13 Towards a new European Neighbourhood
Policy
| Committee's assessment
| Politically important |
| Committee's decision | Not cleared from scrutiny; further information requested
|
| Document details | Joint Consultation Paper — Towards a new European Neighbourhood Policy
|
| Legal base | —
|
| Department | Foreign and Commonwealth Office
|
| Document numbers | (36714), —, JOIN(15) 6
|
Summary and Committee's conclusions
13.1 The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was
developed in 2004, with the objective of avoiding the emergence
of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and neighbouring
countries, and instead strengthening their prosperity, stability
and security. It presently involves the EU's 16 closest neighbours
— Algeria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Egypt, Georgia,
Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Moldova, Morocco, the Occupied
Palestinian Territories, Syria, Tunisia and Ukraine.
13.2 The ENP is chiefly a bilateral policy between
the EU and each partner country, complemented by regional and
multilateral co-operation initiatives: the Eastern Partnership
(launched in Prague in May 2009), the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
(EUROMED): the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, formerly known
as the Barcelona Process, re-launched in Paris in July 2008),
and the Black Sea Synergy (launched in Kiev in February 2008).
13.3 The ENP offers the EU's neighbours a privileged
relationship, building upon a mutual commitment to common values
(democracy and human rights, rule of law, good governance, market
economy principles and sustainable development). The level of
ambition of the relationship depends on the extent to which these
values are shared. The ENP includes political association and
deeper economic integration, increased mobility and more people-to-people
contacts. ENP sector policies cover a broad range of issues, including
employment and social policy, trade, industrial and competition
policy, agriculture and rural development, climate change and
environment, energy security, transport, research and innovation,
as well as support to health, education, culture and youth.
13.4 The last ENP review was in 2011, which produced
a stronger focus on the promotion of deep and sustainable democracy,
economic development, and conditionality (the "more for more
principle"). Each year, there is an overview, supplemented
by an annual progress report on each partner country. The most
recent one, entitled Neighbourhood at the Crossroads: Implementation
of the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2013, hinted at the
broader, strategic questions that arose from developments over
the preceding 12 months (see paragraphs 13.22-13.26 below for
details, and the Committee's thoughts thereon).
13.5 The Joint Consultation Paper was launched on
4 March 2015, via a joint press conference by the EU High Representative
for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR; Federica Mogherini)
and Enlargement Commissioner Johannes Hahn. The HR noted that
the region has changed greatly in the last 10 years, and particularly
since 2011. The EU needed "to review our policy, our way
of working, our partnership with the countries of our region":
to move from an approach based on the evaluation of progress to
"a more political dialogue, to a more political partnership,
to a more cooperation oriented approach between equal partners".
In particular:
"because as our region is in flames, both
to the East and South, we have to use all the potential of our
bilateral relations with partners in the region to have an effective
impact on our region".
13.6 She and her officials would continue to "work
together in the next months, myself together with Commissioner
Hahn, our offices in a perfect team"; the main purpose being:
"to have better and more effective instruments
to work in our neighbourhood, in our region and we desperately
need to find better instruments to be better effective."
13.7 Enlargement Commissioner Johannes Hahn said
that the consultation needed to look at four key points:
· increase differentiation: recognise
that our partners are very diverse; some want closer integration,
some want a different kind of relationship; consider how best
to pursue the relationship, perhaps in new formats;
· ownership: the new ENP must reflect
the views and experience of the EU's partners; not be condescending,
patronising or preaching; develop a real partnership of equals
on the basis of shared interests, while always promoting universal
principles;
· focus: need not cover every sector
with every partner: for those that want, and who are able, Association
Agreements and DCFTAs; for those who can't, or do not currently
want, to engage so deeply, focus on making partnerships more effective.
Widen the traditional focus on trade and mobility with a new
emphasis on energy security, threats to security from organised
crime, the "frozen conflicts";
· greater flexibility: being able
to react to changing circumstances, and crises when they arise.
13.8 The HR and Commissioner professed themselves
determined to consult as widely as possible, particularly in the
partner countries, between now and the end June —looking
for "concrete ideas that will suit us and our partners, and
that will deliver results the public can understand" (see
paragraph 13.29 below for full details).
13.9 Against this background, the aim of the Joint
Consultation Paper is to frame the discussion for a careful re-examination
of the ENP. It sets out some preliminary findings in terms of
lessons learned from the ENP to date; suggests some first elements
of developing a stronger partnership; and identifies a number
of key questions for discussion with key partners and stakeholders.
The results of the consultation will contribute to a further Communication
in the autumn of 2015, setting out concrete proposals for the
future direction of the ENP (see paragraphs 13.28-13.31 below
for details).
13.10 The Minister for Europe (Mr David Lidington)
welcomes the publication of the Joint Communication, and considers
this an important opportunity to refocus ENP. He favours "a
more flexible, ambitious and effective policy for the region,
that is capable of reacting to the problems arising from conflict,
and dealing with the question of resilience and stability".
He sees the ENP as facing these key challenges:
· the "one-size-fits-all" approach:
the ENP incorporates some differentiation but needs to tailor
its objectives, aims and use of instruments for each region, as
well as individual countries, even further;
· low levels of understanding/support: the
ENP is complex and technocratic, based largely around binding
countries to the EU through international agreements, such as
Association Agreements, Strategic Modernisation Partnerships,
etc., as a means to deliver change;
· how to incentivise reform: the EU quite
rightly insists on substantive political and economic reforms
in exchange for access to its markets; but there are questions
as to whether the EU has been effective enough in incentivizing
the necessary reforms
13.11 The Minister therefore broadly agrees with
the Joint Consultation Paper's key themes: Differentiation, Focus,
Flexibility, Ownership and Visibility. In responding, the UK will
focus on:
· improving differentiation to allow the
ENP to adapt to the changing situation in the region;
· increased flexibility so that resources
can be used more effectively;
· better response to crisis management;
· more effective strategic communications
in the region; and
· greater bilateral involvement by Member
States, to complement EU efforts (see paragraphs 13.32-13.37 below
for details).
13.12 With "our region … in flames,
both to the East and South", this Joint Consultation Paper
is plainly timely. But it would be thus even were that not so,
for all the other reasons identified by both the HR/Commissioner
and the Minister.
13.13 There are very large sums of money involved
— the ENP draws its funding primarily from the European
Neighbourhood Instrument (ENI), to which over €15 billion
has been allocated in the 2014-2020 financial perspective.
According to the Commission, in 2011, total trade between the
EU and its ENP partners was worth €230 billion; the EU issued
3.2 million Schengen visas to ENP partners in 2012; and in 2007-2013,
provided partners with over €12 billion in grant money for
the implementation of the ENP. As we noted last year, it is
inconceivable that the EU would not have some such policy: but,
at the end of the day, no-one has any real idea of how effective
this expenditure of over €12 billion has been.
13.14 The EU is also engaged in other analogous
activities, such as the Central Asia Strategy and a prospective
regional strategy for Syria and Iraq as well as the Da'esh threat.[59]
So what emerges from this consultation will have major implications
for a wide range of other EU activity around the globe, particularly
in terms of effectively relating objectives, approach, expenditure
and outcomes.
13.15 And, prior to the publication of the results
of this consultation exercise, EU leaders will return to that
most basic of foreign policy issues: defence.[60]
13.16 Under "Next Steps", the Joint
Consultation Paper says its aim is "to consult as widely
as possible both with partners in the neighbouring countries and
with stakeholders across the EU", and that:
"We will consult with Member States and
partners, but also with a wide range of actors from parliaments,
including the European Parliament, civil society and think tanks,
and from the social partners, business and academic communities.
We will engage with key international organisations active in
the neighbourhood, including notably the Council of Europe, the
OSCE as well as the major international financing institutions."
13.17 We note the Enlargement Commissioner has
already engaged in a debate with the European Parliament only
five days after publication of the joint consultation paper.
However, we understand that, beyond that, the reference to consultation
with parliaments in the paper refers to parliaments in the partnership
countries, including taking a "roadshow" to each one
and visits to each country's parliament; and that the Commission
has no plans to reach out specifically to EU national parliaments
for consultation on the ENP review. However, we further understand
that the Commission would always welcome any proactive request
from a national parliament to discuss the ENP review, be that
an invitation to Westminster to give evidence or as part of a
Committee's visit to Brussels.
13.18 We welcome this; although Parliament is
about to be dissolved, its successor will have been established
before the end of the consultation period. Once our successor
Committee has been established we recommend that it consider seeking
the Opinion of the new Foreign Affairs Committee, should there
be time to do so.
13.19 In the meantime, we shall retain the Joint
Consultation Paper under scrutiny, pending receipt of further
information from the Minister on the outcome of the consultation.
If this is in the form of a further depositable document, then
we shall await a timely Explanatory Memorandum in the usual way.
However, if for whatever reason it is in another format, then
we rely upon him to provide a full and timely summary, with his
(or his successor's) assessment and views thereon.
Full details of the documents:
Joint Consultation Paper — Towards a new European Neighbourhood
Policy: (36714), —, JOIN(15) 6
Background
13.20 In 2010-11, the EU reviewed the ENP and put
a strong focus on the promotion of deep and sustainable democracy,
accompanied by inclusive economic development. Deep and sustainable
democracy includes in particular free and fair elections, freedom
of expression, of assembly and of association, judicial independence,
fighting corruption and democratic control over the armed forces.
The new approach stresses the role of civil society, and incorporates
the "more for more" principle, under which the EU will
develop stronger partnerships with those neighbours that make
more progress towards democratic reform.
13.21 The ENP remains distinct from the process of
enlargement although it does not prejudge, for European neighbours,
how their relationship with the EU may develop in future, in accordance
with Treaty provisions.[61]
13.22 Our previous relevant Report centred on a Joint
Communication, Neighbourhood at the Crossroads: Implementation
of the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2013 — the third
of the customary annual reports on ENP implementation since the
major overhaul in 2011, in which the "Arab Spring" was
a major factor. The main features of the 2011 update were political
association, economic integration, the mobility of people, a stronger
partnership with civil society and better cooperation on specific
sector policies. The Joint Communication reviewed progress by
ENP partners against jointly agreed reform objectives.
13.23 In addition to the Communication, the progress
of each ENP partner country in implementing reforms agreed with
the EU and documented in their bilateral Action Plans was described
in individual progress reports or memos. Country reports for Morocco
and Tunisia were in French to increase their visibility in the
partner countries themselves. For ENP partner countries where
there was no Action Plan in place (Algeria, Belarus, Libya and
Syria) the Commission issued a memorandum rather than a progress
report. In addition, the Commission provided two regional reviews
covering the Southern Neighbourhood and Eastern Partnership.
There was also a Statistical Annex attached which provided selected
political, economic, mobility and assistance related indicators,
statistics and graphs. The key points of this mass of documentation
were summarised in and commented upon (see sections in italics)
by the Minister for Europe.[62]
13.24 More generally, the Minister noted that the
UK continued to work with like-minded Member States to ensure
that the ENP was "rooted in an incentive-based approach"
and provided "a rigorous assessment of progress". The
Minister described the Joint Communication as "a fair analysis
of progress, and a welcome progression from previous reports".
The analysis was "accurate and moderately robust in criticising
partners for not fully delivering on their previous reform commitments";
the Minister would "continue to encourage EU institutions
to continue this approach in the future".
13.25 The individual country reports reflected, in
more detail, the very mixed picture painted more broadly in the
Joint Communication and the documents on the regional dimensions.
The EU's neighbours continued the struggle between an authoritarian
past and associated ethnic conflicts, and a law-based, fully participatory,
consensual and tolerant polity.
Our assessment
13.26 Though the Joint Communication was essentially
narrative, and only prescriptive in the short-term, its title
— Neighbourhood at the Crossroads — hinted
at the broader, strategic questions that arose from developments
over the preceding 12 months. In the south, "the neighbourhood"
was, if anything, going backwards: Syria spoke for itself, Libya
was divided and in many ways lawless, and it was difficult to
see what EU values were shared by those governing Egypt. In the
north, Russia was challenging the whole basis of the ENP: Ukraine
was in crisis, and Belarus had already turned its back on the
EU's "offer". With the crucial incentive of EU membership
not part of that "offer", the EU therefore had two choices:
withdraw, or follow Churchill's dictum — in more polite
language, keep its shoulder to the wheel and look for incremental
progress. Dealing with its neighbours in the east and the south
remained nonetheless essential to both the EU and the UK's security.
The EU's approach remained generally regarded as positive, and
welcomed, by partner countries, and was thus able to take forward
useful work in trade, transport, energy and mobility — and,
where governments were less welcoming, help sustain and encourage
those who strove for a more open society.[63]
13.27 On 4 March 2015, the EU High Representative
for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Commission Vice-President
(HR; Federica Mogherini) and Enlargement Commissioner Johannes
Hahn jointly hosted a press conference, which they introduced
thus:
HR MOGHERINI:
"We have just decided in the college to
formally launch the review of the European Neighbourhood Policy
that as you know is already 10 years old, and last review was
done in 2011, in the process of the so-called Arab Spring.
"Our region has changed a lot in these last
years, for sure in the last 10 years but also from 2011 —
both our region to the East and to the South, with dramatic developments,
but also with encouraging steps that were registered even recently
both to the East and to the South.
"We need to review our policy, our way of
working, our partnership with the countries of our region, first
of all because we feel we need to move from an approach that has
been very much based on the judgement on the evaluation of the
progress in our relationship to a more political dialogue, to
a more political partnership, to a more cooperation oriented approach
between equal partners. In particular because as our region is
in flames, both to the East and South, we have to use all the
potential of our bilateral relations with partners in the region
to have an effective impact on our region.
"We have common challenges with our partners,
be it security, be it the protection of basic rights and principles,
be it migration (and this is dramatically evident also today with
the news coming from the Mediterranean again), be it energy or
be it the promotion of Human Rights and democracy, be it the economic
development, trade. A full agenda of things on which it is useful
to strengthen our capacity to work together with our partners
in the region.
"So we will work together in the next months,
myself together with Commissioner Hahn, our offices in a perfect team
work I have to say that I am personally very proud of. We have
started to work very well together in the Commission and I hope
this will bring fruitful results in the coming months. We will
work together in the next months, first of all with our partners
listening and working together on what has had worth over these
years, what has to be improved or changed, starting from listening
process. We will do this both with the partners in the East and
in the South.
"We will have a couple of meetings that
will be important in this view. The Riga summit on the East, the
Barcelona meeting in April to the South, to have open and frank
discussions with our partners on what we need to change and in
which way.
"We will also discuss this internally. The
EU Foreign Ministers will start the discussion at our informal
ministerial in Riga on Friday and Saturday this week.
"It will be a process, Commissioner Hahn
will tell you more about this, where the main purpose is to have
better and more effective instruments to work in our neighbourhood,
in our region and we desperately need to find better instruments
to be better effective."
ENLARGEMENT COMMISSIONER JOHANNES HAHN
"It is in the EU's own interests to maintain
close relations with its neighbours. From energy security to migration,
from trade to terrorism: we need to work together on the big challenges
we all face.
"What is the objective? We want to be a
key partners for the countries on our doorstep, while defending
their right to choose their own way forward. We prefer to work
with democracies in open trading relationships, because we believe
this is better for everyone. And, we want to have good working
relationships on issues that affect us.
"As High Representative has said, there
has been a lot of changes in the neighbourhood in recent years.
The ENP has not always been able to offer adequate responses to
the changing aspirations of our partners. And therefore, the EU's
own interests have not been fully served either.
"That is why President Juncker has asked
me, in close co-operation with the High Representative/Vice-President
to carry out a far-reaching review of this policy. Many Member
States — and indeed our partners — have already signalled
they also believe change is necessary.
"In the consultation, we need to look at four
key points:
"First. What can we do increase differentiation
in the way we work with our partners? We need to do more to recognise
that our partners are very diverse. Not just different East and
South, but different within the East and within the South. Some
want closer integration with us, and in these cases we need to
reflect on what further steps are possible. Some want a different
kind of relationship, and for these we need to consider how best
to pursue the relationship, perhaps in new formats
"Second. This brings me to ownership. The
new ENP must reflect the views and experience of our partners.
It must not be condescending, patronising or preaching. We must
ensure that we develop a real partnership of equals on the basis
of shared interests, while always promoting universal principles.
The consultation will look at new ways of working, for example,
potential changes to our annual reports.
"Third. My third point is therefore focus:
We need not cover every sector with every partner. For those that
want, and who are able, we should pursue the Association Agreements
and DCFTAs. But, for those who can't, or do not currently want
to engage so deeply, let's narrow the focus to make our partnerships
more effective.
"Trade and mobility have been the traditional
focus points: I want us to put a new emphasis on some that have
not been fully used up to now: energy - both our energy security
and that of our partners; and threats to security from organised
crime to the frozen conflicts.
"Fourth. Lastly, we need to be more flexible: this
means being able to react to changing circumstances, and crises
when they arise.
"We are determined to consult as widely
as possible, particularly in the partner countries and the consultation
will last till end June. Then, we will come with a full proposal
in the autumn.
"We are looking for concrete ideas that
will suit us and our partners, and that will deliver results the
public can understand. Many like to ask what the end destination
of this policy is: I am more interested to see what advances we
can make in the next five years."[64]
The Joint Consultation Paper
13.28 In its introduction, "A Special Relationship",
the HR says:
"We need a stronger Europe when it comes
to foreign policy. With countries in our neighbourhood, we need
to step up close cooperation, association and partnership to further
strengthen our economic and political ties."
13.29 She also notes that Article 8(1) TEU states
that:
"the Union shall develop a special relationship
with neighbouring countries, aiming to establish an area of prosperity
and good neighbourliness, founded on the values of the Union and
characterised by close and peaceful relations based on cooperation."
13.30 After briefly reviewing developments over the
past ten years, and noting that Commission President Juncker has
stated that there will be no further enlargement over the next
five years, the HR says the aim of the Joint Consultation Paper
is "to frame the discussion for a thorough re-examination
of the ENP".
13.31 The Joint Consultation Paper sets out some
preliminary findings in terms of lessons learned from the European
Neighbourhood Policy to date, some suggested first elements of
developing a stronger partnership and identifies a number of key
questions for discussion with key partners and stakeholders. The
results of the consultation will contribute to a further Communication
in the autumn of 2015, setting out concrete proposals for the
future direction of the ENP.
The Government's Explanatory Memorandum
13.32 In his Explanatory Memorandum of 19 March 2015,
the Minister for Europe recalls that the first review in 2010-2011
resulted in "a stronger focus on the promotion of deep and
sustainable democracy, economic development, and conditionality
(the more for more principle)", and then says:
"However, since that review, the situation
in the EU's neighbourhood has become more volatile, with conflict
in a number of countries, a reduction in democracy in others,
and poor economic development. It has become clear to many, including
the UK, that the ENP has not been as effective as we wished in
delivering positive change in the region. Since early 2014, the
UK has been calling for an ambitious and comprehensive review
of the ENP, building on the outcomes of the 2011 review, in order
to address these challenges."
13.33 The Minister then helpfully summarises the
Joint Consultation Paper's four sections — a summary of
the existing policy, lessons learned, key priorities, and next
steps, each with a range of questions upon which the EEAS and
Commission are seeking — as follows:
"Section I — Introduction. A Special
Relationship sets out the situation in the neighbourhood and
provides a broad overview of the challenges faced. It is a primarily
factual record of events and the process that has led the EU to
initiate this review.
"Section II — Lessons Learned
identifies a number of shortcomings that need to be addressed,
such as differing levels of engagement amongst partners, partner
concerns over equal ownership, the impact of other countries in
the region on partners and the ENP, and the need for the ENP to
be more closely integrated into EU foreign policy. It asks questions
about whether the EU's overall approach is the right one, whether
one policy for the whole region remains appropriate, and then
detail questions about implementation and the effectiveness of
Action Plans, Progress Reports and sector co-operation.
"Section III — Towards a partnership
with clearer focus and more tailored co-operation identifies
four priority areas for further consultation and reflection, and
poses key questions for the future:
"Differentiation
"Should the EU gradually explore new relationship
formats to satisfy the aspirations and choices of those who do
not consider the Association Agreements as the final stage of
political association and economic integration?
"Focus
"Which priorities do partners see in terms of
their relations with the EU? Which sector or policy areas would
they like to develop further? Which areas are less interesting
for partners?
"Does the ENP currently have the right tools
to address the priorities on which you consider it should focus?
How could sectoral dialogues contribute?
"Flexibility
"How to streamline Action Plans to adapt them
better to individual country needs and priorities?
"Is annual reporting needed for countries which
do not choose to pursue closer political and economic integration?
"How should the EU structure relations with
countries that do not currently have Action Plans?
"Ownership & Visibility
"What do partners seek in the ENP? How can it
best accommodate their interests and aspirations?
"Can ways of working be developed that are seen
as more respectful by partners and demonstrate a partnership of
equals? How should this impact on annual reporting?
"How can EU Member States be involved more effectively
in the design and implementation of the policy, including as concerns
foreign policy and security related activities? How can the activities
in EU Member States be better coordinated with the ENP?
"Section IV — Next Steps,
sets out the EEAS and Commission's plans to deliver the review,
consult widely amongst Member States, stakeholders, civil society,
business and parliaments, with a view to completing the consultation
period at the end of June."
The Government's view
13.34 The Minister welcomes the publication of the
Joint Consultation Paper, which he describes as:
"an important opportunity to refocus Neighbourhood
Policy in light of the many challenges faced in both the East
and the South."
13.35 He continues his comments as follows:
"The UK wants a more flexible, ambitious
and effective policy for the region, that is capable of reacting
to the problems arising from conflict, and dealing with the question
of resilience and stability. We see the ENP as facing a number
of key challenges:
· "The one-size-fits-all approach,
where there is a clear need for the ENP to tailor its objectives,
aims and use of instruments for each region, as well as individual
countries, even further. The ENP incorporates some differentiation
already but the UK believes it could go further in its approach.
· "Low levels of understanding/support:
The ENP is complex and technocratic in its approach, which is
based largely around binding countries to the EU through international
agreements, such as Association Agreements, Strategic Modernisation
Partnerships, etc. as a means to deliver change.
· "How to incentivise reform. The EU
quite rightly implements conditionality in its support, offering
more for more, and insisting on substantive political and economic
reforms in exchange for access to its markets. However, there
are questions as to whether we have been effective enough in incentivising
the reforms we need.
"The UK therefore broadly agrees with the
key themes set out in the Joint Communication: Differentiation,
Focus, Flexibility, Ownership and Visibility. In responding to
the Review, the UK will focus on the following issues: improving
differentiation to allow the ENP to adapt to the changing situation
in the region; increased flexibility so that resources can be
used more effectively; better response to crisis management; more
effective strategic communications in the region, and greater
bilateral involvement by Member States, to complement EU efforts."
13.36 Turning to the Financial Implications,
the Minister notes:
"The European Neighbourhood Policy draws
its funding primarily from the European Neighbourhood Instrument
(ENI). The ENI is worth over €15 billion for the 2014-2020
financial perspective.
"Although the ENP Review is not envisaged
to discuss specific allocations, it will almost certainly impact
on how and where the EU spends ENI funding in the future. For
example, when the ENI was launched, 75% of the funding went to
the Southern neighbourhood. The gradual shift to the East has
pushed this down to 65%. Following UK- led lobbying, some funds
have been allocated on a reward for reform basis (more for more)
e.g. Tunisia's funding has significantly increased. Crises have
also impacted and not all allocations on paper have been disbursed
(e.g. Egypt), and unspent funding elsewhere has been reallocated
to crisis areas e.g. Syria.
"Any outcome of this review will have a
direct impact on the mid-term review of the ENI, which is due
in 2017. The UK government will continue to use its influence,
both during this Review, and the 2017 ENI Review, to ensure that
any changes are met from within existing resources (i.e. no new
money) and that the principles enshrined in the 2011 Review —
accountability, monitoring, reporting, and value for money, are
maintained and protected."
13.37 Finally, on the Timetable, the Minister
notes that the consultation period for this review will
last until the end of June 2015, and that the EEAS and Commission
then plan to submit their findings to the Council in the autumn
of 2015.
Previous Committee Reports
None, but see (35946), 8595/14 +ADDs 1-15: Forty-eighth
Report HC 83-xliii (2013-14), chapter 12 (7 May 2014).
59 See (36664), 6031/15, JOIN(15) 2: Thirty-Fifth
Report HC 219-xxxiv (2014-15), chapter 7 (4 March 2015) for the
Committee's consideration thereof. Back
60
See (35696), 17859/13, JOIN(13) 30 at chapter 19 of this Report
for the Committee's latest consideration of the preparations for
the June "defence" European Council. Back
61
European Neighbourhood Policy. Back
62
See (35946), 8595/14 +ADDs 1-15: Forty-eighth Report HC 83-xliii
(2013-14), chapter 12 (7 May 2014) for full information. Back
63
Ditto. Back
64
Press Release. Back
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