The land border between Northern Ireland and Ireland Contents

4The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement

115.The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement created a unique constitutional framework for Northern Ireland. It sets out governance arrangements for Northern Ireland in two interrelated documents; one is the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, which is an international agreement between the British and Irish governments and which was subsequently incorporated into UK domestic law by the Northern Ireland Act 1998. The Agreement answered the constitutional question about whether Northern Ireland should remain in the UK, or become part of a united Ireland, with agreement there would be no change without majority consent.284 It was approved by concurrent referenda in Northern Ireland and Ireland on the 22 May 1998. The Agreement has been described as the “bedrock”285 or “corner stone” of the peace process.286 In practice, it established three strands of institutional governance in Northern Ireland:

116.In this chapter, we consider the implications of the UK’s decision to leave the EU for all-island cooperation under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and citizenship rights.

The EU and the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement

117.The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement contains three references to the EU. A reference in the introduction to Ireland and the UK as “partners in the European Union”, an instruction for the North-South Ministerial Council to consider “the European Union dimension of relevant matters” and EU issues as a proposed topic for discussion in the British-Irish Council.287 The UK and Ireland’s joint accession to the EU in 1973 also provided an additional forum in which British and Irish officials could meet informally to discuss matters of mutual interest and build trust.

118.A number of stakeholders emphasised the importance of the EU context for the functioning of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, claiming that implementation of various aspects of the Agreement could be compromised by the absence of an overarching EU legal framework.288 Katy Hayward told us that EU integration had an “enabling influence” on the peace process because it facilitated the development of normal cross-border relations.289 In January 2017, the Supreme Court rejected a legal challenge which argued that Brexit represented a constitutional change to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. The judges found that the Agreement covers Northern Ireland’s place in the UK, not its place in the EU.290

119.A survey carried out by the Irish Central Border Area Network found that most respondents credit the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, rather than EU membership, with “fundamentally changing their experience of crossing the border” and “facilitating cross-border cooperation”.291 We also heard that success in building positive community relations in Northern Ireland is grounded on the “constructive attitudes” of people in Northern Ireland and the UK and Irish governments.292 In the Joint Report, the EU and the UK commit to uphold the Agreement “in all its parts” and affirm that the achievements and commitments of the peace process will remain of “paramount importance”.293 However, the Joint Report also identifies that citizenship rights and North-South cooperation will require special consideration in the next stage of the negotiations.

120.The UK’s decision to leave the EU does not change Northern Ireland’s unique constitutional framework under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, however it changes the environment in which it operates. The UK, the EU and Ireland have all made clear and strong commitments to upholding the Agreement, and all subsequent agreements, and protecting the peace process. The institutions and safeguards created to manage cross-border and cross-community relations will remain the corner stone of peace and stability in Northern Ireland after Brexit. However, the EU has a duty under article 8 of the Lisbon Treaty to promote close and peaceful cooperation with its neighbours. The EU’s proposals for what this means in practice should be encouraged by the Government.

The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and citizenship rights

121.The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement recognises the birth right of the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves as Irish, British, or both, irrespective of any future change in the status of Northern Ireland, and to equal treatment irrespective of their choice.294 Census data from 2011 shows that approximately 59% of people habitually resident in Northern Ireland hold a British passport, 21% hold an Irish passport and 19% hold no passport.295

122.On leaving the EU, British citizens will no longer be EU citizens. The Joint Report states, however, that people in Northern Ireland who can also choose Irish citizenship will “continue to enjoy rights as EU citizens, including where they reside in Northern Ireland”.296 However, we heard that nearly all rights stemming from the EU’s four freedoms are conditional upon an individual living within an EU member state.297 Sylvia de Mars told us that once the UK leaves, the rights of EU citizens in Northern Ireland will become dormant in the same way that an EU citizen living in the United States today has dormant EU rights.298

123.The Joint Report also states that the EU and UK intend to discuss arrangements to give effect to the “ongoing exercise of, and access to, EU rights, opportunities and benefits” for people in Northern Ireland who choose Irish citizenship.299 Following publication of the Joint Report, Leo Varadkar, Ireland’s Taoiseach, said:

A child born in Belfast or Derry today will have the right to study in Paris, buy property in Spain, work in Berlin or any other part of the European Union. All they have to do is exercise the right to Irish and therefore EU citizenship300

124.This statement highlights the benefits that may be open to people in Northern Ireland who choose Irish citizenship. How such rights will be funded and implemented after the UK leaves the EU remains unclear. For example, the Erasmus Programme is currently managed at a central European level with funding allocated directly from the EU budget through open competition.301 In the period 2014–2016, 7,837 Erasmus participants contributed to 180 projects in Northern Ireland at a total cost of 20 million euros.302 There are also 660,329 beneficiaries of the European Health Insurance Card (EHIC) card in Northern Ireland.303 When we questioned Robin Walker about what ongoing access to EU rights meant he told us:

The constitutional position for Irish citizens who are EU citizens and how they exercise their rights, is a question for the EU because they have to make the appropriate arrangements.304

During a Liaison Committee session, the Prime Minister was questioned by the Chair about who would pay for access to these EU rights. The Prime Minister referred to the Joint Report and the examination of such arrangements in the next phase of negotiations.305

125.It is also unclear how any new EU rights and benefits, created after the UK leaves the EU, may apply to those who choose Irish citizenship in Northern Ireland. For example, the European Parliament recently commissioned a report assessing the feasibility of a European unemployment benefits scheme.306 When questioned on this point, the Prime Minister said the commitment in the Joint Report refers:

Specifically to the current arrangements that residents have within the European Union. The citizens’ rights element of this is about ensuring the choices people have already made will continue to be respected in the future.307

126.The Government should specify in its response to this report which existing EU rights and benefits will be available to individuals, resident in Northern Ireland, who choose to hold Irish citizenship, or both Irish and British citizenship. The Government should also set out how the rights, opportunities and benefits open to those who choose Irish citizenship, and therefore EU citizenship, will be funded after the UK leaves the EU.

North/South Cooperation

127.Strand two of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement established the North/South Ministerial Council which brings together ministers from both governments “to develop consultation, co-operation and action” on an all-island and cross-border basis.308 The Council agreed six areas of cooperation under the Agreement; agriculture, education, environment, health, tourism and transport. It is also responsible for six all-island implementation bodies which manage inland waterways, sea loughs and lighthouses, language, trade, food safety and the distribution of EU funds.

128.The Government acknowledged that other fora of collaboration have since developed, such as the Single Electricity Market, policing exchanges and the all-island hosting of sporting events.309 We heard that cross-border cooperation has been important for building trust and improving infrastructure in the border regions.310 In these areas, cross-border connections have become a means of overcoming the dual challenges of underdevelopment and geographical peripherality from Dublin and Belfast.311 The Northern Ireland Local Government Association told us that border councils rely on the free-flowing movement of “goods, workers, shoppers and visitors” from an economic hinterland which extends into Ireland.312 Paragraphs 128 to 133 set out two case studies on cross-border cooperation.

Case study: cross-border cooperation in healthcare

129.There has been significant development in the provision of all-island healthcare through the Cooperation and Working Together partnership (CAWT).313 The partnership is founded upon bilateral arrangements between health boards in Northern Ireland and Ireland, originating with the Ballyconnell Agreement of 1992.314 It provides an implementation structure for cooperation between health and social care systems in both jurisdictions. Access to a large cross-border catchment of patients is advantageous because it makes provision of specialist medical services financially viable.315 Sharing facilities also enables people from both jurisdictions to access care locally, thereby avoiding lengthy journeys to specialist centres in Dublin or London.316

130.The EU contributed 40 million euros in funding to CAWT projects between 2003–2015.317 It sponsored projects such as; acute ophthalmology and ENT services, sexual health clinics, specialist care for eating disorders and diabetes education facilities. CAWT estimates that around 80% of these EU funded projects have since been either fully or partially mainstreamed into core services.318 The North-South Ministerial Council has also initiated cross-border health projects independently of EU funding. These include joint accident and emergency planning,319 the radiotherapy unit at Altnagelvin Hospital,320 and an all-island heart surgery centre in Dublin.321

131.The British Medical Association highlighted that securing mutual recognition of medical qualifications is of the “utmost importance” as there is a large number of EU workers.322 Michel Barnier told us that continuation of cross-border ambulance services would require specific solutions for the regulation of medicines, blood products and hospital expenses reimbursement.323 Damien McCallion, Director-General of CAWT, said regulatory divergence between North and South could pose an obstacle because:

If a patient travels for cancer treatment in Northern Ireland and there is some divergence in the standards in some way, shape or form, and then they are travelling back for ongoing treatment in the south of Ireland, it is an integrated pathway.324

Case study: cross-border cooperation in environmental policy

132.We heard that the island of Ireland comprises a “single bio-geographic entity” with common geology, water catchments and flora and fauna which need to be managed in a consistent and coordinated way.325 Although environmental policy is devolved, the vast majority of environmental policy in Northern Ireland is governed by EU legal frameworks.326 There are over 650 pieces of EU environmental legislation in force.327 There are three cross-border water catchments, shared designated protection sites and two freshwater loughs which operate under joint management through the Loughs Agency.328

133.Northern Ireland Environment Link told us that the UK’s departure from the EU’s common standards could lead to inconsistencies in the management of shared resources.329 In future, different regulatory regimes may apply to cross-border environmental sites. Northern Ireland does not have an independent environmental regulator which means:

It is not clear what governance arrangements will be put in place to replace the loss of the necessary oversight, accountability, and enforcement functions currently carried out by the EU institutions.330

134.Northern Ireland Environment Link argued that Northern Ireland will need to balance alignment with EU environmental regulation over its shared land and sea borders whilst also maintaining alignment with UK-wide regulatory practice.331 They recommended that all-island forums, such as the North-South Ministerial Council, are required to “maximise the opportunities and minimise the threats to our natural environment.”332

Protecting North-South cooperation

135.The continuation of North-South and cross-community cooperation under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement is one of six commitments made by the Prime Minister to Northern Ireland.333 In the Joint Report, the UK and the EU commit to support North-South cooperation “across the full range of political, security, societal and agricultural contexts” including continued operation of the North-South Ministerial Council and all-island implementation bodies.334 However, it also states that the UK’s decision to leave the EU “presents substantial challenges” to this cooperation. The three distinct scenarios, set out in paragraph 49 of the Joint Report, reflect how the UK and the EU intend to ensure continuation of North-South cooperation.

136.Following publication of the Joint Report, debate has centred on the extent to which North-South cooperation is dependent on Ireland and the UK sharing EU regulatory frameworks and governance structures. The Government’s position is that the future UK-EU relationship will be sufficient to protect North-South cooperation. The full alignment scenario will, however, be drafted into the text of the Withdrawal Agreement. As discussed in paragraphs 83–90 in the previous chapter, the UK and the EU appear to have different interpretations of what full alignment means.

137.David Davis has said that in this context full alignment relates to the six areas of North-South cooperation and the implementation bodies identified in the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement.335 In contrast, the Commission’s Draft Withdrawal Agreement proposes a common regulatory area which extends to “telecommunications, broadcasting, inland fisheries, justice and security, higher education and sport”.336 The text states that EU legal and policy frameworks are necessary to maintain the “conditions for continued North-South cooperation”.337 Both the Joint Report and the Draft Withdrawal Agreement make reference to a “mapping exercise” carried out by the UK and the EU to determine where North-South cooperation relies on common EU policy frameworks.338

138.The Government intends for the EU (Withdrawal Bill) to carry all existing EU law onto the domestic statute book. The Bill confers significant powers to Government Ministers to amend and repeal retained EU law once it is part of the UK statute book. The UK has also agreed to apply existing and new EU laws during the implementation period following March 2019.339 In the longer term, the Government will be able to leave EU regulatory and governance structures. Northern Ireland, due to its constitutional arrangements and shared sea and land borders, will have a particular interest in the extent to which UK rules align with EU rules in future. The Centre for Cross-Border studies told us:

EU directives and regulations which will be transposed into UK/Northern Ireland law should remain in place until such time as any proposed changes have been subject to comprehensive territorial, equality and environmental impact assessments.340

A devolution solution

139.Paragraph 50 of the Joint Report states that the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly may agree “distinct arrangements” for Northern Ireland. It must be noted that these solutions are dependent on the existence of a functioning Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly. The opportunity for differentiation is tempered by clear commitments from the Government that Northern Ireland will have unfettered access to the UK internal market, in all circumstances.341 Government analysis identified 141 policy areas where EU law intersects with the devolution settlement in Northern Ireland.342 When the UK leaves the EU, if the statutory requirement to comply with EU law is removed, these policy areas could fall under devolved control. Devolution of EU regulatory powers would allow differentiation within the UK in areas where EU law has previously provided a common legal framework.343

140.The Government and the devolved administrations, meeting in the Joint Ministerial Committee (European Negotiations), have agreed to work together to establish common approaches in some areas that are currently governed by EU law. It must be noted that, due to the collapse of the Northern Ireland Executive in January 2017, Northern Ireland has not been represented by Ministers but, instead, by senior Northern Ireland civil servants at these meetings. This may take the form of “common goals, minimum or maximum standards, harmonisation, limits on action, or mutual recognition” for UK wide standards.344 The Institute for Government described how common frameworks could operate:

there may be areas where coordination is required, but a binding legal framework is seen as unnecessary. In this case, powers might be devolved in full but with agreement about how the different governments will work together, perhaps to share best practice and data or to agree upon minimum standards, for instance in areas such as air or water pollution.345

141.The institutions set up by the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement are designed to facilitate cross-border and Anglo-Irish cooperation, and some commentators have suggested that the existing North-South and East-West institutions could provide a “mechanism to address any emerging impacts of the withdrawal process”.346 It has been suggested that Brexit provides an opportunity to “breathe new life” into the institutions of the Agreement by repurposing them to manage regulatory change between the EU and the UK.347 The Centre for Cross Border Studies said the Agreement provides a framework through which flexible and imaginative solutions can be delivered.348 The Irish Parliament’s Joint Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement said that “while the context and the issues raised may be different” the views of the North-South Ministerial Council could continue to be represented at EU meetings.349 A report commissioned by the European Parliament also noted that the Agreement contains a number of unimplemented institutional arrangements, such as the North-South Consultative Forum and Northern Ireland Civic Forum, which could play a useful role in giving civic society a voice in designing new arrangements.350

142.The Committee welcomes the Government’s commitment to protect North-South cooperation under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. Cross-border initiatives have been particularly important in improving the infrastructure and public services available to individuals living in the border corridor.

143.North-South cooperation is facilitated by shared regulatory frameworks and governance bodies. The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement states that there should be “consultation, co-operation and action” on matters of mutual interest. We recommend that the Government publish the mapping exercise and put forward targeted proposals for how cross-border cooperation in policy areas dominated by EU law will continue after the UK leaves the EU. Where appropriate, and in the event of the restoration of the Northern Ireland Executive, EU competencies could be devolved to Northern Ireland so it can balance maintaining UK wide frameworks with EU alignment for cross-border policy areas. In their continued absence, alternative means of taking decisions will have to be devised.

EU funding for cross-border projects

144.Northern Ireland is a beneficiary of two European Structural Funds; the Interreg and Peace programmes. The Peace programme is aimed at promoting peace and stability in Northern Ireland and the border regions of Ireland. Funding has often been targeted at cross-border projects designed to build good relations between communities. The Interreg programme provides EU wide funding for projects designed to overcome issues which arise from the existence of borders.351

145.A Special EU Programmes Boards (SEUPB) was set up under the Agreement to implement EU funding programmes across the island of Ireland. EU funding has supported projects such as the Londonderry Peace Bridge, internet connectivity under Project Kelvin and the development of the Northern Ireland Science Park.352 Interreg funding currently contributes to the development of all-island environmental policies353 and health provision under CAWT.354 We heard that these funds have brought important benefits to the socially and economically vulnerable border region.355 The Irish Central Border Area Network expressed concern that reduced funding for cross-border projects will diminish strategic regional development.356

146.In a letter following the referendum result, the former First and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland highlighted that since 1994 Northern Ireland has benefitted from 13 billion euros in EU funding. The letter expressed “real concern” about how the absence of future EU funding programmes might affect a range of sectors in Northern Ireland.357 The Chancellor of the Exchequer has committed to full funding of all Peace and Interreg projects which were signed before November 2016 or meet the UK’s value for money criteria, even when they continue beyond the UK’s departure.358 The Joint Report also states the EU and the UK will honour their commitment to the Interreg and Peace programmes under the current multi-annual financial framework (which runs until December 2020). It further states that “possibilities for future support will be examined favourably”.359

147.It should be noted that between 1991–2020, the EU contributed 810 million Euros to the Interreg programmes and the UK contributed 323.9 million Euros.360 Between 1995–2020, the EU contributed 1.563 billion Euros to Peace Programmes and the UK contributed 702 million Euros.361 However, part of the EU’s contribution to these programmes could include the UK’s contributions to the EU budget. As such, some people have consequently seen EU funding as reliant on UK money that has been rebadged.

Cross-border funding after the UK leaves the EU

148.The Government’s position paper states the UK wants to work with the EU on how to continue implementation of the Peace programme via the SEUPB and the North/South Ministerial Council post-2020.362 Robin Walker, Parliamentary Under Secretary of State at the Department for Exiting the EU, told us that the Government has proposed a bilateral successor to the Peace programme which will be subject to negotiation with the EU.363 Previously, the participation of non-EU countries in EU funding programmes has meant that country accepting policy direction set by the EU.364

149.The Government’s position paper makes no mention of continued funding for the Interreg programme. However, it does state that:

Notwithstanding the outcome of the negotiations on this specific issue, the UK government would remain committed to peace and reconciliation programmes and to sustaining cross-border cooperation365

150.In a response to a written question on the continuation of Interreg funding, the Government said:

Decisions on the replacement of EU funding will be taken in light of wider UK strategic priorities and other domestic spending decisions.366

However, Robin Walker told the Committee that the Government’s proposals for a UK Shared Prosperity Fund could provide a successor to some existing EU funding programmes. The Conservative Party Manifesto states that the UK Shared Prosperity Fund would be used to “reduce inequalities between communities across the four nations”.367 The Department for Communities and Local Government will be consulting on proposals for the fund in 2018.368 Anthony Soares, Deputy Director of the Centre for Cross Border Studies, questioned whether this funding could be used to support cross-border projects in the border regions of Ireland.369 The Northern Ireland Local Government Association has said that Northern Ireland needs a distinct fund for the continuation of community cohesion and cross-border projects.370

151.The EU Commission has said that it believes both Peace and Interreg should continue beyond the current programming period and has stated its intention to propose their continuation, based on existing management structures, during the next Multi-Annual Financial Framework meeting.371 Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the European Commission, stated:

I see no more important use of our budget than guaranteeing and financing the peace process in Ireland, this is an unconditional European commitment. This is what the commission will deliver with our proposal for the next multiannual financial framework in May.372

152.The Committee welcomes commitments from both the Government and the President of the EU on continuation of Peace funding. The Government should set out in more detail its proposals for a bilateral successor to the Peace programme, the level of contribution it intends to make to the fund, and its governance arrangements.

153.The Government should clarify in its response to this report whether it will seek to continue funding for cross-border projects under the Interreg programme post-2020. If it is the Government’s intention to replicate this funding through the UK Shared Prosperity Fund it should specify the amount of funding it will make available, whether this money could support cross-border projects in Northern Ireland and the border regions of Ireland and what its spending priorities will be.

284 The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland must hold a border poll if at any time it appears likely to him/ her that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the UK and form part of a united Ireland.

285 HM Government, Northern Ireland and Ireland, 16 August 2017

286 Sinn Fein (BDR0024)

287 The Belfast Agreement, Northern Ireland Office, 10 April 1998

288 Northern Ireland and Brexit: Limits and Opportunities for a New Relationship with the EU, Professor David Phinnemore, Queen’s University Belfast, Dagmar Schiek (BDR0015)

289 Q83 Dr Katy Hayward

291 Irish Central Border Area Network (ILB0008)

292 Sandelford (ILB0006)

294 The Belfast Agreement, Northern Ireland Office, 10 April 1998

295 Northern Ireland Statistical Research Agency, 2011 Census - Key Statistics, 11 December 2012, Since the referendum result, there has been a 15% increase in applications for Irish passports with over 20% of applications coming from Irish citizens in Great Britain and Northern Ireland, (see Record number of Irish passports issued in 2017, Irish Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 29 December 2017). There has also been an increase in the number of Irish nationals applying for British citizenship (see National Statistics: Citizenship, February 2017) Those born in the Ireland after 1949 and living in NI, irrespective of their length of residence there, do not enjoy the same UK Passport Rights as those who live in NI and choose to hold an Irish Passport (see Types of British nationality on

297 Sylvia de Mars (ILB0003)

298 Colin Murray (BDR0025)

300 Government Press Centre, Statement by Taoiseach Leo Varadkar T.D, Friday 8 December 2017

301 European Funding Stream: Education, Research and Information Services, Northern Ireland Assembly, 14 January 2014

302 Erasmus Country Factsheets, Northern Ireland, 2014–2016

304 Q270 [Robin Walker]

305 Q28–30, Oral Evidence from Rt Hon Thersa May to the Liaison Committee, 20 December 2017

307 Q30 Oral Evidence from Rt Hon Thersa May to the Liaison Committee, 20 December 2017

308 The Belfast Agreement, Northern Ireland Office, 10 April 1998

309 HM Government, Northern Ireland and Ireland, 16 August 2017

310 Irish Central Border Area Network (ILB008)

312 Northern Ireland Local Government Association (ILB0013)

313 British Medical Association (BDR0031)

315 Q306 [Michael Gallagher]

316 British Medical Association (BDR0031)

318 Q87 [Damian McCallion] Oral Evidence to the House of Lords EU Select Commit, 15 November 2017

319 Health, North South Ministerial Council website

322 British Medical Association (BDR0031)

323 Q287 [Michel Barnier]

324 Q90 [Damian McCallion] Oral Evidence to the House of Lords EU Select Commit, 15 November 2017

325 Northern Ireland Environment Link (BDR0030)

327 Northern Ireland Environment Link (BDR0030)

328 Northern Ireland Environment Link (BDR0030)

329 Q579 [Patrick Casement]

330 Northern Ireland Environment Link (BDR0030)

331 Northern Ireland Environment Link (BDR0030)

332 Northern Ireland Environment Link (BDR0030)

335 Q719 [David Davis] Oral Evidence to the Exiting the EU Committee, 24 January 2018

336 Draft Withdrawal Agreement, European Commission, 28 February 2018

337 Draft Withdrawal Agreement, European Commission, 28 February 2018

338 Q278 [Michel Barnier], Draft Withdrawal Agreement, European Commission, 28 February 2018, Joint Report on progress during the negotiations under Article 50, 8 December 2017

340 Centre for Cross-Border Studies (ILB009)

343 Brexit, devolution and common frameworks, Institute for Government, 22 November 2017

345 Brexit, devolution and common frameworks, Institute for Government, 22 November 2017

352 Derry City and Strabane District Council (BDR0016)

353 Northern Ireland Environment Link (BDR0030)

355 Irish Central Border Area Network (BDR0008)

356 Irish Central Border Area Network (BDR0008)

357 The Executive Office, Letter to the Prime Minister, 10 August 2016

360 North/South Inter-Parliamentary Association, Impact of Brexit on Cross-Border Activity, 18 November 2016

361 North/South Inter-Parliamentary Association, Impact of Brexit on Cross-Border Activity, 18 November 2016

362 HM Government, Northern Ireland and Ireland, 16 August 2017

363 Q268 [Robin Walker]

364 North/South Inter-Parliamentary Association, Impact of Brexit on Cross-Border Activity, 18 November 2016

365 HM Government, Northern Ireland and Ireland, 16 August 2017

366 Written Question 7155, Department for Exiting the EU, Hywel Williams, 29 September 2017

368 Written Questions, 119950, 18 December 2017

369 Q93 Anthony Soares, Brexit: Reciprocal Healthcare, House of Lords, EU Home Affairs Sub-Committee

370 Northern Ireland local Government Association (ILB0013)

Published: 16 March 2018