5 Unequal registration and participation
66. Many of our witnesses argued that the biggest
issue for voter engagement was not low levels of voter registration
and turnout per se, but the inequalities that existed in
registration and turnout.[148]
Professor Sarah Birch told us that turnout inequality was
"a significant problem because you have a distinct sector
of the electorate whose interests are going unrepresented."[149]
The IPPR stated that unequal turnout mattered because it "reduces
the incentives for governments to respond to the interests of non-voters
and thus threatens a central claim of democracy which is every
citizen's preference, no matter their status, should count equally."[150]
Glenn Gottfried, Quantitative Research Fellow at the IPPR, told
us that inequality of turnout led to a "vicious cycle of
engagement and turnout" where the Government looked at those
groups that were not turning out to vote and no longer focused
on their interests.[151]
67. Research conducted by the Electoral Commission
has identified several demographic groups that are least likely
to be registered to vote. These are:
· Students
and younger people (under 35);
· People
living in the private rented sector;
· Certain Black
and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups ;
· British citizens
living abroad;
· Commonwealth
and EU citizens, and
· Those classified
as social grade DE.[152]
Similar trends exist in relation to turnout, with
younger people, certain BME groups and people from social grade
DE being less likely to vote. We outline below the evidence we
have received about voter engagement as it relates to several
of these groups.
Young people and students
68. The evidence is unambiguous that young people
are less likely to be registered to vote and also less likely
to participate at elections than older people. It is estimated
that only 44% of people aged 18-24 voted in the 2010 general election,
compared with 75% of people aged over 55.[153]
The Electoral Commission's report on the 2011 Electoral Register
also notes that young people are much less likely to be registered
to vote, stating: "The lowest percentage of completeness
is recorded by the 17-18 and 19-24 age groups (55% and 56% complete
respectively)." For comparison, completeness across all age
ranges was 82.3%, and for the 65+ age group the register was 94%
complete.[154]
The most recent research on the 2014 electoral registers
found a similar pattern.[155]
69. We have heard time and time again that young
people feel disconnected from the political process, and that
politicians do not address the issues young people are interested
in. The National Union of Students stated: "NUS does not
believe that students are apathetic; instead we recognise that
young people are often disengaged with the political process."[156]
Alasdair Buckle, President of the University of Sheffield Students'
Union told us: "The current parties are not really saying
much about what they are going to do for young people."[157]
When Toni Pearce, President of the NUS, gave evidence to us, she
said:
I think there is a combination of reasons [why
many young people don't vote]. There is a piece of research, that
I am sure you are aware of, that the Electoral Commission did
that shows particular reasons why, which is things like disillusionment,
the idea that voting does not make any difference to them or the
political system does not make any difference to them.[158]
However, she told us that she did not think there
is anybody who was apathetic; there were just "people who
don't feel that the right issues are being talked about and so
they don't get involved with them". She also told us that
young people could feel alienated from politics and not feel that
they as an individual could make much of a difference. The idea
that young people felt that none of the major parties addressed
their issues or otherwise engaged with young people was reflected
in several pieces of written evidence.[159]
Stuart Fox, an academic who submitted evidence based on
an analysis of the survey conducted by Survation, stated that
the key reasons young voters gave for not voting were "a
lack of political information, a lack of political efficacy,
and a lack of interest".[160]
70. Evidence from Dr Elin Weston and LLB Advanced
Constitutional Law students at King's College London stated: "Among
younger people, the major issue relevant to voter engagement and
turnout is not political apathy per se, but instead apathy
towards the current, traditional methods of political participation."[161]
Evidence from Bite the Ballot highlighted several reasons why
young people did not vote, including:
· "they
are not made aware of the link between their lives and politics,
and many are oblivious to the existing channels of communication
that enable them to voice their opinions;
· they are not
taught about 'the basics' of politics, and the relationships between
the issues they care about and the decision-making processes that
determine them;
· politics is
unrepresentative, elitist, 'out of touch', untrustworthy and irrelevant
to their lives;
· democratic
institutions appear to have nothing to offer them and don't care
about their concerns and ideas; and
· there is a
lack of effective ways to access, communicate and engage with
decision-makers."[162]
Bite the Ballot stated: "There are only two
ways in which voter registration and turnout can be improved amongst
young people-by ensuring young people are engaged with the democratic
process and by making it as easy as possible for young people
to be registered to vote and to vote on the day."[163]
Similar views were expressed by the president of the University
of Sheffield Students' Union and the Bradford Children in Care
Council.[164]
71. Another trend of particular relevance to the
youth vote is the fall in the proportion of people who believed
in a "duty to vote", which has been particularly marked
among young people. Democratic Audit stated that "the proportion
of the public who believe that everyone has a duty to vote fell
from 76% in 1987 to 62% in 2011."[165]
Professor Sarah Birch agreed that there had been a "generational
change and a decline in the sense of a duty to vote" and
that for this reason young people were less likely than older
people to vote.[166]
Related to this, Professor Anthony Heath argued that there was
a need to consider the long-term impacts of unequal participation
at elections:
There is also evidence that whether you register
and vote at your first election can have long-term consequences
for future participation. If we have a generation of young people
who are turned off politics that will live with us for many elections
to come. They are not things that can just be immediately reversed
once people have got into the habit, and that could also
apply to minorities.[167]
This means that if something is not done to tackle
current inequalities in electoral registration and election turnout
now, it is likely to be even more difficult to reverse the inequalities
in the future.
72. Although there was significant evidence that
young people are likely to feel disconnected with politics, Professor
Patrick Dunleavy, Co-Director of Democratic Audit, told us that
the problem of low rates of registration for young people went
deeper, stating:
You can't think of that as being a motivational
problem. It is a structural problem. It is down to young people's
position in the housing market, the fact that they are moving,
the fact that people don't have jobs for life any more. They have
portfolio careers where you have to move quite regularly to get
jobs if you are a young person. Also, a lot of young people are
in the rental sector, which has also much less structural registration.[168]
He told us that these problems had been known for
a very long time but that "very little that is effective
has been done about them." Richard Eastall, Director of Membership
Services at the University of Sheffield Students' Union, expressed
similar views, stating: "For people who move house quite
often, the register is often out of date and students don't understand
how and where to register and where they are entitled to vote
and that creates problems in itself."[169]
73. We were also told that the low levels of participation
by young people appeared to affect how policy was formed by political
parties. Professor Sarah Birch told us that the IPPR's research
"demonstrates that it is young people whose interests tend
to be unrepresented, because they tend to vote with less frequency
than older people".[170]
She went on to say:
It is difficult to attribute any particular policy
to that type of trend, but that is the type of thing that we think
is the consequence of the situation we see where politicians don't
have so much incentive to pay attention to the voices of young
people because they know they vote with less frequency.[171]
Similarly, a written submission from the Intergenerational
Foundation noted that low turnout amongst younger voters "gives
politicians an incentive to target unpopular policies at young
people."[172]
74. Low levels of registration and turnout amongst
students and young people are a serious problem now and could
get worse. If a generation of young people choose not to vote,
and then continue not to participate at elections as they grow
older, there will be severe and long-lasting effects for turnout
at UK elections, with consequent implications for the health of
democracy in the UK. We propose later a series of recommendations,
not least on registration and voting, which if implemented will
help halt and reverse the disengagement of young people.
Black and Minority Ethnic (BME)
groups
75. According to the Electoral Commission, some Black
and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups are significantly less likely
to be registered to vote compared to those identifying as White
British. Completeness of the electoral register for White British
people is 85.9%, for Asian people it is 83.7%, but for Black people
it is 76%, for people of Mixed ethnicity it is 73.4% and for people
whose ethnicity falls into the "Other" category it is
62.9%. A survey by Ipsos Mori of the 2010 general election also
found that the turnout rate for white voters was 67%, while for
non-white voters it was 51%.[173]
In a survey of BME citizens, when asked why they were not registered
to vote, a large number of respondents (28%) gave the reason that
they were not eligible, even though, as evidence from Dr Maria
Sobolewska and Professor Anthony Heath has stated, "quite
a number of these were almost certainly eligible since they were
Commonwealth citizens."[174]
One point that was raised several times was that BME groups were
not homogenous. Professor Heath told us that there was "diversity
within the groups as well as between the groups" and that
this meant there could be very different reasons for lack of registration
and lack of turnout within and between groups.[175]
76. Professor Heath also told us that unequal levels
of registration were the crux of the matter in relation to unequal
voter engagement of BME residents compared to White British residents,
stating:
registration is the central barrier for minorities,
all the main groups of which appear to have much lower rates of
registration. Once registered there are some differences, but
they are relatively modest and they are not the major issue.[176]
Dr Maria Sobolewska flagged up knowledge of eligibility
as one of the factors that could be clearly identified as having
an impact on registration rates for BME groups.[177]
Lack of English language was another factor, which we were
told could be even more of an issue in light of Individual Electoral
Registration—where each voter has to register to vote themselves.[178]
Professor Heath also told us that "concerns about dissatisfaction,
alienation and the feeling that people are excluded", which
are held by BME groups, should not be ignored as "that could
have long-term, wider social consequences."[179]
Professor Heath and Dr Sobolewska stated that research on
how to improve registration rates for BME groups in particular
was inconclusive, although "more liberal rules (such as registration
on the day) increased registration […] across the board,
for all social groups."
77. When we spoke to Simon Woolley, Director of Operation
Black Vote, he told us that he did not believe that there was
"a wilful act of seeking to marginalise or alienate
BME communities", but that he did feel there was a "lack
of political will" to address the problem of low levels of
engagement from BME communities.[180]
He said that registering people to vote was "the most
difficult job" that Operation Black Vote undertook,[181]
and told us: "Once they are registered and they believe
they can make a difference, then they will go out to vote",
but that first a case had to be made to get them to register.
He also highlighted the importance of representative democracy,
saying that there "should be nearly 100 black and minority
ethnic MPs in this institution; there are 27", but stated
that policy was equally important.[182]
In terms of what could be done to better engage BME groups,
Simon Woolley told us:
Genuine engagement from the political class is
critical for civic engagement. Community empowerment from people
like us, education in the schools are all the building blocks
that will get us to a better place.[183]
78. Registration rates for certain BME groups
are substantially lower than for White British residents, but
turnout for people from BME groups once they are registered to
vote does not differ significantly from turnout for White British
residents who are registered to vote. It is not acceptable that
registration rates and turnout levels vary so significantly in
relation to ethnicity, although it should also be understood that
registration rates and turnout levels vary significantly within
both the White British and BME groups, so the question requires
more careful consideration than simply comparing these two figures.
The relevant recommendations set out in this report should be
implemented in full in order to redress the current imbalance.
People with disabilities
79. One of the clearest instances where current electoral
administration does not make sufficient provision for universal
access to electoral participation is in respect of people with
certain disabilities. As part of our inquiry we received evidence
from representatives of both Mencap, a charity for people with
learning disabilities, and the RNIB, a charity for people with
sight loss, and also a joint submission from several charitable
organisations for deaf people. This evidence highlighted the specific
barriers to registering to vote and participating in elections
faced by people with disabilities, and also the low level of participation
for some of these groups. Hugh Huddy, Campaigns Officer for the
RNIB, told us:
RNIB's interest in voting is really about enabling
people with vision impairments living in the UK to lead
a fulfilled, independent life where they can participate in democracy
and everything else that we do and take for granted.[184]
We heard that inaccessibility of voting to people
affected by sight loss was something that was raised frequently
by people contacting the RNIB.[185]
Rob Holland, Public Affairs and Parliamentary Lead for Mencap,
detailed the low participation rates at elections for people with
learning disabilities—for the 2001 election "only 31%
reported that they did vote".[186]
In addition to the practical barriers to participation faced
by people with disabilities, Rob Holland also told us that for
people with learning disabilities, "There is a cultural exclusion
from the democratic process, from politics in the way that Parliament
and the Government often communicate to people."[187]
Similarly, Ismail Kaji, Parliamentary Affairs Assistant for Mencap,
told us that for people with learning disabilities it was "often
very difficult to understand what politicians are saying and what
they really mean".[188]
80. John Turner, Chief Executive of the Association
for Electoral Administrators, stated that physical access was
one of the most serious issues in relation to disabled people
participating at elections, stating:
At the last general election, I was out looking
at places and there were a number of places I went to where it
was exceedingly difficult for somebody in a wheelchair to get
physical access to a building to be able to cast a vote.[189]
He told us that "Anything that stands in the
way of somebody being able to vote should be a matter of attention",
but that the problem had not been resolved and changes were needed
to "make it better and to comply with legislation, frankly,
in terms of disability access."
81. Practical changes that were suggested to us to
make registering to vote and voting more accessible to people
with disabilities centred around the provision of information.
Specific recommendations included:
· Making
information available in British Sign Language;[190]
· Producing information
in "easy read" format;[191]
· Making manifestos
available in accessible formats such as large print,
audio or braille, and[192]
· Using electoral
registration to link someone's name and address with their preferred
reading format.[193]
Patrick McGonagle MBE, Managing Director of the Pakflatt
Group, told us about the possibility of introducing tactile voting
devices to "enable a blind person to mark
a ballot paper independently and in private".[194]
Rob Holland also raised with us the possibility of proposals aimed
at making elections more accessible to people with disabilities
having wider effects, justifying this by stating that "It
is nearly always the case that when you make things more
accessible for disabled people, it benefits a much wider group."
He told us:
It is certainly fair to say that being able to
request easy-read information or large print information will
benefit people whose first language is not English, or perhaps
they are illiterate, for example, because it uses pictures and
very simple words, so I think it will undoubtedly benefit more
people.[195]
82. We asked Rt Hon Greg Clark MP, the Minister then
responsible for political and constitutional affairs, what consideration
had been given to ensuring that registering to vote and participating
at elections would be fully accessible to people with disabilities.
In response the Government stated: "the Government is committed
to ensuring that disabled people are supported to participate
in political and public life and that the electoral process
is accessible to all electors." The Government response further
stated that:
· People
with learning disabilities or mental health conditions should
receive information or other forms of support, if requested, to
assist them with their application to register or to enable them
to find out more about the electoral system.
· Electoral officers
are required to make information and documents about the electoral
process available to electors in other formats, including Braille
and audio format. The Electoral Commission has designed the new
paper forms that will be used by all local authorities under IER.
These forms have been developed based on advice from experts in
graphic design and usable form design. The Commission has also
taken into account good practice advice from accessibility experts,
including RNIB.
· Local authorities
have a statutory responsibility for designating polling places
that are, so far as it is practicable, accessible to electors
who are disabled. A number of provisions are also in place that
are designed to enable blind and partially sighted electors
to cast their ballot at polling stations, including tactile voting
devices designed to enable blind voters to cast their vote independently,
without revealing their voting intentions.[196]
83. It is clear there is a particular problem
with the accessibility of registration and voting for a large
number of people with specific needs resulting from a disability.
It is unacceptable that people face barriers registering to vote
or participating at elections because of a disability. We have
heard several practical suggestions that could make elections
more accessible—including making information available in
British Sign Language and "easy read" format, large
print, audio and braille.
84. We recommend that within three months of the
publication of this Report, the Government consult with the Electoral
Commission, EROs and disability groups and publish clear and stretching
proposals setting out how registration and voting will be made
more accessible to people with disabilities. We also recommend
that political parties work with disability groups to make manifestos
and other election material accessible in formats which people
with disabilities find easier to use.
Overseas voters
85. British citizens who have been living abroad
for fewer than 15 years, and were previously registered to vote
in the UK, are eligible to vote in certain elections in the UK,[197]
but very few expatriates are currently registered to vote. Written
evidence from the Electoral Commission stated:
There have been two reliable estimates of the
number of British nationals living abroad produced in recent years.
The Institute for Public Policy Research estimated the total number
of British citizens living overseas in 2006 at 5.5 million; a
World Bank study put it at 4.7 million in 2011. Yet there were
only 19,245 registered overseas electors in December 2012. While
it is not possible to determine how many expatriates have been
on an electoral register in the last fifteen years, and would
therefore be eligible to vote, there is clearly a very big gap
between the number eligible and those actually registered.[198]
The Electoral Commission updated this information
subsequently, stating that the most recent data, from February/March
2014, showed there were 15,818 overseas voters registered across
Great Britain.[199]
This represents substantially less than 1% of the total
number of British citizens living overseas.
86. Jenny Watson told us "it is unacceptable
that there are so many people who could be registered who are
not", and that overseas votes are "one of the groups
that we target specifically with our campaigns because they are
under-registered."[200]
The Electoral Commission staged an Overseas Voters Registration
Day on 26 February 2014,[201]
and stated that it has worked "closely with the Foreign and
Commonwealth (FCO) and others with overseas links, including the
political parties, to use their networks to raise awareness."
When we spoke to Jenny Watson in September 2014, she told us that
they would be running a further campaign ahead of the 2015 general
election, and that they had set "a target that is aspirational
of 100,000 overseas voters registering to vote."[202]
She told us:
We are working with the kind of organisations
that support people when they are moving overseas […] to
make it clear to them that they can stay on the electoral register,
that this is how they go about doing it and to try to encourage
as many of those people to stay on the register and indeed to
become registered if they thought they did not stay registered
once they have moved overseas. That is quite a focused programme
of work and, as I think I said earlier, we do have—it is
only part of the solution—an overseas registration day that
does enable us to generate some kind of—they are a very
disparate group and by their nature they are hard to reach. We
are very dependent on consulates and embassies to have a form
of contact with them and be able to be gatekeepers in encouraging
people to stay registered to vote.[203]
One of the areas we discussed with representatives
of the BBC was the possibility of putting some information on
elections out via BBC World and the World Service, as a way of
reaching overseas voters.[204]
87. Jenny Watson told us that the bar to sending
out postal ballot papers more than 11 days before the election
had been removed, and that papers could go out around five days
earlier than in the past, meaning that overseas voters had more
time to cast their votes.[205]
Andrew Scallan, Director of Electoral Administration, also
told us that the Electoral Commission had issued advice "that
says priority should be given to overseas electors and to service
voters to make sure that [their postal ballot papers] are issued
as quickly as possible."[206]
Jenny Watson told us that the work of the Electoral Advisory
Board, a board chaired by the Electoral Commission which is intended
to be a focal point for those involved in the delivery of electoral
services, about "how one might look at the role that technology
might play in improving the process" could be relevant to
the question of overseas voters. She stated:
Of course, one can quite quickly see that if
there were one group of voters that might particularly benefit
from some kind of difference in the operation of technology, perhaps
because they could download their own ballot paper as soon as
it was issued because it has a barcode that says it is genuine
and they can send it back, that would make the process faster.
That work will continue from our perspective after the next general
election and we will be bringing forward some suggestions about
what changes might take place.[207]
The International Foundation for Electoral Systems
told us that allowing "voters to print their ballots online
in PDF form and return by mail" would reduce turnaround time
for the voting process, and that e-voting merited further consideration.[208]
The Association of Electoral Administrators (AEA) also suggested
how voting could be made more accessible for overseas voters,
stating:
The most straightforward approach would be to
introduce the options of on line applications for registration
and for absent voting together with the option of e-voting by
internet means. Clearly, the necessary safeguards to prevent fraudulent
applications and misuse of votes would have to be introduced.
A policy decision would need to be made in terms of the current
restrictions including length of time abroad and to what elections
such rights should apply.[209]
88. Roger Casale, the Chair of New Europeans, told
us that removing the 15-year rule, so that British citizens living
abroad were eligible to vote in UK elections no matter how long
they had been living abroad, could help increase registration
rates of overseas voters.[210]
The New Europeans questioned the justification for having
a time limit on eligibility for overseas voters participating
in UK elections, stating that British citizens remained connected
to the UK, and continued to be affected by decisions taken in
Westminster more than 15 years after they moved abroad.[211]
89. When we asked the Minister for the Constitution
what was being done to reach overseas voters, he agreed that "overseas
electors are some of the most under-represented on the electoral
register" and told us:
[M]ore needs to be done to make sure they are
represented on the electoral register. It is something that since
I became the Minister I have asked officials to look into, to
see what we can do in terms of the funds we are making available
for maximising registration to target some of it at overseas voters.[212]
90. Although British citizens are only entitled
to register to vote for UK elections if they were resident in
the UK in the previous 15 years, it is clear that only a very
small percentage of those who are likely to be eligible to register
to vote are actually on the electoral register. It is not acceptable
that such a small proportion of this franchise is registered to
vote, and we welcome the fact the Minister for the Constitution
has asked officials to look into this issue. We expect to
see a comprehensive plan from the Government in response to our
Report, setting out how it plans to increase registration rates
for overseas voters. We recommend that, at a minimum, this includes
using UK embassies to promote registration to British citizens
living abroad, working with the BBC to put out information through
BBC World and the World Service, and making changes to voting
to make it more convenient to overseas voters.
Citizens of Commonwealth countries
and other EU member states
91. Commonwealth citizens who are resident in the
UK are eligible to vote in all UK elections, and citizens of other
EU member states resident in the UK are eligible to vote in local
and European Parliament elections. The completeness of the electoral
register for Commonwealth citizens is 61.8%, and for European
Union citizens the figure is 53.2%. This compares with 86.5% for
British citizens.[213]
92. In addition to low levels of registration amongst
Commonwealth and EU citizens, we have also received evidence about
specific barriers EU citizens face in participating in European
Parliament elections. In order to vote in the European Parliament
elections while resident outside their home member state, EU citizens
have to sign a declaration form, separate from the electoral registration
from, stating that they are not voting in their home
member state. New Europeans, an association which promotes the
rights of EU citizens, told us that this additional process was
"very confusing and has in fact resulted in hundreds
of thousands of EU citizens being denied the vote".[214]
Roger Casale told us that there had been a dramatic decline in
the number of non-British EU citizens registered to vote for the
European Parliament elections between 2009 and 2014—the
figure fell from 1,043,629 registered to vote in the European
elections in 2009 to 327,883 registered to vote in the European
elections in 2014.[215]
New Europeans stated that they "have evidence of many EU
nationals who went to the polling stations on 22 May expecting
to be able to vote in both local and European elections,
only to be were told they could only vote in local
elections."
93. The Electoral Commission told us that there had
been "74 enquiries from citizens of other EU member states
complaining that they had gone to their local polling station
and found that they were able to vote in their local election
but not the European Parliament election."[216]
The Commission accepted that "it appears that a significant
number of citizens of other EU member states resident in the UK
who wanted to vote in the UK at the May 2014 European Parliament
elections were unable to do so, because they had not successfully
completed the necessary application and declaration." The
Electoral Commission also stated that it would "continue
to work with the UK Government, EROs and organisations representing
citizens of other EU member states in the UK to identify what
can be done to simplify the system and remove unnecessary administrative
barriers to participation so that this problem does not affect
electors at the next European Parliament elections in 2019",
including considering "whether legislation could be changed
so that, in future, citizens of other EU member states do not
need to complete more than one electoral registration form to
be able to vote at European Parliament elections in the UK."[217]
94. EU and Commonwealth citizens resident in the
UK are amongst the most under-represented groups on the electoral
register. We recommend that the Electoral Commission should
run a specific campaign aimed at Commonwealth citizens and citizens
of other EU member states resident in the UK, focussing on eligibility
to participate in elections, and how to register to vote. The
Electoral Commission should also bring forward proposals for simplifying
the process for EU citizens living in the UK to register to vote
at European Parliament elections promptly so that the necessary
changes can be made before the next European Parliament elections
in 2019.
Conclusion
95. It is deeply concerning that certain groups
of people—including young people, certain Black and Minority
Ethnic groups, disabled people, and British citizens living overseas—are
far less likely to be registered to vote and turn out at elections
than others. Given current inequalities in the completeness of
the electoral register, there is a strong case for focusing efforts
to increase registration rates on those groups that are currently
underrepresented. We recommend that the Government produce
a plan well before May 2015—working with all parties, the
Electoral Commission and EROs—for targeting those groups
that are least likely to be registered to vote. There is also
scope for politicians and political parties to have a continuous
dialogue with these groups and convince them of the value of participating
in all the elections for which they are eligible.
148 Q386 [Professor Matt Flinders], written evidence
from Professor Matt Flinders [VUK 06], Unlock Democracy [VUK 18],
Dr Maria Sobolewska and Professor Anthony Heath [VUK 30], Professor
Stephen D Fisher [VUK 35] Back
149
Q12 [Professor Sarah Birch] Back
150
Written evidence from the IPPR [VUK 14] Back
151
Q2 [Glenn Gottfried] Back
152
The quality of the 2014 electoral registers in Great Britain,
Electoral Commission, July 2014 Back
153
Report on the administration of the 2010 UK general election,
Electoral Commission, July 2010 Back
154
Great Britain's Electoral Registers 2011, Electoral Commission,
December 2011 Back
155
The quality of the 2014 electoral registers in Great Britain,
Electoral Commission, July 2014 Back
156
Written evidence from the NUS [VUK 34] Back
157
Q399 [Alasdair Buckle] Back
158
Q184 [Toni Pearce] Back
159
Written evidence from the Bradford Children in Care Council [VUK 02],
Bite the Ballot [VUK 65], Intergenerational Foundation [VUK 80] Back
160
Written evidence from Stuart Fox [VUK 128] Back
161
Written evidence from Dr Elin Weston and LLB Advanced Constitutional
Law students, King's College London [VUK 33] Back
162
Written evidence from Bite the Ballot [VUK 65] Back
163
Written evidence from Bite the Ballot [VUK 65] Back
164
Q413 [Alasdair Buckle], written evidence from the Bradford Children
in Care Council [VUK 02] Back
165
Written evidence from Democratic Audit [VUK 18] Back
166
Q21 [Professor Sarah Birch] Back
167
Q338 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back
168
Q55 [Professor Dunleavy] Back
169
Q400 [Richard Eastall] Back
170
Q13 [Professor Sarah Birch] Back
171
Q14 [Professor Sarah Birch] Back
172
Written evidence from the Intergenerational Foundation [VUK 80] Back
173
How Britain voted in 2010, Ipsos Mori, May 2010 Back
174
Written evidence from Dr Maria Sobolewska and Professor Anthony
Heath [VUK 30] Back
175
Q326 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back
176
Q326 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back
177
Q333 [Dr Maria Sobolewska] Back
178
Q333 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back
179
Q333 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back
180
Q373 [Simon Woolley] Back
181
Q362 [Simon Woolley] Back
182
Q370 [Simon Woolley] Back
183
Q366 [Simon Woolley] Back
184
Q303 [Hugh Huddy] Back
185
Q303 [Hugh Huddy], written evidence from the RNIB [VUK 81] Back
186
Q303 [Rob Holland] Back
187
Q303 [Rob Holland] Back
188
Q304 [Ismail Kaji] Back
189
Q266 [John Turner] Back
190
Written evidence from Signature [VUK 87] Back
191
Written evidence from Mencap [VUK 44] Back
192
Written evidence from the RNIB [VUK 81] Back
193
Q324 [Hugh Huddy] Back
194
Written evidence from by Patrick McGonagle MBE CEng FIET,
Managing Director of the Pakflatt Group [VUK 97] Back
195
Q325 [Rob Holland] Back
196
Written evidence from the Government [VUK 148] Back
197
Overseas voters are eligible to vote in general elections and
European Parliament elections, but not local elections. Back
198
Written evidence from the Electoral Commission [VUK 40] Back
199
Written evidence from the Electoral Commission [VUK 156] Back
200
Q702 [Jenny Watson] Back
201
British expatriates - "It's your vote, don't lose it" urges elections watchdog on Overseas Registration Day,
Electoral Commission, February 2014 Back
202
Q699 [Jenny Watson] Back
203
Q765 [Jenny Watson] Back
204
Q460 [Sue Inglish] Back
205
Q704 [Phil Thompson] Back
206
Q706 [Andrew Scallan] Back
207
Q707 [Jenny Watson] Back
208
Written evidence from the International Foundation for Electoral
Systems [VUK 47] Back
209
Written evidence from the Association of Electoral Administrators
[VUK 32] Back
210
Q882 [Roger Casale] Back
211
Written evidence from New Europeans [VUK 161] Back
212
Q796 [Sam Gyimah MP] Back
213
The quality of the 2014 electoral registers in Great Britain,
Electoral Commission, July 2014 Back
214
Written evidence from New Europeans [VUK 107] Back
215
Q891 [Roger Casale] Back
216
Written evidence from the Electoral Commission [VUK 151] Back
217
Written evidence from the Electoral Commission [VUK 151] Back
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