding formula. The allocation of an additional
£350m in 2015 to 2016 for the least fairly funded areas provides
a welcome downpayment, but the problem has not been fully addressed.[164]
We recognise the political difficulties of redistribution, but
the case for reform is overwhelming and the Government must act
further. In the words of the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of
State for Education (Elizabeth Truss MP), the Government must
"ensure that a future national funding formula properly reflects
the costs, such as attracting and retaining high-quality staff
in rural areas".[165]
103. Given the changing distribution of educational
underachievement across the country, the Government must develop
a new funding formula for schools which better matches allocation
with need.
Best practice in schools
Ofsted's 2008 good practice
report-white boys from low income backgrounds
104. While Ofsted noted that there was a limit
to the effect that schools alone can have, its 2008 thematic report
identified the following examples of good practice in tackling
the underachievement of white boys from low income backgrounds,
based on a survey of 20 schools in England:[166]
· Support to develop boys' organisation
skills and instill the importance of perseverance; any anti-school
subculture 'left at the gates'
· Rigorous monitoring systems that track
individual pupils' performance against expectations; realistic
but challenging targets; tailored flexible intervention programmes
and frequent review of performance against targets
· A curriculum that is tightly structured
around individual needs and linked to support programmes that
seek to raise aspirations
· Creative and flexible strategies to engage
parents and carers, make them feel valued, enable them to give
greater support to their boys' education and help them make informed
decisions about the future
· Strong partnership with a wide range of
agencies to provide social, emotional, educational and practical
support for boys and their families in order to raise their aspirations.
105. We welcome Ofsted's recent focus on the
issue of economically deprived white children underachieving in
education, and its 2008 report on good practice in this area.
We recommend that this continues to be a focus for Ofsted, and
that an updated good practice report is produced.
PROVIDING SPACE TO COMPLETE HOMEWORK
106. Data from the Longitudinal Study of Young
People in Education[167]
(LSYPE) includes information on the number of evenings per week
young people spend completing homework. Analysis by Professor
Steve Strand shows that white British students from low SES homes
made the least progress over the course of secondary school, and
that the most significant factors in explaining this were the
frequency with which young people completed homework, their "academic
self-concept" (how good they felt they were at school work),
their attendance at school (see paragraph 67), and their educational
aspirations (whether they aspired to continue in full-time education
after age 16).[168]
White British low SES students scored lowest on each of these
counts: number of evenings spent doing homework, academic self-concept,
and educational aspirations:Table 9: Mean
number of evenings per week spent doing homework, by ethnicity,
children classified as NS-SEC 6-8 (i.e. "working class")
Ethnic Group
| Mean number of evenings per week
| % 3 or more evenings per week
|
White British
| 2.54 | 49.3%
|
Mixed Heritage
| 2.60 | 52.8%
|
Black Caribbean
| 2.79 | 64.6%
|
Bangladeshi
| 3.02 | 65.8%
|
Pakistani
| 3.13 | 68.5%
|
Black African
| 3.13 | 66.8%
|
Any other group
| 3.18 | 67.1%
|
Indian |
3.29 | 70.4%
|
Average
| | 52.8%
|
Source: Strand, S., "Ethnicity, gender, social class and achievement gaps at age 16: intersectionality and 'getting it' for the white working class",
Research Papers in Education, Vol 29 Issue 2, 2014Figure
7: Mean number of evenings per week spent doing homework, by ethnicity,
children classified as NS-SEC 6-8 ("working class")
Source: Strand, S., "Ethnicity, gender, social class and achievement gaps at age 16: intersectionality and 'getting it' for the white working class",
Research Papers in Education, Vol 29 Issue 2, 2014
107. The Association of Colleges noted that poorer
students often had nowhere to work at home,[169]
and Professor Denis Mongon argued that this was a better explanation
than a lack of willingness to work:
[
] the evidence shows us that it is much
harder for those youngsters we are talking about to do their homework
[
] in a room where nobody was eating, watching television
or doing anything except their homework [
] I do not think
there is any intuitive natural disposition to not do the work.[170]
Owen Jones added that "If you have parents who
themselves are professional middle class university-educated people,
then they are in a far better position to be able to help with
homework".[171]
108. One possible response to this is providing
time at the end of the school day for children to complete homework.
The EEF Toolkit cites research evidence from the USA which suggests
that increasing the length of the school day can add two months'
additional progress to pupils' attainment over the course of a
year, with pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds benefitting by
an additional half a months' progress relative to their peers.[172]
109. The current trend towards longer school
days presents an opportunity for schools to provide space and
time for students from lower socio-economic backgrounds to complete
homework, which may particularly benefit white working class children.
We recommend that Ofsted publish a best practice report on this
subject to provide guidance for schools.
SPREADING GOOD PRACTICE AND SCHOOL
COOPERATION
110. Witnesses emphasised that one in seven schools
manage to buck the national trend for performance of FSM children.[173]
The question therefore is how to spread this good practice. Alex
Burghart from the Centre for Social Justice told us that the successful
schools "have clearly developed interesting means of working
with their pupils and their parents. At the moment, I do not think
that we have the mechanisms available to help share the learning
that those schools have already developed with other schools that
would benefit from it. We should probably start with what is already
succeeding in the system".[174]
Dr Chris Wood (Her Majesty's Inspector, Ofsted) agreed:
It is really important that there are more opportunities
for schools to share their good practice. In recent fieldwork
that we did looking at successful strategies, a common theme amongst
those very successful schools was they had had very limited opportunity
to work with other schools to disseminate the things that they
were doing so well [
]. There are insufficient incentives
for co-operation and taking the broader view of responsibility
for the achievement of those children.[175]
111. In our 2013 report on School Cooperation
and Partnerships we supported Sir Michael Wilshaw's proposal
that an 'Exceptional' rating for headteachers should be introduced
to incentivise school collaboration. The Government rejected this
recommendation, stating that:
We are keen to avoid creating a proliferation
of system leadership statuses. We will continue to explore whether
there is more that the Government can do to recognise excellent
leadership for those who provide system leadership support for
under-performing schools in disadvantaged communities.[176]
The Minister explained:
[
] there is a growing expectation that
good practice will be shared. What some people have suggested
is that there should be a higher grade given to acknowledge system
leadership, but that raises lots of issues, not only about how
you would assess the quality of system leadership, but about whether
it would be useful for parents to tell them about the job that
their school is doing in somebody else's school [
] We ought
to look, and we are going to look as a Department, at whether
there are other ways in which we can, in a high-profile way, acknowledge
the good work being done by those schools that are willing not
only to concentrate on their own pupils, but to try to improve
the system as a whole.[177]
112. Good leadership and school cooperation
are critical to school improvement. We warmly welcome the Minister's
commitment to encouraging system leadership and look forward to
examining the Government's proposals in due course.
Deployment of teachers
The Talented Leaders Programme
and National Service
113. Ofsted's Unseen Children report highlights
a significant regional variation in the supply of good secondary
school leadership in deprived areas:
In the North East, leadership and management
is good or outstanding in just over a third of the most deprived
secondary schools compared with over four fifths in London. Moreover,
leadership and management are outstanding in nearly two fifths
(38%) of London's 245 most deprived secondary schools compared
with only one of the North East's 28 most deprived secondary schools.[178]
114. A 2008 report for the National College of
School Leadership on improving the achievement of white working
class children concluded that "more of the best school leaders
will need to be encouraged to work in challenging contexts".[179]
Written evidence from the Future Leaders Trust supported this
view, arguing that "more passionate and outstanding school
leaders should be placed in posts where their efforts can have
the most impact".[180]
The Trust places its leaders in areas with high numbers of white
working class students such as Grimsby and the Isle of Wight,
and is focusing on expanding further into coastal and rural towns.[181]
115. At the North of England conference in January
2014, the Minister said that "We need a better distribution
of high-quality teachers and leaders, and support systems across
the country. If not, we risk solidifying social divisions, rather
than breaking them down".[182]
In that speech he announced a tender exercise to identify the
"delivery partner" for the Talented Leaders Programme,
which would allow schools in challenging areas to "request
a high-performing school leader from a pool of some of our brightest
talents". The programme is expected to be launched formally
later in 2014, but it has been announced that within its first
two years it will match 100 high-quality school leaders to schools
which need to improve. The Minister argued that:
This is not about parachuting in 'hero heads'.
The objective will be to ensure sustainable school improvement.
We expect these headteachers to work with school staff to strengthen
succession planning within their schools and to support the development
of a long-term strategy to improve standards.[183]
116. The Government's response to the Social
Mobility and Child Poverty Commission's first annual report noted
that Teach First will be training 1,500 graduates in 2014 to 2015
and placing them in the most challenging schools, and that as
of 2014/15 Teach First will be placing teachers in every region
of England.[184]
117. Dr Kevan Collins (Chief Executive, Education
Endowment Foundation) noted that "we do not necessarily have
incentives to encourage our very best teachers or our best teaching
to be supporting the children who are hardest to teach or have
the most to learn".[185]
We asked the Minister whether he agreed that there were insufficient
incentives to tackle this problem, or whether a form of "national
service" for teachers was appropriate, as is the case in
Shanghai. He told us that:
We need to be realistic; there are many people
who have strong reasons for staying in their home area, such as
strong family ties or children at local schools who are not necessarily
going to move.[186]
[
] we need to make it easyin a system
that does have a lot of passionate, ambitious people who want
to do the right thing for young people and help those young people
who most need helpfor people to get to those schools where
they can really make a difference.[187]
118. We explored the specific issue of whether
headteachers were placed at significant personal risk to their
careers if they take on a failing school, given that they might
subsequently be asked to leave if performance did not improve
quickly. Ofsted told us that it would not be possible for headteachers
to be given a "grace period" unless that was something
that was built into the statutory framework.[188]
Dr Chris Wood added that:
[
] at Ofsted we have plenty of examples
of excellent heads who have gone into schools that were failing
and have turned them around. I would argue that the inspection
system has within it sufficient flexibility to recognise that.
[
] We want to see greater incentives for the very best leaders
to move to those schools.[189]
119. In considering this issue we note that "good
teaching" can be contextual: while a "good" teacher
may perform particularly well in one school environment, it is
not obvious that transplanting teachers from one area to another
will be effective in itself. Nevertheless, we believe that quality
within the system should be encouraged to move towards the areas
that need it the most, and that challenging schools need to be
able to attract the very best applicants.
120. It is essential that the best teachers
and leaders work in the areas that need them the most. The Government
should publish an analysis of the incentives that influence where
teachers choose to work, and use this to design a system that
ensures that the most challenging schools can attract the best
teachers and leaders.
DATA ON THE DEPLOYMENT OF NEWLY
QUALIFIED TEACHERS (NQTS)
121. Unseen Children notes
that there is a lack of data on where the best teachers are based:
Until recently, the Teaching Agency collected
information about where newly qualified teachers worked through
information provided by the now defunct General Teaching Council
[for England]. Currently, it does not collect this information,
nor does it collect data on where the 'best' teachers go. This
is a weakness in the system.[190]
The Minister told us that the DfE had a project underway
that would link teacher data from the school workforce census
across years and to other datasets, including on initial teacher
training, which would "[...] enable analysis of teacher mobility
including movers between posts/grade/schools/location and those
leaving the profession".[191]
122. We welcome the Government's plans to
enable the analysis of data on teacher mobility, and where newly
qualified teachers choose to work; this will allow for better
monitoring of the effects of incentives in the system.
Parental engagement
Evidence for the use of this
approach
123. Jenny North told us that improving parental
involvement and parental behaviour was a "promising"
area of intervention, but was cautious about the evidence base
for it:
When I say "promising", I am being
quite specific here. There is not a massive, undisputed body of
evidence showing a clear causal link for changing behaviours then
changing attainment, but there is far more for that than there
is for raising aspirations or changing attitudes towards schooling.[192]
A NIACE report on Family Learning argued that engaging
the most disadvantaged parents in their children's education,
while simultaneously offering them the chance to learn themselves,
can improve pupils' attainment by 15 percentage points and improve
a child's reading age by six months.[193]
Evidence summarised in the Sutton Trust-EEF Toolkit (see below)
notes that "higher parental engagement is related with better
attainment outcomes, but increasing low parental engagement is
challenging".[194]
124. Ofsted produced a short report on Family
Learning in 2009 based on themed inspections of 23 local authority
providers of family learning and observations of 36 family learning
classes on the premises of schools, at Sure Start children's centres
and in a library.[195]
Ofsted concluded that "Family learning programmes had a considerable
impact on the achievements of both children and adults,"
with the needs of priority groups generally met through well-targeted
provision, but "very little provision was available beyond
primary education".[196]
125. In 2011 the Department for Education published
a review of best practice in parental engagement which encompassed
school-home links, support and training for parents, and collaboration
with the community.[197]
The review stated that "the evidence of the impact of family
literacy, language and numeracy programmes on children's academic
and learning related outcomes is extensive and robust[...][Literacy
and numeracy programmes] can have a positive impact on the most
disadvantaged families, including the academic outcomes of the
children".[198]
Specifically, the Department's review noted that programmes in
which parents were trained to listen to their children read produced
an effect size of 0.51 (about 4 months of progress), with the
largest impacts produced when parents themselves taught specific
reading skills to their children, with an effect size of 1.15
(over a year's progress, and over six times more effective than
simply encouraging parents to read to their children).[199]
126. The DfE found, however, that there was "little
robust evidence on many academic and learning related outcomes,
and on many of the specific activities schools and services should
undertake in pursuit of the general features of an effective parental
engagement strategy".[200]
Written evidence from Professor Stephen Gorard explained that
while there is a strong association between parental engagement
and educational performance, this does not necessarily mean that
actions to increase engagement will have the desired result.[201]
He explained that:
[...] robust evaluations of interventions to
increase parental involvement and assess the impact of this on
children's attainment are far fewer than the studies of association,
and also far fewer than studies that have simply shown that parental
involvement can be increased (but without testing whether this
makes a difference to attainment).[202]
A report for the Nuffield Foundation based on a meta-analysis
of studies of parental involvement criticised the quality of evidence
for the benefits of enhancing parental engagement.[203]
Professor Gorard described a "mixed and far from encouraging
picture" of the benefits of this intervention: "[Some
studies] have suggested positive outcomes, some no effect, and
some that parental involvement interventions may actually harm
children's attainment".[204]
Professor Gorard concluded that "interventions are most likely
to succeed when they are aimed at young children and involve parents
and staff meeting regularly in an institution". However:
There is very little evidence of promise from
evaluations of parental interventions for children of later primary
age, secondary age or across phases of schooling. Practical interventions
here can be safely abandoned for the present [...] Merely increasing
parental involvement is not the answer in itself.[205]
127. The EEF is funding a number of programmes
to improve parental engagement, including the Plymouth Parent
Partnership, which provides parents with the skills they need
to help their child learn to read.[206]
Meanwhile, the EEF Toolkit lists parental involvement as being
"moderate impact for moderate cost, based on moderate evidence
[...] Although parental involvement is consistently associated
with pupils' success at school, the evidence about how to increase
involvement to improve attainment is much less conclusive. This
is particularly the case for disadvantaged families".[207]
The Minister told us that:
We have made assessments of the existing evidence
base and that does show that parental engagement, if done in the
right way, can have a very positive impact on attainment. What
is encouraging and far better than us doing the work is that the
EEF is commissioning a lot of evidence-based studies of parental
engagement. In some of the first work that it has been commissioning,
it has been focusing on this as a theme. That means that, once
that is complete, we will have a lot more serious evidence about
what type of engagement with parents works, and how it works compared
with other educational interventions.[208]
128. In the context of early years education,
we recommended in our 2013 Sure Start children's centres report
that "research is needed into what kind of engagement with
parents in their children's learning in the family home makes
the difference in narrowing the gap between the most disadvantaged
children and their better-off peers".[209]
This is particularly the case now that the pupil premium is to
be extended to the early years.[210]
The Government's response to this recommendation did not
refer to the issue of parental engagement,[211]
and we therefore reiterate the need to investigate this.
129. We recommend once again that the Government
commission research into what kind of engagement with parents
in their children's learning makes the difference in narrowing
the gap between the most economically disadvantaged children and
their better-off peers, and in particular, identify from specific
schools and local authorities examples of best practice that could
be shared more widely.
Early Years
130. In our report on children's centres, we
noted the "critical importance of early years for future
life chances makes this a fundamental test of the Government's
seriousness in closing the attainment gap between the most disadvantaged
children and their peers".[212]
The evidence referred to in paragraph 24 of this report showing
the 25 percentage point gap for white British children by the
age of 5 underlines the relevance of our previous findings to
this group of children. We endorse the new integrated check for
2½ year olds which should enable professionals to identify
those children needing additional help and we welcome the expansion
of early education for these age groups which should address this
need.
131. As with primary and secondary schools, there
is an urgent need to ensure that the best teachers and leaders
are engaged with the most disadvantaged children. We support the
Government's aim of raising the quality of the early years workforce
but we remain concerned at the lack of a strategy towards realising
the vision of equality between early years teachers and those
in schools.
Vocational education
The impact of the Wolf reforms
on white working class boys
132. FSM pupils are more likely to study vocational
programmes, including those deemed to be 'Wolf-approved' (i.e.
counted towards the achievement of the 5 A*-C threshold measure
from 2014, as a result of the recommendations in the Wolf report.).[213]
In 2012, 56% of white FSM pupils entered one or more Wolf-approved
equivalent qualification, compared to 47% of all other pupils
(although this pattern is the same for non-white FSM pupils).[214]
The Department concluded that "The [Wolf] reforms [are expected
to] have a larger impact on white FSM pupils [
] almost 5%
of white FSM pupils rely on non-Wolf qualifications to achieve
the expected level, whereas 3% of all other pupils and just over
4% of all other FSM eligible pupils [do] [...]". The DfE
also noted that the reforms will also impact more on white FSM
boys than white FSM girls.[215]Table
10: Modelled impact of Wolf recommendations on key stage 4 outcomes,
2012
DfE modeling
| White FSM
| All other pupils
| Total
|
Number of eligible pupils
| 54,753 | 511,937
| 566,690 |
Number achieving 5+ A*-C inc E&M
| 16,948 | 313,340
| 330,288 |
% achieving 5+ A*-C inc E&M
| 31.0% | 61.2%
| 58.3% |
Number achieving 5+ A*-C inc E&M (Wolf)
| 14,298 | 296,388
| 310,686 |
% 5+ A*-C inc E&M (Wolf)
| 26.1% | 57.9%
| 54.8% |
Difference
| -2,650 | -16,952
| -19,602 |
% Difference
| -4.8% | -3.3%
| -3.5% |
Source: Department for Education (WWC 28) para 55
133. We asked Professor Alison Wolf to comment
on this:
When they say it will impact on them, what they
are actually saying is that this was the group that was most likely
to do the sorts of qualifications that we feel were not worth
doing. The answer is hopefully it is going to make it much better
for them, because there will not be that opportunity, or there
will not be such strong perverse incentives, to put people in
for qualifications that employers do not, in practice, value.[216]
We consider that vocational education is an important
subject that deserves future scrutiny. In particular, a careful
balance needs to be struck between ensuring that young people
are given access to an academic education while avoiding portraying
vocational routes as a second-class option.
WORK-RELATED LEARNING
134. We noted in our 2013 report on Careers
Guidance for Young People that the statutory duty for schools
to provide work-related learning had been removed in August 2012,[217]
and the NUT raised this again in relation to this inquiry: "Such
contexts could help young people learn about and for work through
the school curriculum, and could assist in particular those young
people who come from homes where there is no wage earner or who
come from backgrounds where they lack the social networks to learn
about work or to be exposed to employment or work experience opportunities".[218]
We note that new guidance for schools has been published recently
and we look forward to exploring how well this meets the need
for guidance on work-related learning.[219]
135. We are encouraged that the Sutton Trust
has commissioned work to investigate the quantitative evidence
for the effect of careers education and guidance, including analysis
by social class, and we look forward to receiving the results
in due course.[220]
136. The consequence of low educational attainment
is too often "NEET" statusnot in education, employment
or training. A report for the Employers Federation found that
positive relationships exist between the number of employer contacts
(such as careers talks or work experience) that a young person
experiences in school (between the ages of 14 and 19) and their
confidence (at 19-24) in progression towards ultimate career goals
and the likelihood of whether (at 19-24) they are NEET or non-NEET.[221]
Aligning social and education
policies
137. As the Sutton Trust observed, "This
problem will not be solved solely through the education system".[222]
Given the breadth of issues explored in Chapter 3, it is also
relevant to consider how other social policies interact with schools.
ASCL told us that:
Addressing white working class underachievement
by setting new targets to schools and colleges, or altering the
range and governance of such institutions, or interfering with
the curriculum or the qualification system, is to try to treat
the symptom rather than the disease. There is a need to address
more fundamental issues of inequality, and to intervene at an
earlier stage in a child's development to encourage and support
parents to value their children's education.[223]
138. Similarly, a background report for Ofsted
on the educational attainment of white British students from low
income backgrounds as part of its Access and achievement in
education 2013 review notes that "Systemic solutions
will require more than excellence in the application of basic
good practice by individual schools, it will require the aligned
effort of a range of services and institutions". The paper
goes on to explain that "Evidence [...] points directly to
the mutual and accumulative benefits which services can bring
to one another when improved health, housing, parenting, home
learning and schooling operate in a virtuous circle".[224]
139. The National Children's Bureau and Council
for Disabled Children propose that the Government should create
a Children and Young People's Board, "with full ministerial
representation to develop and implement a genuinely cross-government
multidimensional strategy to reduce the inequality and disadvantage
children and young people face".[225]
NASUWT's written evidence to the inquiry observed that:
A central component of the Every Child Matters
agenda involved improving inter-agency working and collaboration
across children's services. The implementation of ECM highlighted
the difficulties involved in developing effective collaboration
and inter-agency working [...] there were significant challenges
in developing effective communication channels and difference
in organisational cultures and terminology needed to be overcome
[...] The NASUWT believes that this highlights the importance
of a nationally coordinated, strategic approach to ensuring effective
collaboration and inter-agency working.[226]
140. The Minister provided an example of current
cross-department working in the form of the new child poverty
strategy, which encompasses social policies such as housing and
healthcare, with links to educational attainment. He told us that
"we work closely with other Departments in Whitehall that
impact on children's lives".[227]
Nevertheless, the Minister told us that he was keen to concentrate
primarily on school-based interventions:
Changing some of those things outside the school
gate can be much more challenging than trying to get those interventions
right in schools themselves [...] I am more optimistic about making
rapid progress in raising attainment for disadvantaged youngsters
by really focusing on what goes on in schools and that schools
can easily impact upon, rather than trying to change the whole
of society, which is a rather big ambitionimportant, but
not easy to do in the short term.[228]
I suspect that for every pound spent, an intervention
within a school with good leadership, using the right interventions,
is more likely to be of use than very generic social interventions
[...] the more diffuse the interventions are, and the more generic
about trying to tackle wider economic disadvantage in society,
the more risk there is that we will not focus on the things that
make the most impact to young people.[229]
141. We agree that there is much that schools
can do to address white working class underachievement. Broader
societal factors also have an enormous role to play, but this
should not deflect attention from the central importance of improving
school and teaching quality.
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|