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Voter engagement in the UK - Political and Constitutional Reform Contents


5  Unequal registration and participation

66. Many of our witnesses argued that the biggest issue for voter engagement was not low levels of voter registration and turnout per se, but the inequalities that existed in registration and turnout.[148] Professor Sarah Birch told us that turnout inequality was "a significant problem because you have a distinct sector of the electorate whose interests are going unrepresented."[149] The IPPR stated that unequal turnout mattered because it "reduces the incentives for governments to respond to the interests of non-voters and thus threatens a central claim of democracy which is every citizen's preference, no matter their status, should count equally."[150] Glenn Gottfried, Quantitative Research Fellow at the IPPR, told us that inequality of turnout led to a "vicious cycle of engagement and turnout" where the Government looked at those groups that were not turning out to vote and no longer focused on their interests.[151]

67. Research conducted by the Electoral Commission has identified several demographic groups that are least likely to be registered to vote. These are:

·  Students and younger people (under 35);

·  People living in the private rented sector;

·  Certain Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups ;

·  British citizens living abroad;

·  Commonwealth and EU citizens, and

·  Those classified as social grade DE.[152]

Similar trends exist in relation to turnout, with younger people, certain BME groups and people from social grade DE being less likely to vote. We outline below the evidence we have received about voter engagement as it relates to several of these groups.

Young people and students

68. The evidence is unambiguous that young people are less likely to be registered to vote and also less likely to participate at elections than older people. It is estimated that only 44% of people aged 18-24 voted in the 2010 general election, compared with 75% of people aged over 55.[153] The Electoral Commission's report on the 2011 Electoral Register also notes that young people are much less likely to be registered to vote, stating: "The lowest percentage of completeness is recorded by the 17-18 and 19-24 age groups (55% and 56% complete respectively)." For comparison, completeness across all age ranges was 82.3%, and for the 65+ age group the register was 94% complete.[154] The most recent research on the 2014 electoral registers found a similar pattern.[155]

69. We have heard time and time again that young people feel disconnected from the political process, and that politicians do not address the issues young people are interested in. The National Union of Students stated: "NUS does not believe that students are apathetic; instead we recognise that young people are often disengaged with the political process."[156] Alasdair Buckle, President of the University of Sheffield Students' Union told us: "The current parties are not really saying much about what they are going to do for young people."[157] When Toni Pearce, President of the NUS, gave evidence to us, she said:

    I think there is a combination of reasons [why many young people don't vote]. There is a piece of research, that I am sure you are aware of, that the Electoral Commission did that shows particular reasons why, which is things like disillusionment, the idea that voting does not make any difference to them or the political system does not make any difference to them.[158]

However, she told us that she did not think there is anybody who was apathetic; there were just "people who don't feel that the right issues are being talked about and so they don't get involved with them". She also told us that young people could feel alienated from politics and not feel that they as an individual could make much of a difference. The idea that young people felt that none of the major parties addressed their issues or otherwise engaged with young people was reflected in several pieces of written evidence.[159] Stuart Fox, an academic who submitted evidence based on an analysis of the survey conducted by Survation, stated that the key reasons young voters gave for not voting were "a lack of political information, a lack of political efficacy, and a lack of interest".[160]

70. Evidence from Dr Elin Weston and LLB Advanced Constitutional Law students at King's College London stated: "Among younger people, the major issue relevant to voter engagement and turnout is not political apathy per se, but instead apathy towards the current, traditional methods of political participation."[161] Evidence from Bite the Ballot highlighted several reasons why young people did not vote, including:

·  "they are not made aware of the link between their lives and politics, and many are oblivious to the existing channels of communication that enable them to voice their opinions;

·  they are not taught about 'the basics' of politics, and the relationships between the issues they care about and the decision-making processes that determine them;

·  politics is unrepresentative, elitist, 'out of touch', untrustworthy and irrelevant to their lives;

·  democratic institutions appear to have nothing to offer them and don't care about their concerns and ideas; and

·  there is a lack of effective ways to access, communicate and engage with decision-makers."[162]

Bite the Ballot stated: "There are only two ways in which voter registration and turnout can be improved amongst young people-by ensuring young people are engaged with the democratic process and by making it as easy as possible for young people to be registered to vote and to vote on the day."[163] Similar views were expressed by the president of the University of Sheffield Students' Union and the Bradford Children in Care Council.[164]

71. Another trend of particular relevance to the youth vote is the fall in the proportion of people who believed in a "duty to vote", which has been particularly marked among young people. Democratic Audit stated that "the proportion of the public who believe that everyone has a duty to vote fell from 76% in 1987 to 62% in 2011."[165] Professor Sarah Birch agreed that there had been a "generational change and a decline in the sense of a duty to vote" and that for this reason young people were less likely than older people to vote.[166] Related to this, Professor Anthony Heath argued that there was a need to consider the long-term impacts of unequal participation at elections:

    There is also evidence that whether you register and vote at your first election can have long-term consequences for future participation. If we have a generation of young people who are turned off politics that will live with us for many elections to come. They are not things that can just be immediately reversed once people have got into the habit, and that could also apply to minorities.[167]

This means that if something is not done to tackle current inequalities in electoral registration and election turnout now, it is likely to be even more difficult to reverse the inequalities in the future.

72. Although there was significant evidence that young people are likely to feel disconnected with politics, Professor Patrick Dunleavy, Co-Director of Democratic Audit, told us that the problem of low rates of registration for young people went deeper, stating:

    You can't think of that as being a motivational problem. It is a structural problem. It is down to young people's position in the housing market, the fact that they are moving, the fact that people don't have jobs for life any more. They have portfolio careers where you have to move quite regularly to get jobs if you are a young person. Also, a lot of young people are in the rental sector, which has also much less structural registration.[168]

He told us that these problems had been known for a very long time but that "very little that is effective has been done about them." Richard Eastall, Director of Membership Services at the University of Sheffield Students' Union, expressed similar views, stating: "For people who move house quite often, the register is often out of date and students don't understand how and where to register and where they are entitled to vote and that creates problems in itself."[169]

73. We were also told that the low levels of participation by young people appeared to affect how policy was formed by political parties. Professor Sarah Birch told us that the IPPR's research "demonstrates that it is young people whose interests tend to be unrepresented, because they tend to vote with less frequency than older people".[170] She went on to say:

    It is difficult to attribute any particular policy to that type of trend, but that is the type of thing that we think is the consequence of the situation we see where politicians don't have so much incentive to pay attention to the voices of young people because they know they vote with less frequency.[171]

Similarly, a written submission from the Intergenerational Foundation noted that low turnout amongst younger voters "gives politicians an incentive to target unpopular policies at young people."[172]

74. Low levels of registration and turnout amongst students and young people are a serious problem now and could get worse. If a generation of young people choose not to vote, and then continue not to participate at elections as they grow older, there will be severe and long-lasting effects for turnout at UK elections, with consequent implications for the health of democracy in the UK. We propose later a series of recommendations, not least on registration and voting, which if implemented will help halt and reverse the disengagement of young people.

Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups

75. According to the Electoral Commission, some Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) groups are significantly less likely to be registered to vote compared to those identifying as White British. Completeness of the electoral register for White British people is 85.9%, for Asian people it is 83.7%, but for Black people it is 76%, for people of Mixed ethnicity it is 73.4% and for people whose ethnicity falls into the "Other" category it is 62.9%. A survey by Ipsos Mori of the 2010 general election also found that the turnout rate for white voters was 67%, while for non-white voters it was 51%.[173] In a survey of BME citizens, when asked why they were not registered to vote, a large number of respondents (28%) gave the reason that they were not eligible, even though, as evidence from Dr Maria Sobolewska and Professor Anthony Heath has stated, "quite a number of these were almost certainly eligible since they were Commonwealth citizens."[174] One point that was raised several times was that BME groups were not homogenous. Professor Heath told us that there was "diversity within the groups as well as between the groups" and that this meant there could be very different reasons for lack of registration and lack of turnout within and between groups.[175]

76. Professor Heath also told us that unequal levels of registration were the crux of the matter in relation to unequal voter engagement of BME residents compared to White British residents, stating:

    registration is the central barrier for minorities, all the main groups of which appear to have much lower rates of registration. Once registered there are some differences, but they are relatively modest and they are not the major issue.[176]

Dr Maria Sobolewska flagged up knowledge of eligibility as one of the factors that could be clearly identified as having an impact on registration rates for BME groups.[177] Lack of English language was another factor, which we were told could be even more of an issue in light of Individual Electoral Registration—where each voter has to register to vote themselves.[178] Professor Heath also told us that "concerns about dissatisfaction, alienation and the feeling that people are excluded", which are held by BME groups, should not be ignored as "that could have long-term, wider social consequences."[179] Professor Heath and Dr Sobolewska stated that research on how to improve registration rates for BME groups in particular was inconclusive, although "more liberal rules (such as registration on the day) increased registration […] across the board, for all social groups."

77. When we spoke to Simon Woolley, Director of Operation Black Vote, he told us that he did not believe that there was "a wilful act of seeking to marginalise or alienate BME communities", but that he did feel there was a "lack of political will" to address the problem of low levels of engagement from BME communities.[180] He said that registering people to vote was "the most difficult job" that Operation Black Vote undertook,[181] and told us: "Once they are registered and they believe they can make a difference, then they will go out to vote", but that first a case had to be made to get them to register. He also highlighted the importance of representative democracy, saying that there "should be nearly 100 black and minority ethnic MPs in this institution; there are 27", but stated that policy was equally important.[182] In terms of what could be done to better engage BME groups, Simon Woolley told us:

    Genuine engagement from the political class is critical for civic engagement. Community empowerment from people like us, education in the schools are all the building blocks that will get us to a better place.[183]

78. Registration rates for certain BME groups are substantially lower than for White British residents, but turnout for people from BME groups once they are registered to vote does not differ significantly from turnout for White British residents who are registered to vote. It is not acceptable that registration rates and turnout levels vary so significantly in relation to ethnicity, although it should also be understood that registration rates and turnout levels vary significantly within both the White British and BME groups, so the question requires more careful consideration than simply comparing these two figures. The relevant recommendations set out in this report should be implemented in full in order to redress the current imbalance.

People with disabilities

79. One of the clearest instances where current electoral administration does not make sufficient provision for universal access to electoral participation is in respect of people with certain disabilities. As part of our inquiry we received evidence from representatives of both Mencap, a charity for people with learning disabilities, and the RNIB, a charity for people with sight loss, and also a joint submission from several charitable organisations for deaf people. This evidence highlighted the specific barriers to registering to vote and participating in elections faced by people with disabilities, and also the low level of participation for some of these groups. Hugh Huddy, Campaigns Officer for the RNIB, told us:

    RNIB's interest in voting is really about enabling people with vision impairments living in the UK to lead a fulfilled, independent life where they can participate in democracy and everything else that we do and take for granted.[184]

We heard that inaccessibility of voting to people affected by sight loss was something that was raised frequently by people contacting the RNIB.[185] Rob Holland, Public Affairs and Parliamentary Lead for Mencap, detailed the low participation rates at elections for people with learning disabilities—for the 2001 election "only 31% reported that they did vote".[186] In addition to the practical barriers to participation faced by people with disabilities, Rob Holland also told us that for people with learning disabilities, "There is a cultural exclusion from the democratic process, from politics in the way that Parliament and the Government often communicate to people."[187] Similarly, Ismail Kaji, Parliamentary Affairs Assistant for Mencap, told us that for people with learning disabilities it was "often very difficult to understand what politicians are saying and what they really mean".[188]

80. John Turner, Chief Executive of the Association for Electoral Administrators, stated that physical access was one of the most serious issues in relation to disabled people participating at elections, stating:

    At the last general election, I was out looking at places and there were a number of places I went to where it was exceedingly difficult for somebody in a wheelchair to get physical access to a building to be able to cast a vote.[189]

He told us that "Anything that stands in the way of somebody being able to vote should be a matter of attention", but that the problem had not been resolved and changes were needed to "make it better and to comply with legislation, frankly, in terms of disability access."

81. Practical changes that were suggested to us to make registering to vote and voting more accessible to people with disabilities centred around the provision of information. Specific recommendations included:

·  Making information available in British Sign Language;[190]

·  Producing information in "easy read" format;[191]

·  Making manifestos available in accessible formats such as large print, audio or braille, and[192]

·  Using electoral registration to link someone's name and address with their preferred reading format.[193]

Patrick McGonagle MBE, Managing Director of the Pakflatt Group, told us about the possibility of introducing tactile voting devices to "enable a blind person to mark a ballot paper independently and in private".[194] Rob Holland also raised with us the possibility of proposals aimed at making elections more accessible to people with disabilities having wider effects, justifying this by stating that "It is nearly always the case that when you make things more accessible for disabled people, it benefits a much wider group." He told us:

    It is certainly fair to say that being able to request easy-read information or large print information will benefit people whose first language is not English, or perhaps they are illiterate, for example, because it uses pictures and very simple words, so I think it will undoubtedly benefit more people.[195]

82. We asked Rt Hon Greg Clark MP, the Minister then responsible for political and constitutional affairs, what consideration had been given to ensuring that registering to vote and participating at elections would be fully accessible to people with disabilities. In response the Government stated: "the Government is committed to ensuring that disabled people are supported to participate in political and public life and that the electoral process is accessible to all electors." The Government response further stated that:

·  People with learning disabilities or mental health conditions should receive information or other forms of support, if requested, to assist them with their application to register or to enable them to find out more about the electoral system.

·  Electoral officers are required to make information and documents about the electoral process available to electors in other formats, including Braille and audio format. The Electoral Commission has designed the new paper forms that will be used by all local authorities under IER. These forms have been developed based on advice from experts in graphic design and usable form design. The Commission has also taken into account good practice advice from accessibility experts, including RNIB.

·  Local authorities have a statutory responsibility for designating polling places that are, so far as it is practicable, accessible to electors who are disabled. A number of provisions are also in place that are designed to enable blind and partially sighted electors to cast their ballot at polling stations, including tactile voting devices designed to enable blind voters to cast their vote independently, without revealing their voting intentions.[196]

83. It is clear there is a particular problem with the accessibility of registration and voting for a large number of people with specific needs resulting from a disability. It is unacceptable that people face barriers registering to vote or participating at elections because of a disability. We have heard several practical suggestions that could make elections more accessible—including making information available in British Sign Language and "easy read" format, large print, audio and braille.

84. We recommend that within three months of the publication of this Report, the Government consult with the Electoral Commission, EROs and disability groups and publish clear and stretching proposals setting out how registration and voting will be made more accessible to people with disabilities. We also recommend that political parties work with disability groups to make manifestos and other election material accessible in formats which people with disabilities find easier to use.

Overseas voters

85. British citizens who have been living abroad for fewer than 15 years, and were previously registered to vote in the UK, are eligible to vote in certain elections in the UK,[197] but very few expatriates are currently registered to vote. Written evidence from the Electoral Commission stated:

    There have been two reliable estimates of the number of British nationals living abroad produced in recent years. The Institute for Public Policy Research estimated the total number of British citizens living overseas in 2006 at 5.5 million; a World Bank study put it at 4.7 million in 2011. Yet there were only 19,245 registered overseas electors in December 2012. While it is not possible to determine how many expatriates have been on an electoral register in the last fifteen years, and would therefore be eligible to vote, there is clearly a very big gap between the number eligible and those actually registered.[198]

The Electoral Commission updated this information subsequently, stating that the most recent data, from February/March 2014, showed there were 15,818 overseas voters registered across Great Britain.[199] This represents substantially less than 1% of the total number of British citizens living overseas.

86. Jenny Watson told us "it is unacceptable that there are so many people who could be registered who are not", and that overseas votes are "one of the groups that we target specifically with our campaigns because they are under-registered."[200] The Electoral Commission staged an Overseas Voters Registration Day on 26 February 2014,[201] and stated that it has worked "closely with the Foreign and Commonwealth (FCO) and others with overseas links, including the political parties, to use their networks to raise awareness." When we spoke to Jenny Watson in September 2014, she told us that they would be running a further campaign ahead of the 2015 general election, and that they had set "a target that is aspirational of 100,000 overseas voters registering to vote."[202] She told us:

    We are working with the kind of organisations that support people when they are moving overseas […] to make it clear to them that they can stay on the electoral register, that this is how they go about doing it and to try to encourage as many of those people to stay on the register and indeed to become registered if they thought they did not stay registered once they have moved overseas. That is quite a focused programme of work and, as I think I said earlier, we do have—it is only part of the solution—an overseas registration day that does enable us to generate some kind of—they are a very disparate group and by their nature they are hard to reach. We are very dependent on consulates and embassies to have a form of contact with them and be able to be gatekeepers in encouraging people to stay registered to vote.[203]

One of the areas we discussed with representatives of the BBC was the possibility of putting some information on elections out via BBC World and the World Service, as a way of reaching overseas voters.[204]

87. Jenny Watson told us that the bar to sending out postal ballot papers more than 11 days before the election had been removed, and that papers could go out around five days earlier than in the past, meaning that overseas voters had more time to cast their votes.[205] Andrew Scallan, Director of Electoral Administration, also told us that the Electoral Commission had issued advice "that says priority should be given to overseas electors and to service voters to make sure that [their postal ballot papers] are issued as quickly as possible."[206] Jenny Watson told us that the work of the Electoral Advisory Board, a board chaired by the Electoral Commission which is intended to be a focal point for those involved in the delivery of electoral services, about "how one might look at the role that technology might play in improving the process" could be relevant to the question of overseas voters. She stated:

    Of course, one can quite quickly see that if there were one group of voters that might particularly benefit from some kind of difference in the operation of technology, perhaps because they could download their own ballot paper as soon as it was issued because it has a barcode that says it is genuine and they can send it back, that would make the process faster. That work will continue from our perspective after the next general election and we will be bringing forward some suggestions about what changes might take place.[207]

The International Foundation for Electoral Systems told us that allowing "voters to print their ballots online in PDF form and return by mail" would reduce turnaround time for the voting process, and that e-voting merited further consideration.[208] The Association of Electoral Administrators (AEA) also suggested how voting could be made more accessible for overseas voters, stating:

    The most straightforward approach would be to introduce the options of on line applications for registration and for absent voting together with the option of e-voting by internet means. Clearly, the necessary safeguards to prevent fraudulent applications and misuse of votes would have to be introduced. A policy decision would need to be made in terms of the current restrictions including length of time abroad and to what elections such rights should apply.[209]

88. Roger Casale, the Chair of New Europeans, told us that removing the 15-year rule, so that British citizens living abroad were eligible to vote in UK elections no matter how long they had been living abroad, could help increase registration rates of overseas voters.[210] The New Europeans questioned the justification for having a time limit on eligibility for overseas voters participating in UK elections, stating that British citizens remained connected to the UK, and continued to be affected by decisions taken in Westminster more than 15 years after they moved abroad.[211]

89. When we asked the Minister for the Constitution what was being done to reach overseas voters, he agreed that "overseas electors are some of the most under-represented on the electoral register" and told us:

    [M]ore needs to be done to make sure they are represented on the electoral register. It is something that since I became the Minister I have asked officials to look into, to see what we can do in terms of the funds we are making available for maximising registration to target some of it at overseas voters.[212]

90. Although British citizens are only entitled to register to vote for UK elections if they were resident in the UK in the previous 15 years, it is clear that only a very small percentage of those who are likely to be eligible to register to vote are actually on the electoral register. It is not acceptable that such a small proportion of this franchise is registered to vote, and we welcome the fact the Minister for the Constitution has asked officials to look into this issue. We expect to see a comprehensive plan from the Government in response to our Report, setting out how it plans to increase registration rates for overseas voters. We recommend that, at a minimum, this includes using UK embassies to promote registration to British citizens living abroad, working with the BBC to put out information through BBC World and the World Service, and making changes to voting to make it more convenient to overseas voters.

Citizens of Commonwealth countries and other EU member states

91. Commonwealth citizens who are resident in the UK are eligible to vote in all UK elections, and citizens of other EU member states resident in the UK are eligible to vote in local and European Parliament elections. The completeness of the electoral register for Commonwealth citizens is 61.8%, and for European Union citizens the figure is 53.2%. This compares with 86.5% for British citizens.[213]

92. In addition to low levels of registration amongst Commonwealth and EU citizens, we have also received evidence about specific barriers EU citizens face in participating in European Parliament elections. In order to vote in the European Parliament elections while resident outside their home member state, EU citizens have to sign a declaration form, separate from the electoral registration from, stating that they are not voting in their home member state. New Europeans, an association which promotes the rights of EU citizens, told us that this additional process was "very confusing and has in fact resulted in hundreds of thousands of EU citizens being denied the vote".[214] Roger Casale told us that there had been a dramatic decline in the number of non-British EU citizens registered to vote for the European Parliament elections between 2009 and 2014—the figure fell from 1,043,629 registered to vote in the European elections in 2009 to 327,883 registered to vote in the European elections in 2014.[215] New Europeans stated that they "have evidence of many EU nationals who went to the polling stations on 22 May expecting to be able to vote in both local and European elections, only to be were told they could only vote in local elections."

93. The Electoral Commission told us that there had been "74 enquiries from citizens of other EU member states complaining that they had gone to their local polling station and found that they were able to vote in their local election but not the European Parliament election."[216] The Commission accepted that "it appears that a significant number of citizens of other EU member states resident in the UK who wanted to vote in the UK at the May 2014 European Parliament elections were unable to do so, because they had not successfully completed the necessary application and declaration." The Electoral Commission also stated that it would "continue to work with the UK Government, EROs and organisations representing citizens of other EU member states in the UK to identify what can be done to simplify the system and remove unnecessary administrative barriers to participation so that this problem does not affect electors at the next European Parliament elections in 2019", including considering "whether legislation could be changed so that, in future, citizens of other EU member states do not need to complete more than one electoral registration form to be able to vote at European Parliament elections in the UK."[217]

94. EU and Commonwealth citizens resident in the UK are amongst the most under-represented groups on the electoral register. We recommend that the Electoral Commission should run a specific campaign aimed at Commonwealth citizens and citizens of other EU member states resident in the UK, focussing on eligibility to participate in elections, and how to register to vote. The Electoral Commission should also bring forward proposals for simplifying the process for EU citizens living in the UK to register to vote at European Parliament elections promptly so that the necessary changes can be made before the next European Parliament elections in 2019.

Conclusion

95. It is deeply concerning that certain groups of people—including young people, certain Black and Minority Ethnic groups, disabled people, and British citizens living overseas—are far less likely to be registered to vote and turn out at elections than others. Given current inequalities in the completeness of the electoral register, there is a strong case for focusing efforts to increase registration rates on those groups that are currently underrepresented. We recommend that the Government produce a plan well before May 2015—working with all parties, the Electoral Commission and EROs—for targeting those groups that are least likely to be registered to vote. There is also scope for politicians and political parties to have a continuous dialogue with these groups and convince them of the value of participating in all the elections for which they are eligible.


148   Q386 [Professor Matt Flinders], written evidence from Professor Matt Flinders [VUK 06], Unlock Democracy [VUK 18], Dr Maria Sobolewska and Professor Anthony Heath [VUK 30], Professor Stephen D Fisher [VUK 35] Back

149   Q12 [Professor Sarah Birch] Back

150   Written evidence from the IPPR [VUK 14] Back

151   Q2 [Glenn Gottfried] Back

152   The quality of the 2014 electoral registers in Great Britain, Electoral Commission, July 2014 Back

153   Report on the administration of the 2010 UK general election, Electoral Commission, July 2010 Back

154   Great Britain's Electoral Registers 2011, Electoral Commission, December 2011 Back

155   The quality of the 2014 electoral registers in Great Britain, Electoral Commission, July 2014 Back

156   Written evidence from the NUS [VUK 34] Back

157   Q399 [Alasdair Buckle] Back

158   Q184 [Toni Pearce] Back

159   Written evidence from the Bradford Children in Care Council [VUK 02], Bite the Ballot [VUK 65], Intergenerational Foundation [VUK 80] Back

160   Written evidence from Stuart Fox [VUK 128] Back

161   Written evidence from Dr Elin Weston and LLB Advanced Constitutional Law students, King's College London [VUK 33] Back

162   Written evidence from Bite the Ballot [VUK 65] Back

163   Written evidence from Bite the Ballot [VUK 65] Back

164   Q413 [Alasdair Buckle], written evidence from the Bradford Children in Care Council [VUK 02] Back

165   Written evidence from Democratic Audit [VUK 18] Back

166   Q21 [Professor Sarah Birch] Back

167   Q338 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back

168   Q55 [Professor Dunleavy] Back

169   Q400 [Richard Eastall] Back

170   Q13 [Professor Sarah Birch] Back

171   Q14 [Professor Sarah Birch] Back

172   Written evidence from the Intergenerational Foundation [VUK 80] Back

173   How Britain voted in 2010, Ipsos Mori, May 2010 Back

174   Written evidence from Dr Maria Sobolewska and Professor Anthony Heath [VUK 30] Back

175   Q326 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back

176   Q326 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back

177   Q333 [Dr Maria Sobolewska] Back

178   Q333 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back

179   Q333 [Professor Anthony Heath] Back

180   Q373 [Simon Woolley] Back

181   Q362 [Simon Woolley] Back

182   Q370 [Simon Woolley] Back

183   Q366 [Simon Woolley] Back

184   Q303 [Hugh Huddy] Back

185   Q303 [Hugh Huddy], written evidence from the RNIB [VUK 81] Back

186   Q303 [Rob Holland] Back

187   Q303 [Rob Holland] Back

188   Q304 [Ismail Kaji] Back

189   Q266 [John Turner] Back

190   Written evidence from Signature [VUK 87] Back

191   Written evidence from Mencap [VUK 44] Back

192   Written evidence from the RNIB [VUK 81] Back

193   Q324 [Hugh Huddy] Back

194   Written evidence from by Patrick McGonagle MBE CEng FIET, Managing Director of the Pakflatt Group [VUK 97] Back

195   Q325 [Rob Holland] Back

196   Written evidence from the Government [VUK 148] Back

197   Overseas voters are eligible to vote in general elections and European Parliament elections, but not local elections. Back

198   Written evidence from the Electoral Commission [VUK 40] Back

199   Written evidence from the Electoral Commission [VUK 156] Back

200   Q702 [Jenny Watson] Back

201   British expatriates - "It's your vote, don't lose it" urges elections watchdog on Overseas Registration Day, Electoral Commission, February 2014 Back

202   Q699 [Jenny Watson] Back

203   Q765 [Jenny Watson] Back

204   Q460 [Sue Inglish] Back

205   Q704 [Phil Thompson] Back

206   Q706 [Andrew Scallan] Back

207   Q707 [Jenny Watson] Back

208   Written evidence from the International Foundation for Electoral Systems [VUK 47] Back

209   Written evidence from the Association of Electoral Administrators [VUK 32] Back

210   Q882 [Roger Casale] Back

211   Written evidence from New Europeans [VUK 161] Back

212   Q796 [Sam Gyimah MP] Back

213   The quality of the 2014 electoral registers in Great Britain, Electoral Commission, July 2014 Back

214   Written evidence from New Europeans [VUK 107] Back

215   Q891 [Roger Casale] Back

216   Written evidence from the Electoral Commission [VUK 151] Back

217   Written evidence from the Electoral Commission [VUK 151] Back


 
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© Parliamentary copyright 2014
Prepared 14 November 2014