Electricity sector in Northern Ireland Contents


158.For most people, the cost of electricity is the most important indicator of whether an electricity sector is operating effectively. Domestic users need to light and power their homes without undue concerns about cost, while energy-intensive industries need access to competitively priced electricity.

The price of electricity

159.There are broadly three factors which determine the cost of electricity: wholesale costs, network and policy costs, and supplier costs.176 For domestic consumers, wholesale costs typically account for 60 per cent of the electricity tariff, and network and policy costs account for 30 per cent. The final 10 per cent reflects the costs and profits of electricity suppliers.

Wholesale costs

160.Wholesale electricity costs are determined through the Single Electricity Market (SEM), which operates across the island of Ireland. Wholesale costs are therefore identical in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The SEM is an all-island pool market into which generators with over 10 MW capacity are required by law to trade with electricity suppliers. The cost of electricity within the market for each half-hour trading period—the System Marginal Price—is determined by the bids made into the pool by generators, which are then ranked according to the bids they have submitted. The final generator needed to meet consumer demand then determines the price of electricity in the SEM, with all other generators also receiving the agreed price. Jo Aston, Director of Wholesale Markets at the Utility Regulator, told the Committee the SEM was not a very active or competitive market, with electricity suppliers simply taking the price of electricity as determined by the Single Electricity Market Operator (SEMO) in each half-hour period.177

161.The new Integrated Single Electricity Market (I-SEM), due to be implemented from May 2018, is expected to allow for the trading of electricity in a different way, creating a more competitive environment within the electricity market and putting downward pressure on costs.178 In the I-SEM, electricity will be traded over four timeframes—a forward timeframe, a day ahead, an intraday, and a balancing of dispatch—giving greater freedom to electricity suppliers over how they purchase electricity through the market. In addition, better use of interconnectors, the implementation of an auction-based capacity contracting framework, and the DS3 programme—aimed at improving the utilisation of low-cost renewable sources of generation—were also measures likely to see wholesale prices in the new I-SEM reduce over time.179

Generator Profits

162. A key area of concern raised in evidence during our inquiry related to the level of profit generators were able to make within the electricity market. The Consumer Council pointed to research from Ulster Business which found the profit levels of some generators within the SEM were far higher than other businesses on the island of Ireland, and that greater transparency was required concerning the profits made by generators.180

163.In December 2016, the SEM Committee published a report into Generator Financial Performance within the Single Electricity Market.181 The report showed that operating profit margins for generators within the SEM were 31 per cent in 2014 and 34 per cent in 2015, an increase on the 29 per cent reported in 2012. Excluding large impairment charges, net profit margins were 11 per cent between 2012 and 2014, before rising to an average 13 per cent in 2015. Net profit margins remained stable despite a fall in generator revenue over the period, with average revenue per MWh of electricity falling from over €100 in 2013 to €86 in 2015.

164. The Utility Regulator told us gas generators typically set the marginal price within the SEM, and that gas generators had an average net profit margin of between 5 per cent and 7 per cent in 2013.182 With gas providing approximately 46 per cent of generation output, there has been a strong correlation between gas fuel prices and the cost of wholesale electricity within the SEM.183 Coal generators typically have a net profit margin of 20 per cent, wind generators achieve 10 per cent, while oil and distillate generators receive relatively high margins of 40 per cent.184 It is important to note, however, that oil and distillates account for only a small proportion of generation, with the majority of their revenues received through capacity payment mechanisms.

165.Referring to data from the 2014 Generator Financial Performance report—which showed lower operating profit margins than the 2016 report—Manufacturing NI argued that generator profits were unreasonably high, and not sustainable in the long term.185 They called on the SEM Committee to publish Generator Financial Performance more regularly, arguing that the two-year gap between the 2014 and 2016 reports was too great and damaged confidence in the market.186

166.However, the main generators have publicly denied that their profit margins are too high. For example, in October 2016, it was reported that Kilroot Power Station—owned by AES—had made a £14.8 million loss, with turnover down from £133.5 million to £113.6 million.187 In the same period, Ballylumford Power Station had also seen its pre-tax profits halve to £6.3 million. In addition, although Coolkeeragh Power Station—owned by ESB—achieved a 9 per cent increase in revenue in 2015, it made an overall loss due to a £32.7 million impairment charge in the year.188

167.Wholesale costs account for 60 per cent of the electricity price paid by consumers. These costs are determined within the Single Electricity Market, and are the same in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. From 2018, the Integrated Single Electricity Market (I-SEM) is expected to put a significant downward pressure on the wholesale price of electricity through changes to the way in which electricity is traded, better use of interconnection between markets, the implementation of an auction-based capacity contracting framework, and greater utilisation of low-cost renewable sources of generation.

168.The most recent generator profitability report, published in December 2016, indicated high profit margins in the sector. To aid transparency and provide greater confidence to consumers, the SEM Committee should ensure that its Generator Financial Performance reports are published annually rather than every two years.

Network and policy costs

169.The second main determinants of the cost of electricity are network and policy costs. Policy costs refer to schemes such as the Northern Ireland Renewables Obligation (NIRO) and the Climate Change Levy, the cost of which is passed through to consumers. Policy costs account for just under 10 per cent of the total tariff. Network costs—which refer to the cost of maintaining and investing in the electricity transmission and distribution network—account for an average of 21 per cent of the total electricity tariff, although this varies across customer groups. For the very largest electricity users, network costs accounted for between 5 per cent and 6 per cent of the electricity tariff, while for domestic users, network costs accounted for approximately 25 per cent of the total price.189

170.The level and allocation of network and policy costs varies between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, and it is this that largely accounts for the differences in the price paid between the jurisdictions. Since 2010, the Republic has recovered network costs disproportionately from different categories of users, with costs more apportioned towards domestic users and away from larger energy users. In Northern Ireland, costs are distributed more evenly across all groups. Because of the difference in approach, domestic consumers in the Republic pay around 20 per cent more for their electricity than consumers in Northern Ireland.190

171.The extent of the policy costs embedded in electricity prices in Northern Ireland was raised as an issue of concern by industry and consumer groups during our inquiry. Some, such as the CBI, questioned the cost effectiveness of current environmental levies in Northern Ireland, and urged the NI Executive to ensure that future decarbonisation policies were more market driven.191 Manufacturing NI questioned why the budget for the DS3 programme—a long-term programme of work designed to increase the level of renewable generation able to operate on the system—was due to increase so substantially in the coming years, and argued that it should not be increased above current levels.192 Other organisations, such as Windwatch NI, argued that renewables policy costs resulted in a “regressive wealth transfer from consumers to investors in renewables and to large utilities”, and that this was particularly undesirable in the context of high fuel poverty in Northern Ireland.193

172.Some groups, however, did not believe that policy costs were too high, arguing that the renewables subsidies have had substantial benefits for Northern Ireland. NIRIG told us the NIRO had contributed to higher economic growth, both within the renewables industry and in rural areas, increased levels of sustainable generation and reduced dependence on fuel imports.194

173.We also heard criticism of network costs in respect of both their level and the way in which funding was used by the network owners. In particular, Manufacturing NI was highly critical of NIE Networks, suggesting they had charged substantially more than they needed to invest in the network, and had significantly underspent the money allocated during the RP5 price control period.195 NIE Networks strongly denied that network charges were not reflective of costs, and pointed to a recent Utility Regulator study, which showed that network costs in Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland were broadly similar.196 They told us the figures used by Manufacturing NI were incorrect, and NIE Networks expected to be “broadly in line” with the expenditure permitted within the RP5 price control period.197

Supplier costs

174.Suppliers are the visible face of the electricity sector and often bear the brunt of consumer ire when energy costs are perceived to be high. However, it is important to note that they account for just 10 per cent of the overall price consumers pay for electricity. Suppliers’ operating profits are regulated within the domestic market and SME sector, with maximum profit margins determined by the Utility Regulator. For example, Power NI gave evidence that they were regulated to a profit margin of 2.2 per cent, while SSE Airtricity said its permitted profit margin was 1.5 per cent.198 We were also told price reviews were fully transparent, and regular consultation took place with the Consumer Council when price changes were anticipated.199

175.In addition, as outlined earlier, suppliers operate within the Single Electricity Market (SEM)—a market in which suppliers are largely ‘price-takers’—restricting their ability to influence the wholesale price they pay for electricity.200 The competiveness of the market is, however, anticipated to improve with the implementation of the Integrated Single Electricity Market (I-SEM) in May 2018.

Prospects for lower prices in Northern Ireland

176.A number of organisations—including the Consumer Council, Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce, and Manufacturing NI—called for the NI Executive to set a target for consumers to pay no more for electricity than the EU average.201

177.However, other witnesses told us electricity costs would always be higher in Northern Ireland when compared to the EU average. Power NI stated that it was not a realistic expectation for Northern Ireland to have energy costs lower than in Great Britain or the EU. They noted geographic remoteness, limited economies of scale in the supply chain, high dependency on fuel imports, limited access to cheap local energy sources, and limited interconnection with other markets, as the main reasons why Northern Ireland should expect to have higher electricity prices than in the larger European markets.202

178.This sentiment was echoed by academics from Ulster University. They explained that in mainland Europe, there were 400 million people and a number of large industrial users, who together provided substantial baseload demand that reduced the price paid by all consumers. This compared to 800,000 users on the Northern Ireland network, and approximately 20 large industrial consumers. European countries were also better able to take advantage of cross-border interconnection. For example, Luxembourg, which has one of the cheapest electricity prices in Europe, is only able to serve 30 per cent of its own electricity demand, and imports what it needs from its cheapest neighbours. Sweden generates a significant proportion of its energy from hydroelectricity, whilst Iceland benefits from substantial geothermal energy. As Dr Patrick Keatley of Ulster University told the Committee: equating electricity prices in Northern Ireland with those in Europe was “not comparing apples with apples”.203

179.A number of organisations have called for the NI Executive to set a target for consumers to pay no more for electricity than the EU average. While this would be a challenging objective, given Northern Ireland’s comparative geographic remoteness and limited economies of scale, it may indeed be necessary if the next Northern Ireland Executive wishes to attract large energy-intensive employers to the Province.

Domestic users

180.Prior to the recently announced price increases, electricity prices for domestic users were low by historic standards. Domestic bills had fallen by approximately 20 per cent since 2014, mirroring the fall in wholesale gas prices during that period.204 In 2016, prices were 17 per cent lower than they were in the year before the electricity market was privatised in the early 1990s, and 32 per cent lower than in 2008.205 Figure 2, below, shows that household annual bills had fallen to the lows achieved during the early 2000s:206

Figure 2: Average annual (3,200 kWh) domestic electricity bill in Northern Ireland

Source: Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis, Utility Regulator, Autumn 2016

181.Prices are also low by comparison to Northern Ireland’s nearest neighbours. Stephen McCully, Managing Director of Power NI, told the Committee in June 2016, electricity costs for domestic users were 16 per cent below the average price in Great Britain.207 Analysis provided by the Utility Regulator (Figure 3) showed, for average medium-use domestic consumers, Northern Ireland customers paid less than their counterparts in Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland, and broadly matched the EU average in the second half of 2015.208

Figure 3: Domestic customers disaggregated electricity prices, S2 2015

Source: Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis, Utility Regulator, Autumn 2016

182.However, the relatively low price of electricity for domestic users should not detract from the extremely high levels of fuel poverty in Northern Ireland. Fuel poverty is typically caused by a combination of low household income, poor energy efficiency, and the cost of energy.209 In Northern Ireland, households are considered to be in fuel poverty if they spend more than 10 per cent of their income on energy. Data from 2012—the most recent available—showed 42 per cent of households in Northern Ireland (290,000) were fuel poor, substantially higher than the UK average of 15 per cent .210 Fuel poverty was most prevalent in households with annual incomes below £10,000, in the private rented sector, and in rural areas.211 The then Minister for the Economy, Simon Hamilton MLA, told us fuel poverty was “a big and worrying concern”, and that the Northern Ireland Executive had been looking at a new policy, focused on improving energy efficiency, to help address it.212

183.Electricity prices for domestic users are low by historic standards and in comparison with neighbouring countries. However, fuel poverty levels remain extremely high in Northern Ireland. Lower electricity prices are only part of the solution; work must also be done to improve household energy efficiency and support low-income families with their electricity costs.

Non-domestic users

184.The picture for non-domestic consumers was more mixed. The then Minister for the Economy told us approximately two-thirds of the 80,000 non-domestic customers in Northern Ireland were paying electricity prices slightly above the EU average.213 For the very smallest industrial consumers—those with an annual consumption of less than 20 MWh, accounting for 46,000 businesses (65.7 per cent of the total)—prices were relatively competitive when compared to the Republic of Ireland, although still higher than in Great Britain and the EU average (Figure 4).214

Figure 4: Very small industrial customers electricity prices, S2 2015

Source: Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis, Utility Regulator, Autumn 2016

185.However, electricity prices for medium users—with an annual consumption of between 2,000 MWh and 19,999 MWh, accounting for 265 businesses—were 45 per cent higher than the EU average. For large and very large users—with an annual consumption of 20,000 MWh and above, accounting for 20 businesses—prices were 46 per cent higher than the EU average (Figure 5).215

Figure 5: Large and Very Large industrial customers’ electricity prices, S2 2015

Source: Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis, Utility Regulator, Autumn 2016

186.The Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce told the Committee: “Northern Ireland is one of the least competitive regions not just nationally but internationally when it comes to energy costs”.216 The CBI reported that energy costs for the most intensive users can account for 5 per cent to 15 per cent of turnover, while Manufacturing NI said electricity was the third largest input cost for the largest industrial users in Northern Ireland.217 The Chamber of Commerce stated that energy cost pressures were a concern for 71 per cent of their members, and 78 per cent of local manufacturers in Northern Ireland.218

187.Energy costs have been cited as one of the key reasons for the loss of major employers in Northern Ireland in recent years. The closure of the Michelin factory in Ballymena was highlighted by several witnesses as a prominent example of this.219 The CEO of Michelin UK, Wayne Culbertson, reportedly said, “Our energy bill in Northern Ireland last year was £9 million. It has been an Achilles heel for us”.220

188.In addition to the risk of losing businesses already based in Northern Ireland, high electricity prices have been a deterrent to new investment. The Chair of the Energy and Manufacturing Advisory Group, Dr David Dobbin, told us, “if you were an energy intensive company [ … ] you would [ … ] not come to Northern Ireland. You would go to Scandinavia or countries where there is significantly lower electricity cost”.221 Similarly, the Chamber of Commerce reported that 29 per cent of its members said high energy costs would be a potential deterrent to future investment decisions in Northern Ireland.222 The CBI echoed this, telling the Committee high energy costs made it particularly hard to attract new energy intensive industries, such as large-scale data storage and manufacturing.223

189.High electricity costs—alongside issues associated with connecting to the electricity network (as outlined in Chapter 3)—have led a number of large manufacturers to make the decision to generate their own electricity off-grid. By self-generating electricity, manufacturers were able to lower their electricity costs by avoiding network and policy costs. Manufacturing NI said that businesses were able to generate electricity at approximately half the price of what it cost through the marketplace.224 Bombardier told us it would soon be able to generate 70 per cent of its own electricity requirements off-grid, whilst the then Minister for the Economy told us he had visited an agri-food processing business which had recently invested in its own wind turbines and anaerobic digestion generation.225

190.Manufacturing NI explained that they encouraged their members to generate their own electricity, suggesting it would send a signal to policymakers that energy costs were too high.226 However, other witnesses noted that, whilst there may be cost advantages for large users that can afford to generate electricity off-grid, there were disadvantages for the consumers left behind. For example, the then Minister for the Economy highlighted that, as large users came off the electricity network, the network and policy costs they had been absorbing would need to be distributed between the consumers remaining on the grid.227 The Consumer Council also highlighted this as a concern, noting the network had “to be paid for by somebody, and if big slices of that pie are taken away by the large energy users, more of it will fall to domestic consumers”.228 The Chamber of Commerce similarly urged caution, noting the potential detrimental impact on remaining consumers.229

191.Electricity costs for large industrial users in Northern Ireland are substantially higher than the EU average and in the Republic of Ireland. High prices are damaging Northern Ireland’s economic competiveness and putting at risk present and future business investment in the Province. Many large businesses are choosing to generate their own electricity off-grid, but this emerging trend risks increasing prices for all other domestic and non-domestic consumers.

Reallocation of costs

192.As outlined earlier in this chapter, wholesale costs as determined through the Single Electricity Market (SEM) are identical across the island of Ireland. The reason why prices are higher for large non-domestic users in Northern Ireland is due to differences in the level and allocation of network and policy costs.

193.Policy costs in the Republic of Ireland are relatively low in comparison to Northern Ireland. In addition, the Irish Government also recovers network and policy costs disproportionately from different categories of users—shifting costs away from large manufacturers and on to domestic users—in order to give a competitive advantage to large businesses and attract energy intensive industries into the country.

194.It was noted that the Republic was not the only country to reallocate network and policy costs to give manufacturers a competitive advantage. The Chair of the EMAG told the Committee there were a number of European countries, including Germany, where policy costs—in particular renewables subsidies and the costs of environmental compliance—were met by government for large users as a “backdoor method” of subsidising electricity for industry.230

195.A key question which emerged during the Committee’s inquiry was whether Northern Ireland should follow suit, and reallocate network and policy costs away from the largest manufacturers to help them be more competitive. “Yes, is the short answer”, Manufacturing NI told us.231 Whilst it was acknowledged that imposing higher costs on domestic users would be politically difficult in the context of existing high levels of fuel poverty, Manufacturing NI said the best way to lift people out of poverty was to ensure they had a job, which a reallocation of costs would help to do. The CBI argued that the Northern Ireland Executive should examine the case for reallocating costs, mirroring the system in the Republic of Ireland. It also noted that domestic consumers already benefited from low electricity prices and no water charges, and that the wider economic benefits of such a measure should be considered.232

196.Power NI gave evidence that a reallocation of costs need not fall entirely on domestic consumers but instead could be redistributed between both domestic consumers and the SME sector, such that the overall impact might be small for most people.233 Dr Patrick Keatley from Ulster University said that the effect of reallocating costs could be further reduced by only targeting relief towards energy-intensive companies which were competing in global markets, and noted that this was how such policies operated elsewhere in Europe.234 Indeed, the Utility Regulator suggested that the Minister for the Economy might want to consider a targeted initiative to reduce energy costs for the 20 largest electricity users in Northern Ireland, given their significant contribution to GDP. 235 The Chair of the EMAG, Dr David Dobbin, also reflected an appetite within industry for a new approach to the allocation of energy costs. He said:

We are not talking about something that is suddenly going to disadvantage the normal consumer or increase the risk of fuel poverty. We are talking about something that hopefully, if it is done sensibly, could bring costs down for all users.236

197.The Consumer Council was less enthusiastic about a reallocation of costs towards domestic users. They told us, given a choice between reallocating costs and reducing electricity consumption through energy efficiency measures, they would prefer to see a focus on the latter. They urged policy-makers to consider the consequences of such a measure: “if you, in the short term, pull one policy lever to improve things for business, you will cause other unintended problems down the line”.237

198.Jenny Pyper, Chief Executive of the Utility Regulator, told us a reallocation of costs would require a decision by the Northern Ireland Executive, and was not something they were empowered to implement unilaterally.238 She said, if the Minister for the Economy advised them he would like to see costs reallocated away from large manufacturers, the Regulator would certainly produce the necessary modelling work.239

199.However, the then Minister for the Economy told us he had “limited ability to affect electricity prices”, and instead looked for other opportunities to put downwards pressure on energy costs.240 He also highlighted that electricity prices were not the only determinant of an economy’s competitiveness, and large businesses had many other positive reasons to invest in Northern Ireland.241 In particular, he pointed to the Province’s low labour, property and transportation costs, as well as the new low rate of corporation tax due to be introduced in April 2018.

200.Manufacturing NI agreed that energy costs were not the only determinant of competitiveness, but argued that changes to the allocation of electricity costs would make Northern Ireland more attractive to investors.242 Academics from Ulster University also told us, in the context of attracting foreign direct investment to Northern Ireland, “This is only one element, but good value energy costs for industry coming in, creating jobs, is a good starting point”.243

201.We acknowledge that high levels of fuel poverty in Northern Ireland make proposals to reallocate network and policy costs away from large industry and onto other users politically very challenging. However, we have been struck by the number of organisations—both within the industry, but also independent experts—who told the Committee that a reallocation of costs, appropriately targeted, could provide much needed support to Northern Ireland’s largest employers, and attract foreign direct investment from energy-intensive industries.

202.We believe this proposal is worthy of further consideration. We call on the next Northern Ireland Executive to undertake a detailed analysis to determine the potential effects of a targeted reallocation of electricity network and policy costs. Consideration should be given to the likely short-term increase in domestic fuel bills, but also the wider benefits which could arise from higher levels of investment from energy-intensive industries.

176 Qq294–296 (Jenny Pyper, Utility Regulator)

177 Q312 (Jo Aston, Utility Regulator)

178 Ibid.

179 Utility Regulator, ‘Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis’, Autumn 2016, page 22

180 Q152 (Richard Williams, Consumer Council for Northern Ireland)

181 Cambridge Economic Policy Associates Ltd (CEPA), ‘Generator Financial Performance in the Single Electricity Market’, November 2016

182 Q312 (Jo Aston, Utility Regulator)

183 SEM Committee, ‘Generator Financial Performance in the Single Electricity Market (SEM)’, December 2014, page 10

184 Q312 (Jo Aston, Utility Regulator)

185 Q576 (Stephen Kelly, Manufacturing NI)

186 Ibid.

187 Belfast Telegraph, ‘Mild weather leads to fall in profits for Kilroot’, 4 October 2016

188 The Irish News, ‘Lights out for power stations’ profits’, 4 October 2016

189 Q493 (Nicholas Tarrant, NIE Networks)

190 Q296 (Jenny Pyper, Utility Regulator)

191 CBI Northern Ireland (ENI0023) para 31

192 Manufacturing NI (ENI0006) para 47

193 Windwatch NI (ENI0003) section 9

194 Northern Ireland Renewables Industry Group (ENI0021)

195 Manufacturing NI (ENI0006) para 30; and Q605 (Stephen Kelly, Manufacturing NI)

196 Q496 (Peter Ewing, NIE Networks)

197 Q506 (Nicholas Tarrant, NIE Networks)

198 Q187 (Stephen McCully, Power NI); and Q189 (Andrew Greer, SSE Airtricity)

199 Q186 (Stephen McCully, Power NI)

200 Q312 (Jo Aston, Utility Regulator)

201 Consumer Council for Northern Ireland (ENI0016) para 4.1, Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce (ENI0020), para 5.9, and Manufacturing NI (ENI0006) para 8.

202 Power NI (ENI0005) para 18

203 Q1 (Dr Keatley, University of Ulster)

204 Q290 (Jenny Pyper, Utility Regulator)

205 Q202 (Stephen McCully, Power NI); and Q616 (Simon Hamilton MLA, Minister for the Economy)

206 Utility Regulator, ‘Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis’, Autumn 2016

207 Q197 (Stephen McCully, Power NI)

208 Utility Regulator, ‘Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis’, Autumn 2016

209 Q155 (John French, Consumer Council for Northern Ireland)

210 Consumer Council for Northern Ireland (ENI0028) Table 1

211 NEA, ‘UK Fuel Poverty Monitor 2014–15’, page 12

212 Q634 (Simon Hamilton MLA, Minister for the Economy)

213 Q616 (Simon Hamilton MLA, Minister for the Economy)

214 Utility Regulator, ‘Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis’, Autumn 2016

215 Utility Regulator, ‘Electricity Prices in NI: A Factual Analysis’, Autumn 2016, page 13

216 Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce (ENI0020) para 5.1

217 Q573 (Stephen Kelly, Manufacturing NI); and CBI Northern Ireland (ENI0023) para 27

218 Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce (ENI0020) para 5.4

219 Robert Graham (ENI0002) para 8, and Manufacturing NI (ENI0006) para 4

220 As quoted at Q590 (Stephen Kelly, Manufacturing NI)

221 Q531 (Dr David Dobbin, Energy and Manufacturing Advisory Group)

222 Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce (ENI0020) para 5.3

223 CBI Northern Ireland (ENI0023) para 11

224 Q565 (Stephen Kelly, Manufacturing NI)

225 Q563 (Cecil McBurney, Bombardier), and Q646 (Simon Hamilton MLA, Minister for the Economy)

226 Q603 (Stephen Kelly, Manufacturing NI)

227 Q646 (Simon Hamilton MLA, Minister for the Economy)

228 Q162 (John French, Consumer Council for Northern Ireland)

229 Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce (ENI0020) para 4.4

230 Q540 (Dr David Dobbin, EMAG)

231 Q592 (Stephen Kelly, Manufacturing NI)

232 CBI Northern Ireland (ENI0023) para 29

233 Q211 (Stephen McCully, Power NI)

234 Q32 (Dr Keatley, University of Ulster)

235 Q304 (Jenny Pyper, Utility Regulator)

236 Q530 (Dr David Dobbin, Energy and Manufacturing Advisory Group)

237 Q175 (John French, Consumer Council for Northern Ireland)

238 Q301 (Jenny Pyper, Utility Regulator)

239 Q304 (Jenny Pyper, Utility Regulator)

240 Q616 (Simon Hamilton MLA, Minister for the Economy)

241 Q646 (Simon Hamilton MLA, Minister for the Economy)

242 Q590 (Stephen Kelly, Manufacturing NI)

243 Q29 (Professor Hewitt, University of Ulster)

28 April 2017