Women in the House of Commons after the 2020 election Contents

4The role of political parties in improving women’s representation in the House of Commons

The responsibility of political parties

59.The Government stated in its evidence to our inquiry that:

It is primarily for political parties to ensure more diverse representation (including that of women) in the House of Commons through their selection of candidates.65

Engender told us that political parties “serve as gatekeepers to political life”: political parties are in control of the selection process for parliamentary candidates and so are in a position to directly improve the gender balance within the House of Commons.66

60.All political parties must accept that they have the primary responsibility for making the Commons more diverse and representative of modern Britain. Action and transparency by political parties are therefore essential in improving the gender balance of parliamentary candidates and increasing women’s representation as Members of Parliament.

Representation of women in the House of Commons by political party

61.Of the 455 women that have ever been elected to the Commons, 261 (57 per cent) were elected as Labour MPs, 133 (29 per cent) Conservative, 25 (5.5 per cent) SNP, 24 (5 per cent) Liberal Democrat and its predecessor parties (SDP and Liberal), and 18 (4 per cent) were from other parties or elected as independents.

Figure 2: The total number of Women MPs by political party since 1918

Source: House of Commons Library

Bar chart to show the total number of women MPs by political party since 1918

62.In the 2015 General Election, 191 women were elected to the House of Commons. After five by-elections there are now 195 women MPs. This is broken down by political party as follows:

Table 2: Number of women MPs by political party, December 2016


Women MPs

All MPs

Women as % of MPs

















Liberal Democrat








Sinn Fein




Plaid Cymru












Green Party












Source: Houses of Commons Library

These figures emphasise how crucial the relatively good performance of the Labour Party has been to improving the overall representation of women in the House. More than half of women MPs are in the Labour Party, which means that a change in the electoral performance of that party would have a disproportionate effect on the representation of women.

Conservative Party

63.The Conservative Party has made progress on increasing the proportion of its MPs who are women, notably at the 2010 election, but today only one-fifth of its MPs are women. In evidence to the Speaker’s Conference on Parliamentary Representation in 2009 the then leader of the Conservative Party, David Cameron, confessed that the under-representation of women and ethnic minorities was “a real problem for Parliament and it’s been an even greater problem for my party”.67 He continued:

I think it is bad in all sorts of ways, it is clearly bad for women and for ethnic minorities, it is bad for equality; it is also bad for the quality of our politics. I have a very simple view, which is that we need to make sure that the conversation we have within the Conservative Party, and the conversation we have within Parliament, is like the conversation that is going on in the rest of the country.68

64.In oral evidence to us, the Conservative Party Chairman, Rt Hon Sir Patrick McLoughlin MP, accepted that whilst progress had been made in the party there was still more work to be done:

In 2005, we were 17 women on the Conservative benches; today, we are 68. Is the party aware of the problem? Yes. Is the party trying to address the problem? Yes. Have we been as successful as we would like? We have made good progress in a number of directions. Is there more work to be done? Yes, there is.69

65.The Conservative Party told us that its ambition is “to have more female Conservative MPs in both relative and absolute terms, after the next general election”.70

Labour Party

66.The Labour Party has the strongest record among all parties of women MPs. More than 57 per cent of all the women that have ever sat in the Commons have been from the Labour Party.71 This relative success was attributed to a particular mechanism by the then Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, at the Speaker’s Conference in 2009; he said that “the under-representation of women historically, we have found can only be addressed by all-women shortlists” and that he would “urge other parties” to consider all-women shortlists in selecting parliamentary candidates.72

67.The Labour Party elected 232 MPs in the 2015 General Election, 99 of whom were women. At the time of writing the party had 101 women MPs after winning three by-elections. This is the highest number of women MPs out of all major political parties in the Commons.

68.Despite the progress made by the Labour Party on women’s representation, it has never delivered 50 per cent or more women parliamentary candidates or MPs. Jeremy Corbyn told us that the party’s ambition is to have 50 per cent representation of women both amongst its MPs in the 2020 Parliament and in local government:

It is our policy to achieve 50 per cent representation. We have come a long way towards it, with 43 per cent representation [of Labour women MPs] at the moment. It is also important to the cultural development within our party, and I hope within other parties, that we achieve that representation at local government level, because that is often a route into Parliament.73

Scottish National Party

69.The Scottish National Party has historically had low numbers in the House of Commons and similarly low numbers of women MPs. However, the 2015 General Election resulted in a dramatic increase of SNP MPs in the Commons to 56, of which 20 were women. In the run-up to the 2015 General Election, the SNP Business Convener Derek Mackay commented on the step-change he felt that the party had taken on women’s representation:

Traditionally what was seen as a problem for the SNP was not having more women elected members. Even if we had high-profile women in our ranks, there was a deeper issue around women joining the party and that is now largely resolved. The proportion of the membership who are female is now 44 per cent.74

70.In March 2015 the SNP voted to introduce institutional mechanisms to increase the proportion of women parliamentary candidates for election to the Scottish Parliament. The party’s National Executive Committee may now direct a local constituency branch or local association to use an all-women shortlist when an “incumbent SNP constituency MSP announces their intention to stand down” and will also have the power to introduce candidates to shortlists to enhance gender balance.75 The SNP states that as a result of this mechanism, 43 per cent of SNP parliamentary candidates that were elected to the Scottish Parliament in May 2016 were women.76

71.Angus Robertson MP, the party’s Westminster group leader, acknowledged that the introduction of such mechanisms had met some resistance within the party.77 However, he told us that interventions and mechanisms within parties were the “only way that you can right the imbalance”78 of under-representation, and added that the SNP has:

gone on a journey that has seen us implement mechanisms, which have led to the significant change [in women’s parliamentary representation].79

He also told us that the party will be introducing the use of all-women shortlists for local government elections in Scotland next year.80

Liberal Democrats

72.The Liberal Democrats have historically had extremely low levels of women’s representation in the Commons. The party’s record high of 14.5 per cent, in the 2005 General Election, represented only 10 women out of 62 total MPs. The then Liberal Democrat Leader, Rt Hon Nick Clegg MP, told the Speaker’s Conference in 2009 that the party was “woefully unrepresentative of modern Britain” but that he was “hopeful it will change and change dramatically”.81 Unfortunately, after the 2010 General Election only seven of the party’s 57 MPs were women.82

73.In the 2015 General Election the Liberal Democrats lost all but eight of their seats. In December 2016 the party won a by-election in which their candidate was a woman. However, all eight of the MPs returned at the General Election were men, despite the party having placed women in “35 per cent of their target seats” in the election, according to Professor Rosie Campbell and Professor Sarah Childs. They observed that:

Historically the Liberal Democrats have tended to place men in safer seats than women and this is probably the best explanation for why the residual Liberal Democrat MPs are all men.83

74.A tendency for the party to have male candidates in safer seats was also noticeable in the analysis by the House of Commons Library of the 2015 General Election. The Library identified that in the 2015 General Election, “none of the 11 safest Liberal Democrat seats (those with a marginality of 20 per cent or greater) had female Liberal Democrat candidates”.84 In other words, the Liberal Democrat candidates in 2015 for the 11 seats where the party’s margin of victory had been over 20 per cent in 2010 were all men. The Leader of the Liberal Democrats, Tim Farron MP, told us that in his experience there are “no safe seats for the Liberal Democrats”, but he did make a commitment to us that all-women shortlists would be used in the party’s “most winnable seats”.85

75.Mr Farron also told us that he believed proportional representation and all-women shortlists were the two “defining factors” for achieving gender equality in Parliament.86 Angus Robertson responded that “we have proportional representation in Scotland and we still had a problem”.87

Other political parties

76.We invited written submissions to this inquiry from all 11 of the political parties currently represented in the Commons and received responses from the Ulster Unionist Party, the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and the Green Party in addition to the four parties from which we took oral evidence. We also received a submission from the Women’s Equality Party. We did not receive evidence from the UK Independence Party, which had 13 per cent women candidates in the 2015 General Election, Plaid Cymru, which had 25 per cent women candidates, or the Democratic Unionist Party, which did not run any women in the 18 constituencies it contested.88

77.The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) currently has one woman out of its three MPs. The party told us that it uses women’s groups to provide “bespoke and targeted training for our female members in all manners of party activity including running for office”.89 The SDLP also works with external organisations to develop its female members and “ensure a more representative slate of candidates”. The party also told us that it is analysing the approach taken by the Irish parliament in the Oireachtas Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Act 2010.90 This legislation obliged parties to run at least 30 per cent women candidates in the next general election or face a penalty of losing half of the state funding they receive annually; the threshold was set to rise to 40 per cent seven years thereafter.91

78.The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) is represented by two male MPs in the Commons. The UUP told us that it uses two main means of increasing women’s representation within its own party: holding outreach activities to encourage women to become members, and having support such as training and mentoring for its female members and potential candidates.92 In 2009 the party founded the Dame Dehra Parker Programme which provides “seminars for female members of the party to build knowledge, develop skills and support women in the party”.93 The UUP also plans to launch a mentoring scheme in 2017 to help and support its young women in achieving their political goals.

79.The Green Party’s only MP is a woman. The party told us that it aims to have 50 per cent women candidates in general elections, and described the measures it has taken to help achieve this, described below.94 The Green Party attributed to these measures its success in having the highest number and proportion of women parliamentary candidates out of all political parties in the 2015 General Election.95 In addition, the party told us that several of its local branches run training schemes which help both men and women with “the skills they will need to be excellent local councillors”.96

80.We also received evidence from the Women’s Equality Party which describes itself as a “non-partisan political party” which has a core goal of “equal representation in politics, business, industry and throughout working life”.97 Evidence from the party expressed support for the implementation of legislative quotas as a temporary measure to increase the number of women parliamentary candidates.98

Strategies used by political parties to increase the number of women in the House of Commons and elected office and their effectiveness

81.Political parties use two main methods to improve the under-representation of women in their party as Members of Parliament. Firstly there are voluntary approaches, such as mentoring and training their most talented women members to develop them in becoming parliamentary candidates. Secondly, parties have used institutional measures, such as empowering local associations to use all-women shortlists in nominating the best candidate from a list of women to stand as the parliamentary candidate for their constituency.

Voluntary approaches

82.The Conservatives, Labour, the SNP and the Liberal Democrats all use voluntary measures to improve the under-representation of women MPs.

83.The Conservative Party has two main mentoring organisations for women members: the Conservative Women’s Organisation and Women 2 Win. The party told us that their candidates team works alongside these organisations which “invest a lot of time with women candidates [ … ] in training, supporting and mentoring”.99 The outcomes of these programmes in the last Parliament were that:

123 women attended workshops. 31 per cent of this group were advised to enter the candidate selection process, 44 per cent of whom went on to become parliamentary candidates, and most then became MPs.100

The Conservative Women’s Organisation highlighted that, of the 20 new Conservative women MPs elected in 2015, 56 per cent came through the organisation’s “development pipeline”.101

84.The Labour Party told us that it runs a wide range of training programmes both regionally and nationally which have an objective of “increasing the diversity of role holders within the party, from branch level to national leadership positions”.102 The Labour Women’s Network (LWN) is a voluntary organisation affiliated to the party which exists to “secure the election of more Labour women to public office at every level”.103 The LWN will be delivering the recently-established Jo Cox Women in Leadership Programme which plans to train over 600 women to be “future leaders in the Labour Party, in elected office, and in public life”.104

85.The SNP holds party conferences specifically to promote under-represented groups. Angus Robertson told us that:

We have had a women’s academy. We have had a women’s conference. We have this coming weekend the first equalities conference, which brings together the different minority strands, including disabled members. We also have a disabled conference.105

A “National Women’s and Equalities Convener” within the party is responsible for the development, implementation and monitoring of equality strategies. The Convenor also works to support women’s officers and chairs in the SNP Women’s Academy on equality issues such as vetting and selection.106

86.We are in no doubt that work on a voluntary basis to help women members of political parties is extremely valuable in getting women interested in politics and in supporting women to hold public office. We would like all political parties to adopt, fund and promote training and development programmes for their women members. This should include high-quality programmes specifically aimed at helping women become parliamentary candidates for general elections.

Institutional initiatives

87.In addition to voluntary measures political parties use institutional initiatives such as all-women shortlists and fielding women in winnable seats to help increase the number of women parliamentary candidates and MPs.

88.The Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002 allows political parties to use all-women shortlists to select candidates for UK parliamentary elections, elections to the European Parliament, elections to the Scottish Parliament, elections to the National Assembly for Wales and most local government elections.107 The Equality Act 2010 extended the period in which all-women shortlists may be used until 2030.108

89.The use of all-women shortlists has been controversial within political parties. There has been strongest resistance within the Conservative Party but the Liberal Democrats, SNP and Labour have also on occasion been divided over the issue.109 All-women shortlists were adopted by the Labour Party in the run-up to the 1997 General Election. The SNP and the Liberal Democrats have recently voted to empower their local and national decision-making bodies to use all-women shortlists for the selection of parliamentary candidates.110

90.Professor Sarah Childs and Professor Rosie Campbell drew attention to the Labour Party’s use of all-women shortlists in securing an increase in the number of women elected at the 2015 General Election:

The overall increase was largely driven by the Labour Party and the SNP who increased the percentage of women among their MPs from 35 per cent to 43 per cent and 17 per cent to 36 per cent respectively. The Labour Party delivered this increase through their continued use of all-women shortlists.111

91.When asked why the Conservative Party does not use all-women shortlists, the Party Chairman Sir Patrick McLoughlin told us:

The progress we have made over the last 10 years has been through measures we have taken that have been acceptable within the Conservative party. If we were not making that sort of progress, obviously we would have to look at other means available to us.112

92.The Green Party informed us that it does not use all-women shortlists because it would “be difficult to implement when local parties have sovereignty”.113 However, the party does have other institutional mechanisms in place to increase the number of women candidates; for example, in 2012 the party introduced a rule that we it would “aim for at least 50 per cent women candidates in general elections”.114 In 2013 the party also passed a rule stating:

If no woman comes forward during the selection process for a constituency, the nominations have to be re-opened for a further two weeks to allow a woman to come forward. This time is used to try and encourage more women to stand.115

The Green Party told us that these measures, among others, led to the party “achiev[ing] 38 per cent women candidates in the 2015 General Election”, putting them ahead of all other political parties in terms of the number and proportion of women candidates.116

93.Engender argued that, whilst gender quotas are not a panacea, they are an “evidence-based tool to fast-track change and compensate for the persistent barriers that women face when seeking public office”.117 Professor Sarah Childs and Professor Rosie Campbell put forward the view that quotas for women in politics are the “most effective means” by which to increase the numbers of women MPs:

There is a 10 percentage point difference in the number of women MPs between countries that do and do not employ sex quotas. Of those countries with more than 30 percent women Members of Parliament, over 80 percent use some kind of quota.118

However, they also told us that whilst quotas can very quickly deliver, they “never think that [quotas] are the solution in and of themselves”, and that “quota plus strategies” which supplement quotas with other mechanisms are preferable.119

94.Chwarae Teg, a charity working for the development of women, told us that quotas must work in conjunction with supply-chain initiatives to be effective:

Quotas in isolation will not deliver lasting change but as part of a range of measures, which include improving the supply chain of female MPs, addressing the structural barriers presented by our political institutions and persistent gender stereotypes, sustainable change can be achieved.120

95.A further factor that must be considered is the financial risk of standing for office. Professor Rosie Campbell told us:

Obviously there are some people who get support, say from trade unions, but the upper end of the range that people said they had spent on selection expenses was £80,000. That can include things like renting places or childcare, potentially—a wide range of factors. That goes alongside risk: if you are standing in a marginal constituency you may get it and then step outside of a career or the job market for five years.121

96.Political parties need to have stronger and more visible outreach initiatives to attract and engage women. As part of this, parties should give in-depth consideration of how they can further support their women’s organisations in attracting and developing prospective parliamentary candidates.

97.We are additionally concerned that political parties should provide support for young women and women entering politics for the first time, often at local government level. There should be robust procedures in place to prevent intimidation, bullying or sexual harassment, along with actions that help ensure that their first experience of elected office is a positive one.

98.We believe that there is no one mechanism which is the solution to ensure that women are represented equally in the House of Commons; a mixture of voluntary and institutional initiatives are required. Supply-side interventions such as training and mentoring are important for encouraging women’s participation in politics. However, the critical step of having more women elected into the House of Commons requires additional institutional initiatives and drive from political parties to select more women as parliamentary candidates.

99.The evidence demonstrates that the use of all-women shortlists has been very effective in increasing the number of women MPs. We support the continued use of all-women shortlists by political parties, and welcome the decision taken by the SNP and the Liberal Democrats to join the Labour Party in using them as part of their processes for selecting parliamentary candidates for the 2020 General Election. We believe that forcing parties to use all-women shortlists is not desirable, but that allowing parties to continue using or to adopt this tool is important. We recommend that the Government extend the time for which the Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002 is in force, in order to allow political parties to use all-women shortlists beyond 2030.

Are political parties taking their responsibility seriously enough?

100.Despite the wide range of voluntary and institutional initiatives detailed by political parties in their evidence, the fact remains that progress towards a gender-balanced House of Commons has been slow. We were grateful to representatives of the Conservatives, Labour, SNP and the Liberal Democrats for coming to give oral evidence to us, which gave us the opportunity to probe how seriously those in leadership positions in the parties were taking their responsibility to initiate and lead change.

101.Overall, we were disappointed in the lack of substance given in the responses to our questions. All witnesses acknowledged that more must be done to improve the under-representation of women as parliamentary candidates and MPs in their own parties, but they failed to give much detail on how they aimed to achieve this. For example, when asked about what the Conservative Party would be doing to support women in marginal seats, the party Chairman responded by saying “Quite a bit, but I am not necessarily prepared to say it to an all-party committee”.122

102.The Conservative Party, Scottish National Party and the Liberal Democrats all told us that Parliament would benefit from having 50 per cent men and 50 per cent women.123 The Labour Party leader told us that his party would aim for at least 50 per cent representation of its women MPs in the 2020 General Election.124 However, the witnesses failed to demonstrate leadership and responsibility for meeting this target. For example, both Sir Patrick and Jeremy Corbyn distanced themselves from the possibility of intervening in the selection processes for in local branches to further encourage the consideration of women candidates.125

103.Representation of women is important not only as parliamentary candidates, but in other arenas in political parties. This is because the involvement of women throughout the political process is crucial in ensuring a pipeline of potential candidates, but also because it can be considered a barometer for how seriously the parties are taking the issue of gender equality. We put it to the Conservative Party Chairman that only two of the 10 directors of the party were women and that there was only one woman among the 12 members of the executive of the 1922 Committee.126 Sir Patrick responded that we were “right in some ways” to describe the party as a whole as “very male-dominated” but he argued that sometimes “people do not want to put themselves forward for various bodies. You cannot force them to do that”.127 The Labour Party has addressed a historic gender imbalance by instituting mechanisms for equal representation on party boards and management committees, including voluntary and unpaid roles.

104.We observed that only two of the Labour Party’s 18 elected mayors since 2002 have been women.128 Jeremy Corbyn acknowledged that this was “a problem area” and that he has asked the Labour Party’s National Executive Committee to review using all-women shortlists for mayoral candidate elections.129 Legislation currently in place precludes this, as the Sex Discrimination (Electoral Candidates) Act 2002 pre-dates the institution of many elected mayor posts.130

105.The position of women in local government is almost as poor as it is in Parliament. In 2013, 32 per cent of local authority councillors in England were women; the breakdown within party groups was 29.1 per cent Conservative, 36.7 per cent Labour, 33.4 per cent Liberal Democrat, 11.4 per cent UKIP and 37.9 per cent Green Party, with 26.4 per cent of independent or residents’ association councillors being women. In Scotland, 24 per cent of councillors elected at the 2012 local government elections were women and in Wales that figure was 26 per cent. In Northern Ireland in 2014, 25 per cent of councillors were women.131

106.Party leaders need to demonstrate a clear sense of direction towards increasing women’s representation within their parliamentary parties. Party leadership must work in closer collaboration with their national decision-making bodies and local associations to deliver equality of opportunity for prospective women parliamentary candidates. Each political party needs to recognise the need to pull its weight in achieving gender equality; none of them can afford either to rest on their laurels or assume that better-performing parties will deliver an increase in women MPs by themselves.

107.We saw little evidence of robust work being conducted within parties to analyse the likely effectiveness of different mechanisms for achieving gender balance, or to set out detailed road maps for reaching that destination. Evidence of gender inequality persisting in decision-making bodies within parties is concerning, as is the attribution of such inequality to lack of demand by women to participate. Party strategies for increasing the number of women MPs should recognise the need to achieve better representation in these internal forums, and among candidates for other types of elected office including in local government.

108.We recommend that the Government bring forward legislative proposals to update the Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002 to allow all-women shortlists for all elected mayor and police and crime commissioner posts.

Women candidates in winnable seats

109.Analysis by the Electoral Reform Society, an independent campaigning organisation, has shown that the selection of seats in which parties field their women candidates is “pivotal to the final result in terms of gender equality”.132 Professor Rosie Campbell and Professor Sarah Childs explained that the key to increasing the number of women MPs at any individual election is for political parties to:

Ensure that as many women as possible are selected for their vacant held and winnable seats; in other words, those seats that are most likely to successfully return MPs to Westminster.133

110.We have seen no agreed definition of the term “winnable seat”; we understand that to a large extent parties’ understanding of what is “winnable” will be subjective, and it may be considered strategically important to keep this information confidential as well. Nonetheless, the concept was clearly at the forefront of the minds of the party leaders that we heard from.

111.Sir Patrick McLoughlin told us that the Conservative Party’s overall strategy was to “get more women into winnable seats”.134 Tim Farron told us that “our job is to make sure that women are in winnable seats”; he also committed to implementing all-women shortlists in the Liberal Democrats’ “most winnable” seats.135 Similarly, Jeremy Corbyn told us that women MPs in general tend to represent “more marginal than safe constituencies” and that he wants to:

Look very carefully at all-women shortlists, so they are not just in the totality of constituencies, but in ones that are more likely to be won by us [the Labour Party], to ensure that we do achieve the 50%.136

112.Fair Play South West, a women’s equality organisation, advocated all political parties using “positive action” measures in winnable seats.137

113.The Electoral Reform Society expressed the view that progress towards women’s representation in the Commons is hindered by the incumbency effect—that “women’s representation generally declines the longer MPs have held their seats as incumbents are overwhelmingly male”.138 This means that political parties, such as the Conservative Party, which are adopting a ‘no colleague left behind’ approach to parliamentary candidate selections for the 2020 General Election, after reform of constituency boundaries, must take into consideration the incumbency barrier when selecting candidates; if it is assumed that sitting MPs will continue to contest the seat they hold, there is likely to be an overall bias towards male candidates.

114.A key element of parties taking responsibility for increasing the number of women in the House is ensuring that women are put in positions to win. Within their overall strategies for candidate selection, all political parties should explicitly identify winnable seats and adopt ambitious targets for women candidates in those seats; 50 per cent should be the minimum. Transparency on these points would enable the public to see exactly how seriously parties take the task of increasing women’s parliamentary representation.

65 HM Government (WHC0073)

66 Engender (WHC0081)

67 Q447 [Mr David Cameron MP] Speaker’s Conference on Parliamentary Representation, 20 October 2009

68 Q447 [Mr David Cameron MP] Speaker’s Conference on Parliamentary Representation, 20 October 2009

69 Q64

70 The Conservative Party (WHC0074)

71 See figure 2

72 Speaker’s Conference on Parliamentary Representation Q443 [Gordon Brown]

73 Q56

74 Holyrood Magazine, Interview with SNP Business Convener Derek Mackay accessed 18 November 2016

75 Scottish National Party Westminster Group (WHC0079)

76 Scottish National Party Westminster Group (WHC0079)

77 Q74 [Angus Robertson]

78 Q76 [Angus Robertson]

79 Q74 [Angus Robertson]

80 Q74 [Angus Robertson]

81 Q460 and Q462 [Mr Clegg] Speaker’s Conference on Parliamentary Representation 20 October 2009

82 Q77 [Tim Farron]

83 Professor Sarah Childs and Professor Rosie Campbell (WHC0065)

84 House of Commons Library Women in Parliament and Government p.11

85 Q77 and Q100 [Tim Farron]

86 Q81 [Tim Farron]

87 Q91 [Tim Farron] and Q92 [Angus Robertson]

88 House of Commons Library General Election 2015 p.58

89 Social Democrat and Labour Party (WHC0074)

90 Social Democrat and Labour Party (WHC0074)

91 Fiona Buckley, ‘How to make gender quotas work’, August 2013

92 Ulster Unionist Party (WHC0082)

93 Ulster Unionist Party (WHC0082)

94 Green Party (WHC0085)

95 Green Party (WHC0085)

96 Green Party (WHC0085)

97 The Women’s Equality Party (WHC0032)

98 The Women’s Equality Party (WHC0032)

99 The Conservative Party (WHC0074)

100 The Conservative Party (WHC0074)

101 Conservative Women’s Organisation (WHC0035)

102 The Labour Party (WHC0078), p.3

103 The Labour Party (WHC0078), p.3

104 The Labour Party (WHC0078), p.3

105 Q76 [Angus Robertson]

106 Scottish National Party Westminster Group (WHC0079)

107 House of Commons Library All-women shortlists p.4

108 House of Commons Library All-women shortlists p.4

109 House of Commons Library All-women shortlists p.15

110 Q74 [Angus Robertson] and Q77 [Tim Farron]

111 House of Commons Library All-women shortlists p.6

112 Q73 [Sir Patrick McLoughlin]

113 Green Party (WHC0085)

114 Green Party (WHC0085)

115 Green Party (WHC0085)

116 Green Party (WHC0085)

117 Engender (WHC0081)

118 Professor Sarah Childs and Professor Rosie Campbell (WHC0065)

119 Q13 [Professor Childs]

120 Chwarae Teg (WHC0029)

121 Q7 [Professor Campbell]

122 Q71 [Sir Patrick McLoughlin]

123 Q99 [Angus Robertson, Sir Patrick McLoughlin and Tim Farron]

124 Q56 [Jeremy Corbyn]

125 See, for example, Q58 [Sir Patrick McLoughlin] and Q43 [Jeremy Corbyn]

126 Q61 [Maria Caulfield]

127 Q61 [Sir Patrick McLoughlin]

128 Q34 [Gavin Shuker]

129 Q34 [Jeremy Corbyn]

130 The Labour Party (WHC0078)

131 House of Commons Library

132 Electoral Reform Society Women in Westminster report March 2015

133 Professor Sarah Childs and Professor Rosie Campbell (WHC0065) p.4

134 Q29 [Sir Patrick McLoughlin]

135 Q78 [Tim Farron] and Q100 [Tim Farron]

136 Q46 and Q100 [Jeremy Corbyn]

137 Fair Play South West (WHC00012)

138 Electoral Reform Society Women in Westminster report March 2015

22 December 2016