Female genital mutilation: the case for a national action plan - Home Affairs Committee Contents


Conclusions and Recommendations


Introduction

1. FGM is a severe form of gender-based violence, and where it is carried out on a girl, it is an extreme form of child abuse. Everyone who has a responsibility for safeguarding children must view FGM in this way. (Paragraph 8)

2. Even conservative estimates of the number of girls at risk of FGM indicate that it could be one the most prevalent forms of severe physical child abuse in the UK. In two London boroughs, for example, almost one in ten girls are born to a woman who has undergone FGM, and are therefore at risk of being cut themselves. Yet, apart from a small number of high-level statistical analyses and anecdotal evidence, we have very little information on the children who are most at risk, and even the extent to which the cutting is occurring in this country or by taking girls abroad. Meanwhile, as many as 170,000 women in the UK may already be living with the life-long consequences of FGM. We welcome efforts by the Government and others to draw a more accurate picture. However, even in the absence of precise data, it is clear that the extent of the problem is very significant, and therefore needs to be matched by a response by all those who have a responsibility for safeguarding children that is similar in scale. (Paragraph 14)

3. The failure to respond adequately to the growing prevalence of FGM in the UK over recent years has likely resulted in the preventable mutilation of thousands of girls to whom the state owed a duty of care. This is a national scandal for which successive governments, politicians, the police, health, education and social care sectors all share responsibility. We pay tribute to the efforts of a small number of individuals and organisations who have worked to raise public awareness of FGM and the impact it has on those who have undergone the procedure. Many of those campaigners who have spoken out have had to withstand criticism and ostracism by those in their own communities who do not wish to see an end to the practice. We also acknowledge the work of The Evening Standard, The Guardian, and The Times in raising public awareness of FGM in the last year. The Government has started to take action, and we welcome the stated commitment to end FGM in a generation. It must now implement a comprehensive and fully-resourced national action plan for tackling FGM. The plan should provide clear leadership and objectives, setting out the standards expected of all relevant bodies, and to which they will be held accountable. It should incorporate a number of interlinked aspects, including:

a)  the achievement of successful prosecutions for FGM;

b)  working with professionals in the health, education, social care and other sectors to ensure the safeguarding of at-risk girls;

c)  changes to the law on FGM;

d)  improved working with communities to abandon FGM; and

e)  better services for women and girls living with FGM. (Paragraph 19)

4. We consider each of these in the subsequent chapters of this Report. Finally, we welcome the Prime Minister's planned summit on FGM and forced marriage. We urge him to consider the recommendations in this Report. We welcome the fact that the summit will reflect the international dimension of the problem, and we hope that the relevant heads of government of affected states are invited to attend. We believe the Government should aspire to the UK being a world leader in the policy response to FGM. (Paragraph 20)

Prosecuting FGM

5. A number of successful prosecutions would send a clear message to practising communities that FGM is taken seriously in the UK and will be punished accordingly. There has rightly been increasing public outrage at the failure to achieve a prosecution in the 29 years that FGM has been a crime, with the first prosecutions taking place only this year, after the Committee commenced its inquiry and only a matter of days before the DPP appeared before this Committee. This compares starkly with the approach in France, where a large number of successful prosecutions has played a key role in discouraging the practice. One reason behind the UK's poor record is that the police and Crown Prosecution Service have historically been far too passive in their approach to FGM by waiting for survivors to come forward and report. Yet, the nature of FGM means it is unlikely that this will happen. Often victims do not become aware that FGM is a crime until some years after it has happened to them. Even then, they face huge social pressure not to report it. (Paragraph 35)

6. We welcome the more recent proactive work the CPS has undertaken to secure prosecutions, which we hope will bear fruit. A key difficulty, though, remains the ability to gather sufficient evidence on which to base a prosecution. The police must do more within practising communities to publicise the fact that information can be reported anonymously. In addition, if victims had the protection of press and broadcast anonymity, this might encourage more to come forward. To allow this, we recommend the Government bring forward proposals to extend the right to anonymity under the Sexual Offences (Amendment) Act 1992 to include victims of FGM. (Paragraph 36)

7. The use of regular examinations of all children in France has been a key factor in obtaining evidence that has underpinned a large number of prosecutions. It would be a disproportionate response to introduce such a universal system in the UK. However, we do believe there is a case for a system that empowers medical professionals to make periodic FGM assessments where a girl is identified as being at high risk. Any such system would need to form part of a much wider scheme of preventative and safeguarding work, which we consider in the next two chapters. (Paragraph 37)

Safeguarding at-risk girls

8. It is deeply concerning that so many frontline practitioners do not recognise the indicators of when a girl or young woman is at risk, or has undergone FGM, and, even when they do recognise the signs, they do not know how to respond. It is unacceptable that those in a position with the most access to evidence of these crimes do nothing to help the victims and those at risk. The record of referrals by healthcare practitioners and others is extremely poor and a lack of training, awareness or ethical concerns can no longer prevent positive action being taken. To remove one of the obstacles to referring, high-quality training for all professionals, including midwives, GPs, health visitors, practice nurses, teachers, obstetricians and gynaecologists, social workers and teaching assistants, is therefore vital both during education and through continued professional development. This should form an essential part of all child protection training. Furthermore, we welcome and support the recommendations of the Intercollegiate Group, though we believe that this work could be better communicated. We note with disappointment that the Royal College of General Practitioners is not a signatory to the report. GPs have a vital role in responding to FGM, and we hope that the Royal College will now work with the Intercollegiate Group to implement its recommendations. (Paragraph 44)

9. The Multi-Agency Practice Guidelines on FGM have a valuable role to play as a tool for all practitioners. However, they will only ever be useful if they are read, and that is more likely to happen if they are mandatory. We recommend the Government update the Guidelines and place them on a statutory footing, giving them parity with guidelines for handling cases of forced marriage. We believe this will provide a much stronger incentive for agencies responsible for training to ensure the inclusion of FGM. To support this, the Department of Health should improve the accessibility of the Guidelines, rather than simply publishing them online, and provide funding for the development of e-learning materials for practitioners. The Department of Health and Department for Education should also ensure arrangements are in place to monitor compliance and hold to account bodies who are responsible for training provision. (Paragraph 45)

10. Misplaced concern for cultural sensitivities over the rights of the child is one of the main reasons why the UK has failed to tackle FGM to date. A key objective for a national action plan on FGM must be to overcome practitioners' own reluctance to address FGM so that they respond to it in the same way as other forms of child abuse. Practitioners must be given the confidence to know that they will not suffer any detriment as a result of raising legitimate concerns about FGM. Again, training is important for practitioners to have the confidence to talk about FGM. But it is also about making such conversations routine so that professionals overcome any awkwardness about having them. (Paragraph 47)

11. Healthcare professionals have a vital role in breaking the generational cycle of FGM. When a woman is identified as having undergone FGM or being from a country where FGM is practised, then her daughters, future children, younger sisters and other younger female family members should be considered at risk, and preventative measures put in place. But at present there is no consistent approach for identifying at-risk girls and monitoring them throughout their childhood. This process should start before the child is even born. We recommend that the FGM status of the mother and her intentions for the child if it is a girl be made a compulsory question at the antenatal booking interview. This would provide an opportunity to discuss the issue frankly, but sensitively. It would enable better preparation for the delivery, and where the question is not relevant to the mother, it will serve to raise awareness of the issue. (Paragraph 56)

12. Where a girl is born to a mother who has undergone FGM, or where there is perceived to be a risk to the child, we believe the NHS should, as a matter of policy, make a referral to children's social care, or the local multi-agency safeguarding hub, so that an action plan for the safeguarding of that child can be developed and implemented. We welcome the pilot in London to implement such an approach, and hope that it will inform a national roll-out as soon as possible. Furthermore, we recommend the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health amend the Personal Child Health Record, or Red Book, to include a specific reference to the risk of FGM to the child, and any safeguarding steps that have been taken. FGM should also form part of the standard questioning for women registering for the first time at GP practices. To support these recommendations, the NHS in conjunction with social care agencies must establish clear referral pathways, which are understood by health professionals so that they feel confident using them. We do not accept that patient confidentiality should prevent practitioners from making a referral where a child is at risk: as with any other form of child abuse, the law allows for disclosure where it is in the best interests of the child. (Paragraph 57)

13. Professionals in schools, including teachers and school nurses, have the most regular and ongoing interaction with young people outside of their homes. They are in the best position to detect the warning signs that a girl may be at risk of FGM, or has already undergone the procedure. It is vital that school staff have an awareness of these indicators, and know when to refer the matter to children's social care and the police. (Paragraph 64)

14. We commend the Secretary of State for Education's decision to write to every school to highlight his Department's revised safeguarding guidance, which for the first time raises FGM. However, it is deeply disappointing that almost 70 per cent of the recipients of the guidance did not even look at it in the month after its publication. We recommend that the Secretary of State for Education resend the guidance to all head teachers and child protection officers. To ensure that the guidance has been looked at, the Department for Education should link the receipt of a proportion of school funding that relates to social education and child protection to the electronic notification that the guidance has been viewed. (Paragraph 65)

15. We further recommend that head teachers and child protection officers, where they have not already done so, undergo compulsory safeguarding training which specifically deals with FGM. This training should be disseminated to all teaching staff through schools dedicating time during the remaining in-service training days in 2014 to provide guidance on child safeguarding in respect of FGM and forced marriage. In addition, we recommend that Ofsted publish a progress report setting out the number and proportion of its inspections to date that have explicitly asked about safeguarding against FGM, and the outcome of those inspections. (Paragraph 66)

16. We note that the large majority of our witnesses felt that Personal, Social and Health Education (PSHE) should be made compulsory, with FGM included as part of a wider curriculum on tackling violence against women and girls. It is important that teachers and pupils have an opportunity to discuss issues such as FGM, especially where a proportion of the school population may come from a practising community. We recommend that, where Ofsted assesses PSHE provision in schools, it explicitly examines the school's approach to education on FGM and violence against women. Empowering children to discuss the issue openly will increase the likelihood of breaking the inter-generational cycle of FGM, and will also increase the level of reporting, in so doing helping to ensure the safeguarding of at-risk girls. We recommend that PSHE be made compulsory, including teaching children about FGM in high-prevalence areas. (Paragraph 67)

17. Children's social care has an essential role in responding to referrals made by healthcare and education professionals, and others, and in developing an appropriate response that safeguards the child. It is concerning that many of those who make FGM-related referrals believe that the threshold for social care intervention is often too high. We recommend that the Department for Education investigate this issue with local safeguarding children boards. We are also concerned that some children's social care services fail to respond to referrals effectively either by not responding at all, or by overreacting. All local safeguarding children boards need to develop clear and consistent risk assessment protocols so that an appropriate action plan is put in place for every child referred to social services. This is particularly the case if efforts to increase the number of referrals from the health and education sectors are to be successful. (Paragraph 71)

18. The police have an important dual role to play in tackling FGM, both by working with children's social care and other agencies to safeguard at-risk children, and in investigating where a crime may have taken place. Given the low level of referrals to the police to date, we welcome the more proactive approach recently taken by forces such as the Metropolitan Police Service, particularly its recent operations in airports. We believe forces need to ensure that officers receive training to respond appropriately to referrals, and are able to work effectively with grass-roots organisations to break down barriers with affected communities. We were extremely disappointed in the role of ACPO and its lead, who appear to have made little effort to tackle the problem faced, and have shown a distinct lack of leadership in this matter. (Paragraph 76)

19. The importance of third sector organisations in working with other agencies to safeguard at-risk girls cannot be understated. Their role in raising awareness, training professionals, and working with affected communities is vital to tackling FGM in the UK. To date they have achieved this with very little financial support. The Government must provide additional funding to increase significantly the capacity of grass-roots groups, and to encourage the roll-out of best practice from groups such as Integrate Bristol. We support the NSPCC's FGM helpline, which has significantly increased the number of police referrals, though the charity itself believes this is the tip of the iceberg. The Government therefore needs to do much more to promote awareness of the helpline's existence among frontline practitioners and practising communities. (Paragraph 79)

20. Overall, the safeguarding of girls and young women at risk of FGM requires the development of a multi-agency approach with co-operation between all those who come into contact with childrenhealth, education, social care, the police and others. FGM is child abuse and needs to be treated accordingly through existing child protection and safeguarding system. This requires a much greater emphasis on the collection and sharing of information, and the development of clear referral pathways that are well-understood and used by front-line practitioners. (Paragraph 80)

21. There is a clear case for a national FGM awareness campaign, on the same scale as historic public health campaigns on domestic violence and HIV/AIDS. For too long it has been left to grassroots campaigners and the national media to do this work. And whilst we welcome the €300,000 of EU funding for awareness-raising, it is not sufficient. We recommend the Government provide funding to implement a national campaign that targets frontline professionals, practising communities, including at-risk girls, as well as the wider general public. The campaign should carry the unambiguous message that FGM is a serious crime and child abuse. It should also signpost practitioners who are unsure as to how to make a referral, and women who have undergone FGM and are seeking support. (Paragraph 84)

Changing the law

22. We believe there is a strong case for strengthening the law on FGM, principally to ensure the safeguarding of at-risk girls, but also to increase the likelihood of achieving successful prosecutions. We welcome the Government's plans to broaden the scope of the 2003 Act so that it covers girls who are habitually resident in the UK. The state has a duty of care to all those who live within its borders, regardless of their immigration status. We also recommend that the Government amend the 2003 Act to include reinfibulation. We further recommend that the Government examine the extent to which there is a double standard in the current treatment of female genital cosmetic surgery and FGM under the law, and whether there is a case for prohibiting all such surgery on girls under the age of 18, except where it is clinically indicated. We also support the introduction of FGM protection orders, and look forward to seeing proposals from the Ministry of Justice in this respect. (Paragraph 97)

23. We note the Government's reluctance to strengthen the statutory reporting requirements for child abuse. It is clear, however, that many professionals still fail to view FGM as child abuse and respond accordingly. This is why the level of referrals has been much lower than the likely prevalence of FGM in the UK. New initiatives such as the pilot for automatic referral to children's social care of newborn girls to mothers with FGM, should help to address this issue, as would a fully-funded national awareness campaign. However, if in a year's time the level of reporting has not reached the level that would be expected, we recommend the Government should take steps to make the failure to report child abuse a criminal offence. (Paragraph 98)

Working with communities

24. FGM will continue to be a problem in the UK until communities themselves choose to abandon the practice. The Government has a crucial role to play in enabling community-based initiatives that seek to break down the powerful social norms that underpin FGM. We welcome the £100,000 of funding from the Home Office to support greater engagement work by voluntary organisations. But it is not enough. To support a full-scale national action plan that is commensurate with the extent of the problem, the Government needs to provide long-term funding that is an order of magnitude greater than that which it has committed to date. (Paragraph 104)

25. There is too little provision of clinical and mental health support services for the many thousands of women and girls in the UK who have undergone FGM. The NHS and commissioning groups need to ensure that the provision of services better reflects the prevalence of FGM. The services available should specifically include the provision, through NGOs or local authorities, of dedicated FGM shelters to enable women and girls to remove themselves from a position of danger. These will also provide the pastoral, medical and psychological support needed to enable those at risk to break the cycle of abuse. Overall, services should be widely publicised, sustainable, and tailored to cater to different age groups. Frontline health professionals need better training to ensure women and girls who have undergone FGM are referred appropriately and sensitively to these services. Not only would much greater investment in such services improve the lives of a great many women and girls, it would also contribute significantly to breaking the cycle of violence, so protecting future generations. (Paragraph 110)


 
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Prepared 3 July 2014