6 Programming and Staffing
106. This chapter looks at how DFID's programming
has adapted to its changing management requirements. We look at
three aspects: DFID's programme management reforms, its use of
Payment By Results, and its staffing.
Programme Management
107. In last year's report on DFID's performance,
we stressed the need to streamline programme management. We are
pleased that DFID[190]
has reformed its programme management processes, following a review
by the Secretary of State which found:
· DFID's
conventional approach to programme management needs to change.
DFID needed to strip back our process and focus on real-world
delivery. Its programmes need to be flexible and responsive to
changing political realities and conflict dynamics on the ground;
· Programme
excellence requires collective responsibility for delivery. This
means making decisions that are contextually aware, proportionate
in their management, and clear in their audit trail;
· Streamlining
processes will only get the Department so far. Culture and behaviour
are in practice more important than the fine print of the rules.
Following this review, DFID developed reforms to
its programme management including: improving programme management
rules, skills and accountability
SMART RULES
108. DFID has improved its programme management processes
through the introduction of the Smart Rules in June 2014, streamlined
documentation, and tighter governance of the DFID programme cycle.
DFID told us that the Smart Rules have simplified requirements
for business cases, and encouraged DFID senior staff to use their
judgement on what is necessary.[191]
Many witnesses welcomed the increased flexibility of the Smart
Rules, although further improvement was needed; Coffey International
stressed the need for more flexible and adaptive programming so
that changes were easier to make.[192]
ICAI undertook a Rapid Review of the Smart Rules which Box 1 highlights.[193]
This included the need for the rules to be part of a wider transformation
of the Department.Box
1: ICAI's Rapid Review of Smart Rules
ICAI recently reviewed DFID's new Smart Rules. It found:
· There has been a serious attempt through the End to End Review and Smart Rules to grapple with some of the worst examples of procedural inefficiency.
· The Smart Rules are a good beginning to the streamlining process, with the previous 200 compliance steps distilled to 37 rules. Country offices report they are pleased with the greater flexibility and simplicity.
· The rules could be pared down further. Further clarity on what is mandatory and what is guidance is needed. The document still contains many 'musts' beyond the 37 rules.
· The changes to the rules are necessary but not sufficient. The rules need to be part of a stronger vision and strategy supported and resourced by DFID senior management team, and part of a wider transformation of the department.
· There has been an effort to reinforce the focus on delivery, with the introduction of the Delivery Plan as a key document a major step forward.
· The Smart Rules are still not focussed sufficiently on the implementation stage of the programme cycle. Little in the rules provides clarity on how staff should oversee day-to-day implementation. Of the 37 rules, only 3 sit under the 'delivery' sub heading.
ICAI recommended that the Smart Rules need to:
· be more explicit about intended beneficiary involvement;
· clarify the relationship between value for money, sustainability and impact;
· ensure a consistent approach to risk, adaptation and learning;
· enable mobilisation and increased realism in planning; and
· make senior staff (such as heads of office) specifically accountable for continuous learning
|
109. Similarly, Adam Smith International highlighted
three additional weaknesses of the Smart Rules:
· Multilateral
bias: The rules discuss support to multilateral organisations,
but only mention positive attributes of these organisations, despite
many of them being highly defective in a wide number of respects.[194]
· Goldplated
Business cases: The actual instructions on how to prepare a business
case are still too complicated, and do not do enough to reduce
incentives towards producing gold-plated business cases, which
inevitably become outdated.[195]
· Loss
of MOUs: There is no reference to the necessity of DFID signing
MOUs with beneficiary countries on programme implementation. This
leads to significant problems in understanding with beneficiary
countries.[196]
PROGRAMME SKILLS AND CAPABILITY
110. DFID reported that it is developing its programme
management capability. Previously ICAI highlighted this as a significant
weakness:
We were concerned, however, at DFID's poor end-to-end
programme management practices and the apparent lack of priority
given to project management skills in DFID's staffing. We have
seen instances of relatively junior DFID staff struggling to manage
large contractors with far greater experience; with DFID personnel
turning over much faster than the contractors' staff, leading
to gaps in accountability.[197]
111. DFID told us that since this finding senior
professional staff have been recruited and over 400 existing DFID
staff have been on programme management training with 250 staff
formally accredited into the "programme management cadre."[198]
DFID reported that it has not sought to set up a separate programme
management team, but to have programme management seen as a core
skill for all frontline staff.[199]
112. DFID also informed us that it was important
to change the culture of the Department,[200]
but Adam Smith International noted that DFID faced real challenges
in moving its culture towards the flexibility and adaptability
necessary for effective programme delivery, and supporting staff
to take risks.[201]
The DAC Peer Review also noted that DFID staff did not always
feel they could change the way things were done in the Department.[202]
113. Nonetheless, DFID reported that it is seeing
a changing focus in its staff's efforts, and in how seriously
programme management and monitoring is now taken by staff.[203]
Though it should be noted the Committee's recent Parliamentary
Strengthening report found that there were still considerable
delays in when annual reviews or completion reports were publicly
reported.[204]
ACCOUNTABILITY FOR PROGRAMME DELIVERY
A key focus of DFID's reforms has been on clearer
accountability for programme delivery, rather than just design.
The Springfield Centre highlighted the need:
Staff incentives are typically not aligned with
good development but with meeting spending targets, and with the
ability to deliver politically-appealing symbols of progress
The emphasis is on new programming and projected spending, not
quality of implementation
By the time the performance of
an initiative is scrutinised-they typically take eighteen months
or so to set up-the advisor will be on the way to a different
posting, so there is little accountability for performance
There is a fundamental misalignment between personal and organisational
incentives and genuine development goals.[205]
114. DFID is introducing Senior Responsible Owners
(SROs) for every DFID programme, responsible for the vision and
overall performance of a programme and providing leadership throughout
the programme life cycle. It has 200 SROs now in place. Witnesses
welcomed the SRO mechanism, and stressing the importance of its
oversight role.[206]
However, one major limitation to its ambitions to ensure SRO accountability
is the high level of staff turnover in DFID country offices (see
below). ICAI notes that this means:
Several staff are likely to be SRO over a project
lifecycle. DFID staff often move to new positions and countries
with incomplete handovers. We think that there might be scope
for DFID to consider whether and how staff remain accountable
for their actions, when SRO of a project, after they have moved
to new jobs (as happens in other organisations)
The SRO
duties will need to be updated to reinforce the handover obligations
and that a formal record of accountability should be established
which can access past SROs for programme review and adaptation.[207]
Payment By Results
115. Another key change in DFID's approach is its
increasing use of Payment By Results (PBR) mechanisms, where payments
are made only after the achievement of pre-agreed results, rather
than up front to fund future activities. DFID's new strategy aims
to make PBR a core part of the way it funds projects, and for
PBR to become the Department's default delivery option.[208]
In the DFID 2013-14 Annual Report, DFID states: "DFID is
at the forefront of international activity, mainstreaming more
used forms and testing the most innovative forms of PBR."[209]
116. Following this ambition, DFID has begun to issue
many PBR contracts. DFID reported in the 12 months to September
2013 that 71% of contracts for services issued centrally by DFID
had a performance-based element, where payment is conditional
on results, and that it was using more contracts where payment
is based on delivering pre-agreed outputs.[210]
117. While witnesses acknowledged that there are
benefits in looking to improve on existing funding mechanisms,
a strong sense of concern was expressed by witnesses that the
wholescale move to PBR was premature. Bond and UK Aid Network
highlighted: "the strategy and the pace of its implementation
has run ahead of evidence."[211]
The Committee received a number of concerns over DFID's limited
piloting of PBR ahead of this extensive roll out, as Water Aid
observe:
We note that DFID's annual report confidently
asserts several benefits to PBR approaches, including improved
performance, innovation and transparency. As explicitly recognised
by DFID in their recent Strategy for Payment by Results, there
is no evidence to support any of these assertions. We would urge
caution about increasing the use of PBR before current contracts
have produced some evidence on their effectiveness.[212]
118. When questioned, DFID acknowledged that there
is limited evidence available on the effects of using PBR in developing
contexts. Rather DFID suggested its current use of PBR should
actually be seen as a "pilot phase."[213]
Witnesses also identified a number of more detailed concerns which
should be kept in mind in these pilots caused by PBR's requirements
for: results and measurability, short-term certainty, its effects
on flexibility and innovation, risk transfer, and incentives for
over-reporting.
RESULTS AND MEASURABILITY
119. Witnesses suggest that PBR has a number of requirements
to make it work, including:
· Definitions:
Results in development projects are often hard to specify, with
circumstances changing and confusion rife. Clarity and agreement
over the definition of what a "result" actually is are
essential to prevent disputes or distracting negotiations.[214]
· Measurement:
Coffey International stress that "PBR can only be applied
where the results can be measured, and to be financially workable
only where the results can be measured within a reasonable timeframe."[215]
It also requires a significant level of resources devoted to measuring
and reporting results regularly.[216]
This can place can place significant bureaucratic burdens on DFID
and its suppliers.
· Measurability:
There is a consequent tendency towards "measurability",
for projects to pursue "change that is most easily measured,
rather than change that is most important."[217]
This tends to focus on output targets rather than outcomes. DFID
admitted that its current use of PBR is still focused on output
targets, and that it is often very challenging to find outcome
targets.[218] DAI Europe
explained:
DFID has tried to set output targets (and therefore
payment milestones for implementers) on a rolling, short term
basis. Outputs for the near term will usually be clear. However,
this solution creates a number of perverse incentives. Targets
tend to focus on easily measured, quantitative results, instead
of the systemic and behavioural change that development programmes
often really need to achieve. The constant focus on the output
level of the logical framework obscures the higher level outcomes
and impact objectives. Implementers focus on achieving the immediate
output target over laying the foundation for achieving the higher
level outcomes.[219]
120. The danger of this focus is to squeeze areas
that do not directly lead to 'results', like initial engagement,
or institutional transformation, or to push organisations to show
results promptly rather than establish the foundations necessary
for more fundamental reform.[220]
This means that PBR can often shift incentives away from systemic
change or building local capacity.[221]
The Development Results Forum noted:
If the deliverables chosen for payment do not
cover all of the activities required to deliver the results, then
there is a clear incentive to drop the other activities, as no
payment is attached to them. This makes achieving the overall
goals of the project is less likely.[222]
SHORT-TERM CERTAINTY
121. PBR tends to encourage a short term focus. The
Development Results Forum note that if a project is relatively
short-term, with clear deliverables, and where the delivery of
the result is fully within the control of the provider, then PBR
can be effective.[223]
However, other witnesses warned that in most development contexts
PBR can encourage a short-term focus on the quick wins-on doing
things right, rather than doing the right things.[224]
As a consequence, witnesses suggest that this encourages
implementers to take a narrow focus on the things they can control.[225]
ICAI observes that DFID's commissioning can already tend to set
unrealistic targets for suppliers,[226]
which PBR could exacerbate. The Springfield Centre notes PBR carries
the false assumption that development projects should be predictable
in their outcomes.[227]
Witnesses stressed that PBR creates a particular tendency for
implementers to avoid uncertain work in two areas:
· Less
work with the most vulnerable. PBR provides a clear incentive
against: seeking results in higher risk, more difficult locations,
or seeking to reach more vulnerable, poorer communities.[228]
Bond and the UK Aid Network observe: "For NGOs, there is
emerging evidence of undesired behaviour arising from the use
of PBR, such as challenges supporting the hardest-to-reach."[229]
There are also concerns over the combination
of central management of funding with Payment by Results contracting
methodologies. These give the service provider a direct incentive
to direct funding to the less challenging locations where results
are easier to achieve, and towards target groups who will yield
results more easily. It is more difficult to achieve results in
poorer and more disadvantaged communities.[230]
· Bypassing
national systems. Rather than encouraging contractors to work
with and facilitate national systems, PBR promotes a focus on
delivering directly, bypassing efforts to deal with messy national
systems.[231] Water
Aid suggests that PBR should be judged precisely in terms of these
'results', its impact on the sustainability of developing country
systems.[232]
FLEXIBILITY AND INNOVATION
122. Witnesses also suggested Payment By Results
has a tendency to inhibit programme flexibility, since it requires
results to be defined in advance of work, and provides a framework
that is hard to move away from. In conflict-affected and fragile
environments, projects typically require great degree of flexibility,
not only in how they are implemented but also in what realistic
objectives are. Changing political realities, counterparts and
timescales all mean that what is agreed today, might not be sensible
or even viable in three months' time.
123. Moreover, witnesses suggest that PBR "provides
a clear incentive against innovation."[233]
Bond highlight that PBR risks excluding the most innovative approaches.[234]
WaterAid state that its experience from DFID's WASH Results Programme,
a finalist in the Government Excellence in Public Procurement
Awards, was that it actively discouraged innovation:
WaterAid's reputation and finances would be at
risk if we did not deliver on the contract, so we have ensured
that the proposal covers activities for which we have a high level
of confidence we can predict and ensure stated outputs, which
means our most experienced country programmes and tried-and-tested
approaches.[235]
RISK TRANSFER
124. Payment By Results marks a transfer of risk
for delivering results from the Department to those implementing
programmes. This has often unseen implications:
· Cost
Implications: Risk transfer typically costs money, and leads to
higher cost for those wishing to transfer it away. DFID will need
to be mindful of this in the management costs it is paying, especially
when working with delivery partners where these are not clear
(see chapter 4).
· Risk
of Exclusion: Marie Stopes note that PBR risks excluding those
suppliers who cannot absorb this risk.
Many of the contexts in which development agencies
work are risky and challenging. DFID should consider the risk
that payment by results contracts ask NGOs to assume. Contracts
with large payment by results components risk excluding technically
strong suppliers from a tender process, even where they may be
able to demonstrate good value for money.[236]
It has the consequence of creating additional
barriers to entry for smaller groups. Because the risk of payment
lies with the delivery partner, delivery organisations can need
large reserves to cope both with the wait until payment for long
term results, and uncertainty around the payment level. This level
of financial risk is often too much for smaller organisations.
DFID notes that its current pilots have already highlighted this
risk.[237] Careful
consideration of milestone payments is essential.[238]
MISREPORTING
125. Finally, when payment is directly linked to
results the incentives to over-report results are greatly increased.
These risks have in recent times manifested elsewhere in government,
such as in the Ministry of Justice. ICAI have previously identified
risks in partners over-reporting their results, and weaknesses
in DFID's identification of this, for instance in its nutrition
report.[239] DFID told
us that it is looking to monitor these risks quite closely.[240]
126. Overall, witnesses suggested DFID needs to understand
when it is appropriate to use PBR, and when not. As Coffey International
note: "PBR is not a panacea to address the apparent weaknesses
of input-based contracts."[241]
Witnesses argued that PBR is not a suitable default option for
lengthy programmes in uncertain areas such as Fragile and Conflict
Affected states (which account for 21 out of DFID's 28 priority
countries), and PBR is ill-suited for many development circumstances.
The Development Results Forum concluded:
PBR is not a silver bullet which will enable
DFID to achieve better development results without the hard work
of close involvement in development interventions. In general,
as DFID Chief Economist Stefan Dercon has pointed out, PBR is
not suitable for most technical assistance interventions. It should
be used very sparingly and only in the right circumstances; the
exception rather than the rule.[242]
127. DFID also needs to understand how to use PBR.
Witnesses stressed that currently there is a disconnection between
central ambitions to use PBR, and how country offices actually
manage programmes.[243]
Looking forward, the Development Results Forum added that PBR
will only be made effective through close cooperation between
DFID and its implementing partners.[244]
128. DFID recognised that while PBR could produce
a strong focus on results, problems could arise:
What we have been trying to do in our PBR contracting
is to strike an appropriate balance between incentivising a stronger
focus on results, but recognising that sometimes, through no fault
of the implementing organisation, things take a bit longer than
they were expecting to or other problems arise. We are trying
to strike a balance there." [245]
Staffing
Numbers
129. DFID staff numbers have grown in the last 3
years, but at a lower rate than the growth in the Department's
expenditure. Figure 10shows that DFID's staffing (Full Time Equivalents)
grew by 24% in the 3 years from 2,325 (FTE) in 2011 to 2,847 in
2014.[246] Figure 11
shows that this means that DFID spending per staff member has
risen from £2.5 million per FTE in March 2009-10 to £3.3
million per FTE in 2013-14.Figure
10: Rises in DFID Staff Numbers
Figure 11: DFID Spending
per Staff Member
130. DFID staff are well paid, when compared to peer
Departments. The median salary for DFID staff in 2013-14 was £52,901.
This is significantly higher (almost £19,000 or 55% higher)
than the median salary for Foreign and Commonwealth Office staff
(£34,090).[247]
131. Figure 12 shows that the proportion of DFID's
staff that are posted overseas has remained roughly constant during
this period of growth, at just over half. As at September 2014,
53% of staff were based overseas.[248]Figure
12: Location of DFID Staff
Source: NAO report, Figure 29, Appendix 6
132. Witnesses stressed the importance of DFID maintaining
this in-country capacity. Adam Smith highlighted the achievements
of DFID's Afghanistan programme, "widely viewed as the gold
standard among donors in the country"[249]
precisely because it has maintained a strong presence.
These successes both on project delivery and
project management have come about as a result of an investment
that DFID has made
in the form of maintaining a good headcount
for the DFID Afghanistan office in Kabul. Unlike other donors,
DFID has maintained a strong presence of capable and experienced
DFID staff to design, develop, procure and deliver high quality
programmes.[250]
Adam Smith added that DFID needed to employ more
staff in its country offices to increase its effective bilateral
programming:
There is a need for an increase in DFID's headcount
on the frontline, so there are sufficient qualified personnel
in-country to oversee and guide programmes
It makes much
sense for DFID to maintain a sufficient headcount in order to
maintain quality bilateral programming rather than channelling
more money through multilateral programmes that suffer from myriad
problems of ineffectiveness and unaccountability.[251]
There is also an argument for keeping staff in post
for longer, as we have argued before. [252]
Other agencies have postings for longer periods than DFID.
133. There are particular concerns about the high
level of staff turnover in Fragile and Conflict Affected states.
ICAI pointed out that DFID has not yet had success in changing
this.
One of the key challenges that we have witnessed
in our work has been the churn of DFID staff in post, both at
the centre and especially in the field, which results in loss
of institutional memory. We have seen no indication that DFID's
high staff turnover rate (particularly in more fragile countries)
is changing.[253]
134. DFID was unable to provide the Committee with
data about staff turnover rates. While it collects annual returns
from country offices on staff numbers to report in the accounts,
it does not include as part of this exercise questions on how
many staff have arrived or left the country office during the
year, or the average level of service for the country office,
and so has no overview of the level of churn in its country offices
or if particular country offices at risk from high turnover. DFID
did acknowledge that there is an issue of high turnover in Fragile
and Conflict Affected states. However, it also noted that short
postings are in part deliberate given the stress levels involved
in working in these countries,[254]
though it is making increasing use of staff's country knowledge
while back in London. This short duration of postings to fragile
states will be an increasing challenge going forward as DFID moves
more of its programmatic focus onto FCAs, and DFID will be required
to think radically about what it can do here to retain expertise
and continuity.
STAFF SKILLS
135. As DFID's operations evolve, DFID staff need
new skills. DFID acknowledged to us that there are some skills
gaps in particular professional areas. It has identified mechanisms
for addressing some of these gaps, and is rethinking its skills
needs.[255] Aside from
programme management and commissioning skills discussed earlier
in the report, the Committee received concerns about DFID's skills
in two areas:
· DFID's
ability to influence across government needs strengthening. Despite
its growth into an increasingly significant Department, there
is also concern that DFID's need to spend means that it is losing
some of its previous skills around relationship building and brokering.
The Committee's recent 'Beyond Aid' report highlighted that DFID
staff need enhanced brokering skills to cope with the changing
context of development-particularly so DFID can influence across
Whitehall.[256] Bond
and the UK Aid Network echoed this concern over DFID staff's influence
over the rest of Government.
There remain some concerns about the capacity
and ability of DFID and staff to successfully and productively
engage across Whitehall-in particular about whether or not DFID
'look in as well as out' sufficiently to engage with, draw expertise
from and lead other departments on policies affecting development.[257]
DFID responded that the Department needed to
enhance its ability to lead a wide variety of organisations and
stakeholders in the UK.[258]
· DFID's
ability to affect partners in the countries in which it operates.
As we discussed in our Beyond Aid report, DFID needs to influence
local partners and understand and be engaged with politicians.
This requires an understanding of the local and political context.
Locally-based staff make a major contribution to DFID's ability
to do this, but UK-based staff posted overseas must be able to
play their part. This means they must be in post for an adequate
time and should have a knowledge of local languages.
· DFID
does not sufficiently prioritise language skills. The Committee
has expressed frequent concern that DFID needs to enhance its
skills in the major languages spoken in its priority countries
like Swahili.[259]
This ongoing concern is shared raised by the Foreign Affairs Committee
looking at the FCO's shortage of language skills, particularly
in languages spoken in key FCAs, such as Middle Eastern languages.[260]
Language is currently not a required competency for DFID overseas
postings, and training is not normally offered to staff prior
to departure. Though DFID did report that it is encouraging staff
to learn languages while in post. Currently under half of DFID
staff speak a second language, and less than a quarter speak it
proficiently, which leaves it largely reliant on local professionals,
as DFID itself recognises.[261]
There absolutely is an issue with some rarer
languages, especially in a number of African countries. There
it is the case that we are quite reliant on our local professionals
to help us really understand the context, but we are encouraging
the UKbased staff, when they go to take up postings, to
invest in their own language skills.[262]
Conclusion and Recommendations
136. There have been a number of changes to DFID's
approach to programming. DFID has placed increased emphasis on
Payment By Results, which was a concern to many witnesses. We
recommend that DFID introduce Payment by results with considerable
care and caution to ensure the many potential difficulties are
addressed. PBR presents particular difficulties in FCAs. We recommend
that DFID develop a specific strategy for PBR in FCAs. We further
recommend that DFID monitor the impact of PBR on its market of
suppliers, particularly small suppliers, and provide an update
in its 2014-15 Annual Report.
137. We welcome DFID's improvements to programme
management, notably the introduction of SMART rules to reduce
the amount of bureaucracy, time spent in preparing business cases
and increase the amount of time spent monitoring impact. As DFID
acknowledges, it needs to ensure that the new rules are accompanied
by a real change in culture.
138. While the emphasis on programme management
is and has been particularly important as its budget has increased,
DFID must also recognise the importance of other skills such as
the ability to influence its partners, including developing country
governments and to use effectively the excellent access DFID has
to many governments. We have been and remain concerned that DFID's
policy of standard three year overseas postings is too short.
We recommend that this be increased to four. We recommend
that DFID provide in its 2014-15 Annual Report comparative data
on staff turnover and the average service period in country offices
for each of its country offices, with risk ratings for country
offices where it judges this to be too high.
We also recommend that DFID place more emphasis
on language skills. Knowledge of a local language should be a
competence for a posting, learning key languages such as Swahili
should be encouraged from the start of careers and staff should
have relevant language lessons before they begin their posting.
190 DFID Submission, Section 2 Back
191
"The smart rules process has hugely simplified the guidance
on business cases and given much more responsibility and accountability
on SROs to decide how detailed they want their business case to
be and whether they want to invest much more in particular aspects
of that." Oral evidence from Richard Calvert, Director General
of Finance and Corporate Performance, 4 February 2015, Q46 Back
192
"UK aid is focused on fragile and conflict-affected states,
many with rapidly changing political, social and economic contexts.
For projects to be effective there is a need for flexible and
adaptive programming, including the agility to adapt to evolving
local needs. As noted in "Smart Rules: Better Project Delivery,"
the design of the programme should "explain how the flexible
approach will operate in practice." Programme design remains
crucial to delivery - without a strong design foundation, the
programme has little chance of success. This is as true for flexible
programming as for any other type of programme. Comprehensive
monitoring and evaluation systems need to be in place to allow
for learning and for the programme to adjust its approach as it
learns about its context and the effectiveness of its approach.
The cost of M&E, therefore, has to be factored into the cost
of the programme. When projects are being implemented by service
providers, flexible programme delivery also requires clear and
straightforward mechanisms for making changes to the programme's
contract, objectives, and approach. The changes have to be easier
to make than current procedures allow. Additionally, DFID programme
managers need to be empowered and ready to use the flexibility
that does already exist." Coffey International Submission,
paragraph 3.8 Back
193
ICAI submission, paragraphs 2.3-2.4, 2.6, See also: Smart Rules:
Better Programme Delivery, DFID, October 2014 Back
194
Adam Smith note: "The rules describe the decision to support
multilateral organisations as being partly based on their "commitment
to delivering improvements and reform." This is pretty extraordinary.
Imagine DFID choosing a supplier because it says it will improve
its performance." Adam Smith International submission, paragraph
5.3 Back
195
"Businesses cases are of little use as a guide to the future
in that an intervention cannot sensibly be planned out in detail
in a business case. If a business case process takes too long,
changes in the implementation circumstances will render the programme
out of date. In development terms this is a very real case of
the aphorism of the perfect being the enemy of the good."
Adam Smith International submission, paragraph 5.4 Back
196
Adam Smith International submission, paragraph 5.6 Back
197
ICAI submission, paragraph 3.16 Back
198
A Head of Profession for Programme Management was appointed in
2013. A secondee from the Major Projects Authority has been working
with DFID to bring experience from across HMG. See: DFID Submission Back
199
"What we are trying to say to the organisation is that actually
this is not about either/or. Managing good programmes and being
a really strong programme manager is something that most people
in DFID should aspire to. Most of our staff in DFID are, one way
or another, managing programmes and that specialism needs to be
recognised as a skill set that people build up, alongside all
their other skills and capabilities. " Oral evidence from
Richard Calvert, Director General of Finance and Corporate Performance,
4 February 2015, Q42 Back
200
"What is much more important here is trying to achieve a
change in some of the culture and ways of working in the Department."
Oral evidence from Richard Calvert, Director General of Finance
and Corporate Performance, 4 February 2015, Q42 Back
201
"One DFID senior official has commented to us as follows:
"Am personally finding the Smart Rules are liberating to
a significant degree- but much depends on discretion. I find many
in DFID have - unfortunately - simply been conditioned now to
look for rules and be risk averse. So it's the culture now, not
the rules, which are part of the problem." Adam Smith International
Submission, paragraphs 5.11-5.13 Back
202
"Evidence from a DFID staff survey shows that many staff
do not feel they can challenge the way things are done in DFID,
which can discourage innovation." OECD Development Cooperation
Peer Reviews, United Kingdom 2014, Executive Summary, Section
4, Managing the United Kingdom's development cooperation, p. 18.
In DFID's Civil Service People survey for 2014, 66% of respondents
agreed or strongly agreed with the statement "I believe I
would be supported if I try a new idea, even if it may not work.",
a decline on previous years. See: DFID Civil Service People Survey,
Organisational Culture, Question B59 Back
203
"We are absolutely seeing a switch in effort from the preapproval
processes to the postapproval. One of the measures of that
is much better compliance rates in the last few months with the
core processes after approval, so annual reviews and project completion
reports. A year or two ago, we had a major backlog of those. That
has largely been got rid of now. What we are also seeing is a
lot more attention by managers to how well their bit of the portfolio
is performing, which reflects the fact that the departmental board,
which the Secretary of State chairs every quarter, and the management
committee, which I chair every month, look at the data and asks
questions." Oral evidence from Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary,
4 February 2015, Q43 Back
204
Commissioning Chapter - Figure 4 & para X - full ref to add Back
205
Springfield Centre submission, paragraph 23 Back
206
"DFID's Senior Responsible Owner (SRO) mechanism is also
a welcome initiative. The mechanism is an opportunity to improve
project delivery, in particular by enabling service providers
to discuss challenges with a DFID officer who can take an objective
and strategic view of projects, from within the broader programme
and country context. However, this "board level" like
decision-making / oversight role will only be effective if the
SRO has sufficient experience to make the types of decisions that
are required and if the officer holds no other role in the project(s)
she or he is overseeing ( to prevent any conflict of interest)."
Coffey International Submission, paragraph 3.3 Back
207
ICAI submission, paragraph 2.5 Back
208
In her foreword to DFID's new strategy, the Secretary of State
notes: "I want Payment by Results to be a major part of the
way DFID works in the future. We will develop a framework to ensure
that for all of our Payment by Results projects, there are rigorous,
independent, comparable evaluations in place, so we can learn
more about what works best, in what circumstances." Foreword,
Sharpening incentives to perform: DFID's Strategy for Payment
by Results. Examples of Payment by Results (DFID, Strategy for
Payment by Results) p 7 Back
209
The Report highlights this is because PBR has a number of benefits,
and can be used to: (i) Rebalance accountability: in traditional
aid, by paying upfront DFID accepts the bulk of the risk of programme
failure. PBR redresses this balance by transferring some of the
risk for delivery to partners. This sharpens incentives for the
implementing partner to perform. (ii) Increase innovation and
flexibility in delivery: by not specifying how results should
be achieved, implementing organisations are free to innovate to
improve outcomes. (iii) Increase transparency and accountability
for results: through being open about agreed results, everyone
is clearer about what is being targeted and whether it actually
gets done, driving up empowerment and accountability for results.
(iv) Create a strong focus on performance in service providers,
which has benefits beyond PBR. By being paid on results, service
providers are strongly encouraged to examine what is, and is not,
working, driving up performance standards, management and measurements.
DFID Annual Report and Accounts 2013-14, paragraphs 5.10-5.11,
p. 118 Back
210
DFID submission Back
211
Bond and UK Aid Network submission, Section K Back
212
Water Aid submission, paragraph 3 Back
213
"It is the case that we are in a learning phase and that
is what the Secretary of State has said. We want a larger number
of examples, because otherwise we will not generate enough evidence
Effectively, what we are doing in the programmes we have at the
moment is a range of pilot exercises. We started some in Rwanda
and Ethiopia two or three years ago. Mostly they were Government
to Government. The way we are writing our contracts for the commercial
sector, we are trying more regularly to get a results element
into contracts as well, but we have very few contracts where the
only thing that determines the payment is the final delivery of
the result. Normally, the results bit of the payment is part of
a wider set of arrangements under the contract, and we are doing
that deliberately because we are aware of the risks and potential
distortions." Oral evidence from Mark Lowcock, Permanent
Secretary, 4 February 2015, Q47-48 Back
214
Development Results Forum Submission, paragraph 1.3 See also:
"When PBR is used, the donor and the service provider need
to work closely together before project launch to precisely define
the results for which the service provider will be paid. There
needs to be absolute clarity at the outset what these results
are and how achievement is verified. At a basic level, there also
needs to be an agreed-upon nomenclature on what "results"
means, understood by all staff within both agencies of the donor
and of the service provider." Back
215
Coffey International Submission, paragraph 4.3 Back
216
Bond and UK Aid Network Submission, Section K: "There is
growing feeling from some NGOs that Results Based Financing requires,
in many cases, a higher level of monitoring, verification and
evaluation sophistication and certainty than is viable." Back
217
Springfield Centre submission, paragraph 19 Back
218
"A lot of the cases we have, including the water sector one
I referred to, are basically output targets. There are some cases
we have that you might think of as being a bit more outcome."
Oral evidence from Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary, 4 February
2015, Q50 Back
219
"The timeframe in which aid-funded interventions are supposed
to achieve impact is increasingly skewed towards the short term
There appears to be a growing assumption that the relationship
between inputs and outputs are linear and predictable, that funding
levels are directly proportional to results achieved. Again, more
is better. This is not credible in a developing country context.
If development means strengthening national systems (comprising
national governments, the private sector and civil society stakeholders),
then it must be accepted that the starting point is weak, risks
are high, absorptive capacity low, and that progress towards lasting
impact will not be smooth." DAI submission - full ref to
add Back
220
"The beginning of a project is extremely important for putting
down the foundations for good delivery. Building relationships
with stakeholders, getting local ownership for a project, and
understanding the political economy, for example, are vital for
setting a project up for success. Rushing these steps can have
negative consequences for the project down the line. DFID too
often urges contractors to cut costs for basic programme foundations
such as good office set up and proper local engagement. DFID needs
to be realistic about what can be achieved in the project's first
months and what enablers are required to catalyse later delivery."
Coffey International submission, paragraph 3.10 Back
221
"The prevailing approach in DFID centres almost exclusively
on delivering the 'what'
and ignores the 'how'
Sustainable
development is not about delivering insecticide-treated malaria
nets directly; it is about developing sustainable systems of net
provision
. Delivering solutions directly might result in
a short term splash of impact
but all too commonly direct
delivery displaces the emergence of the local capacity, investment
and ownership that is needed to continue delivering solutions
into the future." Springfield Centre, paragraph 13 Back
222
"The PBR approach demands clear and simple indicators that
must be produced in a project timeframe that is inevitably relatively
short. This may come at the cost of longer term data collection
and analysis to monitor aid effectiveness more properly understood,
as articulated through the Paris, Accra and Busan principles"
Development Results Forum, paragraph 3.4 Back
223
Development Results Forum Submission, paragraphs 2.2-2.3 Back
224
Water Aid submission, paragraph 7.3 Back
225
"In certain contexts or on certain types of projects so many
external factors will affect the project that the service provider
will have a very low level of control over expected results,
in situations where random variation or other actors are very
important, service providers "are more likely to be punished
for misfortune and rewarded for good luck. This will in turn dampen
their incentives to exert effort." Coffey International submission,
paragraph 4.5 Back
226
"The procurement process created incentives for firms to
over-promise on results and underestimate their costs in order
to win bids, causing problems with delivery. Furthermore, delays
in procurement led to DFID placing pressure on contractors to
meet unrealistic spending and results targets, forcing them to
shortcut key processes like stakeholder engagement" ICAI
submission, paragraph 3.16 Back
227
The Springfield Centre submission, paragraphs 11-12 Back
228
Development Results Forum Submission, paragraph 4.7 Back
229
Bond and the UK Aid Network submission, Section K Back
230
Adam Smith International Submission, paragraph 4.4 Back
231
The Springfield Centre submission, paragraph 20 Back
232
"Any assessment of the effectiveness of [PBR] must therefore
go beyond consideration of outputs and outcomes to assess the
extent to which it supports long term sustainable development
through the strengthening of country systems. The development
of the capability of governments to ensure the delivery of basic
services is the only way that countries can escape aid dependence
and deliver sustainable services." Water Aid submission,
paragraph 6 Back
233
Development Results Forum Submission, paragraph 4.7 Back
234
"The rise of PBR is dis-incentivising innovative and higher
risk programme methodologies. Following learning from a flagship
RBF programme (DFID WASH Results), some NGOs have reported being
deterred from entering into DFID RBF funding streams in both high
risk / fragile states, and also for more complex work (such as
governance work and highly community based work). This is because
the complexity and uncertainty of the work is not suited to the
lack of sophistication in RBF approaches." Bond and UK Aid
Network submission, Section K Back
235
Water Aid submission, paragraph 7.1 Back
236
Marie Stopes submission, paragraph 9 Back
237
"Some of the organisations that we are working with are themselves
a bit cashconstrained, so you have to avoid putting them
in an untenable position by holding back money if the results
are not absolutely perfectly done, because it is not in our interest
to put people out of business for good but not brilliant performance,
so there is that cash management issue." Oral evidence from
Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary, 4 February 2015, Q47 Back
238
"PBR requires service providers to pre-finance activities,
using significant upfront resources before being paid. Therefore,
milestones need to be fairly spaced to take into account the cash
flow realities of service providers. This is also necessary to
prevent creating significant barriers to entry for NGOs and small
firms." Coffey International submission, paragraph 4.8 Back
239
"Monitoring data is often of low quality: In Zambia, our
research found that coverage of Vitamin A and deworming had increased
but significantly less than DFID had reported. In Mbala district,
only 25% of children had received two doses a year of Vitamin
A, while in Mufumbwe district 75% of children had. DFID reported
coverage of 65% and 100%, respectively but this referred to children
receiving Vitamin A and deworming once, which is not the recommended
annual dose.88 In the India UNICEF Partnership villages we visited,
15 villages were reported as having 100% coverage of latrines.
Only seven villages actually did. Some 20% of households in these
villages did not have latrines." ICAI, DFID's Contribution
to Improving Nutrition, Report 36, July 2014, Figure 7, p. 19 Back
240
"This is one of the distortions you need to be careful about.
People respond to incentives. In a way that creates a helpful
incentive on us. We are aware of that risk, so that means we have
an incentive to make a better effort really to look at the data
that is being reported to us, to assess its credibility, to satisfy
ourselves that it is legitimate. Those are all good things for
us to want to do more of. Clearly, that would be fraud, if people
overclaim and get paid on the basis of that" Oral evidence
from Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary, 4 February 2015, Q52 Back
241
Coffey International submission, paragraph 4.1 Back
242
Development Results Forum submission, paragraph 5.1 Back
243
"In some cases there seems to be a disconnect between DFID's
Procurement and Contracts Department (PCD) in East Kilbride and
country offices. PCD tends to favour OBC whereas DFID country
offices like to have visibility and control over inputs. This
can lead to circumstances where the contract is based on output
milestones but the country office still requests a detailed breakdown
of inputs and control over those inputs - the worst of both worlds."
Development Results Forum submission, paragraph 4.5 Back
244
"For it to work effectively it needs to be appropriately
and consistently applied in the right circumstances only and requires
a maturity of relationship between the parties to allow for the
flexibility that is required on the ground." Development
Results Forum submission, paragraph 5.3 Back
245
"Oral evidence from Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary, 4
February 2015, Q47 Back
246
NAO Report, Figure 11. September 2014 figure is not a year-end
value. Back
247
See: Department for International Development Annual Report and
Accounts 2013-14, Section 6.5, Remuneration Report, p. 148; Foreign
and Commonwealth Office Annual Report and Accounts 2013-14, Remuneration
Report p.64 Back
248
NAO Report, p 71, Figure 29 Back
249
Adam Smith International submission, paragraph 2.10 Back
250
Adam Smith International submission, paragraph 2.12 Back
251
Adam Smith International submission, paragraphs 4.5, 2.20 Back
252
In last year's Report on the Departmental Report 2012-13, the
Committee noted: "We have long been concerned that DFID UK-based
staff are not posted abroad for long enough periods and lack adequate
language skills. The result, we have believed, is both a lack
of good political contacts, which can do a great deal to facilitate
development projects and a lack of institutional memory
Home civil servants are usually posted to country offices for
an initial three year tour, but there are shorter postings to
six of the Department's priority countries" IDC DAR Report
2012-13, paras 62-63 Back
253
ICAI submission, paragraph 2.5 Back
254
"We are not concerned in general about a retention problem
for the Department
In terms of within a country team, there
is a big difference between the fragile and the nonfragile,
which is essentially about whether people can have their family
with them while they are on their posting. For places where people
cannot have their family with them, the tour lengths are shorter
and that is a policy. That is deliberate. It is not just for family
reasons, but because the stresses and pressures of being in a
place where there are large threats to your personal security
make it wise to turn people over." Oral evidence from Mark
Lowcock, Permanent Secretary, 4 February 2015, Q53 Back
255
"There are one or two areas where it remains hard to hire
the calibre and numbers we would like, and they typically tend
to be in expensive niche disciplines for difficult places. Sometimes,
it is not as easy as we would like it to be to get another couple
of public finance specialists to go and work in Kabul. That is
a difficult combination of things to get at an adequate rate.
We have created a new professional entry system into the Department
to train more younger people for those shortage areas so I hope,
over time, that problem will recede to some degree, but it is
the case that there are one or two areas that remain a challenge
for us." Oral evidence from Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary,
4 February 2015, Q53 and Q54 Back
256
IDC, The Future of UK Development Cooperation: Phase 2: Beyond
Aid, Tenth Report of Session 2014-15,January 2015 paragraph 77 Back
257
Bond and UK Aid Network submission, Section L Back
258
"I was very struck about the point you make about thinking
beyond the Department about all the institutions there are in
the UK. You partly make the point about Government-engaging a
wider variety of Government organisations-but you also make the
point that there are a lot of other institutions beyond Government-corporate,
wider public sector, standardsetting bodies, universities
and civil society. The Secretary of State basically said the same
thing to you when she gave evidence on this. This is something
that she thinks is an important area for us to explore more fully."
Oral evidence from Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary, 4 February
2015, Q53 Back
259
IDC DAR Report 2012-13, Recommendation 23 Back
260
"It is alarming that the strongest criticisms that we have
heard about the FCO's capacity to gain local knowledge, and the
most striking evidence of a shortfall in proficiency in foreign
languages, relate to regions where there is particular instability
and where there is the greatest need for FCO expertise in order
to inform policy-making." Foreign Affairs Committee, FCO
Performance and Finances 2013-14, Ninth Report 2014-15, HC 605,
p3 Back
261
"Last time I looked at this, we had 1,300 staff out of 3,000
in the Department with recorded spoken language skills, half of
them fully proficient, across 46 languages." Oral evidence
from Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary, 4 February 2015, Q57 Back
262
Oral evidence from Mark Lowcock, Permanent Secretary, 4 February
2015, Q57 Back
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