57.On 26 March 2020, the Secretary of State tweeted that “no one should lose their home as a result of the coronavirus epidemic”. This formed the basis of the Government’s early interventions into the private rented sector: the Coronavirus Act 2020 amended the notice period for landlords seeking possession from two months to three months, and the courts issued Practice Direction 51Z which suspended all ongoing and any new housing possession claims for 90 days until 25 June, subject to review and extension. In our interim report, we focused on the risks of a cliff-edge when eviction proceedings could begin again in June. On 5 June, the Government extended the ban on eviction proceedings until 23 August. The Government subsequently extended the ban to 20 September 2020.
58.The Coronavirus Act 2020 (Residential Tenancies: Protection from Eviction) (Amendment) (England) Regulations 2020 came into force on 29 August and amended the notice period from three months to six months in most cases. Pre-Coronavirus Act notice periods were re-implemented for anti-social behaviour and domestic abuse. Where at least six months of rent was unpaid (defined as “substantial rent arrears”), the notice period was four weeks long, whereas it remained six months’ notice for rent arrears under six months.
59.From 20 September, courts could resume eviction hearings. The Secretary of State said that when the courts would prioritise the “most egregious cases”—the ones putting the most strain on litigants—including claims issued before the ban started in March 2020, so-called “extreme rent arrears”, anti-social behaviour, domestic abuse, and illegal occupiers. On 17 September 2020, the Master of Rolls’ working group on possession proceedings published its overall arrangements. It defines “extreme rent arears” as “arrears equal to at least (i) 12 months’ rent or (ii) 9 months’ rent where that amounts to more than 25% of a private landlord’s total annual income from any source”.
60.Once a court issues a warrant for possession, tenants are sent an eviction notice which specifies the date they must vacate the property; if tenants do not leave, court-appointed bailiffs can be sent to evict them. Ten days before the expiration of the ban on eviction proceedings, the Secretary of State informed the House that “guidance will be issued to bailiffs to ensure that no enforcement of possession orders will proceed where local measures are in place to protect public health”, as well as extending this protection to all tenants “in the weeks of Christmas”. As a result, on 21 October the Lord Chancellor wrote to the representative bodies of bailiffs requesting that evictions not be enforced by bailiffs where the Local Alert Level was High or Very High (Tiers 2 and 3 respectively), as well as the period between 11 December 2020 and 11 January 2021.
61.Following a legal challenge on whether this letter was binding, the Government laid The Public Health (Coronavirus) (Protection from Eviction and Taking Control of Goods) (England) Regulations 2020 which came into force on 17 November 2020. These Regulations put the ‘bailiff ban’ on a legislative footing, preventing the enforcement of repossession orders by bailiffs against tenants except in specific circumstances, such as trespassing, anti-social behaviour, death of a tenant, and domestic violence. Importantly, the Regulations also permitted repossession where there were “substantial rent arrears”, which were defined under Regulation 4 as unpaid rent arrears at least equivalent to 9 months’ rent, disregarding any arrears accrued after 23 March 2020.
62.In response to the third national lockdown, the Government extended the ‘bailiff ban’ for a further 6 weeks to the 21 February, and subsequently extended the ban further until 31 March and then again until 31 May. The new Regulations for the 2021 ‘bailiff ban’ changed the definition of “substantial rent arrears” to:
a case involves substantial rent arrears if the amount of unpaid rent arrears outstanding is at least an amount equivalent to 6 months’ rent.
The requirement to disregard arrears accrued since the beginning of the pandemic was removed. The Government explained its reasoning for the change in the explanatory memorandum to the statutory instrument:
The Government believes that it is proportionate to widen that exemption to cases where a possession order was granted on the grounds of rent arrears and where more than six months of rent is outstanding. The Government has made this change in order to balance the impact of the extension of the restriction on the enforcement of evictions on landlords, while continuing to protect tenants from eviction.
63.The change to the definition of substantial rent arrears was made after we had collected evidence for our inquiry. Nonetheless, when we spoke to housing lawyers in December, they criticised the way the Government had continued to change eviction law at the last minute. Giles Peaker, Partner at Anthony Gold Solicitors, said the current position had arisen “through a hotchpotch of interventions and last-minute secondary legislation that it is very hard for anyone to grasp”. Simon Mullings, representing the Housing Law Practitioners’ Association (HLPA), said while he was startled by the level of complexity that had been added, the HLPA welcomed the assertive measures to protect renters, but was less positive about the lack of “long-term strategy about how to protect the sector”.
64.When we put our concerns about the change in the definition of substantial rent arrears to the Minister, he told us his data showed that “the median of people who are in rent arrears will have one to two months’ rent arrears”. When we pressed the Minister on why the Government had changed its mind on the definition between September and January, he said “it almost feels like the punitive end of the scale in terms of landlords having to accept nine months of rent arrears, whereas a more reasonable position for both parties feels like six, given that most people have less than two months”. We asked the Minister to provide us with the data which underpinned the decision to change the definition. The Minister replied that “[t]he EHS [English Housing Survey] resilience survey does not provide information on the quantum of rent arrears by value or how it equates to months of arrears”. Instead, the Government’s change of definition of substantial rent arrears from nine to six months relied on comparing stakeholders’ estimates of the value of rent arrears to average rents across England:
“In December, the National Residential Landlord Association estimated that 83% of those tenants who were in rent arrears had arrears of £1,000 or less. Based on comparing this to average rents (about £870 per month across England according to the EHS), the estimate is that where renters are in arrears, the majority are likely to be 1–2 month(s) in arrears.”
Given the wide variation in rental values across the country, we do not accept the Minister’s assumption that most tenants who are in rent arrears have one to two months’ arrears as a valid basis for changing the definition of substantial rent arrears from nine to six months.
65.The Government is in danger of breaking its pledge that no one should lose their home as a result of the pandemic. We have seen no satisfactory evidence for why the Government changed the definition of substantial rent arrears to permit tenants who have built up arrears only during the pandemic to be evicted. It is also worrying that this significant change was not debated in the House until two weeks after the Regulations came into force.
66.We call on the Government to publish a proper exit plan for the private rented sector from national and local restrictions. The Government has tinkered regularly with the eviction framework, usually at the very last minute. Now the Government has published its roadmap for how to exit national restrictions, hopefully for the final time, it should set out how it intends for the sector to transition out of the pandemic.
67.In our interim report, we considered the issue of rent arrears. Our evidence at that time had suggested a wide range of policy solutions. We concluded that we would continue our inquiry and take further evidence on policy options for rent arrears, aware that the potential for substantial rent arrears to build was significant during the pandemic.
68.The Government has consistently made it clear that tenants should continue to pay their rent where possible:
Tenants should continue to pay rent and abide by all other terms of their tenancy agreement to the best of their ability. The government has made a strong package of financial support available to tenants, and where they can pay the rent as normal, they should do. Tenants who are unable to do so should speak to their landlord at the earliest opportunity.
In many if not most cases, the covid-19 outbreak will not affect tenants’ ability to pay rent. If your ability to pay will be affected, it’s important to have an early conversation with your landlord. Rent levels agreed in your tenancy agreement remain legally due and you should discuss with your landlord if you are in difficulty.
In its written evidence, the Government set out how it has helped tenants through its wider temporary welfare reforms and covid-19 support packages:
69.There is no data on the specific number of tenants in rent arrears. The scale of the problem can only be measured via representative surveys of the sector to produce estimates, of which there have been many over the course of the pandemic. For example, the National Residential Landlords Association (NRLA) estimated in December 2020 that 7% of renters, over 800,000 people. in England and Wales had built up rent arrears since March 2020. The NRLA further estimated that the average arrears were between £251 and £500, though 18% of renters in arrears had debts over £1,000, which would equate to around 150,000 renters. NRLA research in August—four months earlier—found that 5% of renters were in debt, showing a clear increase in the latter part of 2020.
70.Citizens Advice estimated in January 2021 that half a million renters were in arrears, with an average debt of £730, with 58% of those behind on rent having no previous rent arrears pre-pandemic. The Resolution Foundation estimated that the current rates of rent arrears are at least double the pre-covid-19 ‘norm’. In ‘normal times’, there is usually around 3% of private sector tenants who are in arrears.
71.The Minister told us the evidence he had seen suggested that “the median of people who are in rent arrears will have one to two months’ rent arrears”. The Minister added that the results from the Household Resilience Study from December showed that around 6% to 7% of tenants were in arrears, but did not see that as particularly significant compared to the usual amount of arrears, which he said was around 4%. We asked the Minister to share the estimates he had seen of how many households have any rent arrears, rent arrears of 6 months or more, and rent arrears of 9 months or more. As the Minister’s reply to our letter indicates, the Government neither has official government statistics on the value of rent arrears on which to base its decisions, nor does it have access to estimates measured in months of arrears. We are concerned by the lack of robust data available to the Government on the value of rent arrears and how it equates to months of arrears, and by the impact this lack of data may have on policy-making.
72.Rent arrears are not stationary: they tend to be exacerbated as time goes on. In November, the Chancellor of the Exchequer warned the House as part of his Spending Review that the number of unemployed people in the UK would increase by a further million people to 2.6 million overall by mid-2021. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF) found that renters tend to make cuts almost everywhere else to avoid slipping behind on rent, with 41% renters in arrears using savings to offset a drop in income, 70% cutting back on food and 49% cutting back on heating and electricity. Worryingly, JRF also found that 42% of private renters in arrears had borrowed money to manage their arrears. The Resolution Foundation concluded that as the crisis continues, tenants who have survived by drawing down on savings or relying on forbearance with housings costs will likely be in danger of slipping into arrears. As Joe Lane of Citizens Advice put it:
We were talking about kicking the can down the road. [The rent arrears crisis] is more equivalent to rolling a snowball in a snowy field. That problem is not just getting delayed; it is potentially becoming bigger as we go along. All those problems that we are not dealing with now are financial difficulties that need to work their way through the system at some point. One of the risks we have at the moment is that the financial difficulties people have experienced because of the pandemic become very longlasting financial difficulties, which weigh down on their own financial capability, on the sector, on their ability to consume and on their ability to reenter the rental market. It is really important that the Government do not see this shortterm protection as something that has been completely effective. There is still a big problem there.
73.When normal eviction proceedings return, tenants in rent arrears can be evicted under section 21 of the Housing Act 1988 at the end of a fixed-term tenancy or during a periodic tenancy at any time, which requires no specific reason for possession, and under mandatory ground 8 of section 8 of the 1988 Act if rent arrears are at least 8 weeks’ or more. As we made clear in our interim report, the Government made no changes to housing law, and any pre-action protocol makes no difference to section 21 or section 8 claims which are not discretionary:
Unless the Government amends existing housing legislation, its plans to introduce a pre-action protocol to the private rented sector will be toothless and will fail to prevent a cliff edge of evictions once the moratorium on possession cases ends. We recommend the Government bring forward legislation to amend the 1985 and 1988 Housing Acts to allow judges to use discretion where a tenant is in rent arrears due to the coronavirus crisis for the next 12 months at a minimum. Discretion could include consideration of whether a pre-action protocol has been complied with. These amendments should be delivered through a short Bill—such as we have proposed—which must be introduced to Parliament as soon as possible.
74.In its response to our interim report, the Government said it was “exploring a number of options” to prevent an increase in evictions. It did not take forward our suggestion to amend existing housing legislation.
75.The English Housing Survey has found in previous years that landlords serve notice on around 10–15% of tenants in arrears, with around half of those notices leading to actual eviction. Generally, tenants prefer to move on rather than build up debt, or in normal times would find the money to clear debts. Based on these figures, Generation Rent estimated that around 30,000 extra households could be made homeless as a result of the pandemic this year, on top of the typical 15,000 families who are evicted each year. When we put those possible evictions to our witnesses, Dr Cecil Sagoe of Shelter said that evictions relating to arrears were difficult to predict, due to the gaps in official statistics. Joe Lane of Citizens Advice said that “the scale feels right” and that 20,000–30,000 additional possession claims were a reasonable prediction.
76.Official statistics on the number of eviction notices are not published. The Minister for Housing, Christopher Pincher, has stated that MHCLG “does not routinely collect data on the number of section 21 or section 8 notices served by landlords.” We are concerned about the impact the use of section 21 will have on the number of court cases which will arise and the subsequent impact on court workload. While the Ministry of Justice does publish statistics on possession actions, these are not as useful as a pre-pandemic year, due to the fact that for six months of 2020, no evictions were possible. Since they restarted, evictions have been limited by restrictions on exactly who can be evicted, as well as court backlogs. Therefore, current possession actions are not reliable as a tool for predicting future evictions once the normal eviction framework is back in place.
77.When we asked the Minister whether he thought an additional 30,000 evictions was a reasonable estimate, he said there were “absolutely extreme” and it would anyway “be impossible for the courts to handle them at that level”. He added that the Government’s data at the moment did not make it seem likely that such a level of evictions were likely, but if they were concerned the figures might be realised, he “would be considering alternative courses of action”. We asked the Minister for the Government’s current estimates of the backlog of eviction cases in the private rented sector and how that had changed since the introduction of Nightingale courts and other measures designed to relieve pressure on courts. The Minister wrote that he was unable to provide absolute figures on the evictions backlog, as there is “no obligation on a party to inform the court when a case has either settled or withdrawn”. However, the Minister provided statistics from the Ministry of Justice “showing that between October and December 2020, applications to the courts for repossession by private and social landlords were down 67%, and repossessions decreased by 93% compared to the same quarter in 2019”. On Nightingale courts, the Minister wrote that “Nightingale courts are in use for a range of case types across HMCTS [Her Majesty’s Courts & Tribunals Service] but have not been set up exclusively for possession hearings”.
78.For those not evicted, either because their landlord does not pursue repossession, or because they are able to find alternative accommodation such as with family and friends, there can be further impacts. As well as being grounds for eviction, arrears can lead to a County Court Judgment (CCJ). CCJs impact credit scores, and importantly are also spotted by landlords during a credit check as part of a standard tenant referencing process, meaning they can affect a person’s ability to rent in the future. Simon Mullings of the HLPA said it would be a slow-burn effect over many years, where we could have a large cohort of private renters “whose credit records and whose ability to reenter the private rented sector, by meeting those criteria of being able to raise a deposit, to have a reference from a landlord or to rely on a guarantor, will be shot”.
79.Almost half (45%) of private landlords own just one property, with a further 38% of landlords owning between two and four properties. The proportion of landlords with just one property has declined from 78% in 2010, but is still nonetheless a significant number of landlords. To help landlords with their mortgage payments, the Government has arranged for mortgage payment deferrals (sometimes called “mortgage holidays”) for up to six months, since March 2020.
80.We heard evidence that some landlords were struggling. The NRLA, which represents over 85,000 landlords, found that around 23% of landlords had lost rental income due to covid-19, with 9% of those landlords losing more than 20% of their rental income. A further survey from the NRLA discovered that almost a third of landlords planned to sell one or more properties over the next year, likely due to financial pressures. Ben Beadle, Chief Executive of the NRLA, pointed out that landlords could theoretically have tenants who owed significant rent arrears even before the pandemic who were still unable to be evicted.
81.The issue of landlord income and tenants’ rent arrears are two sides of the same coin. As Simon Mullings of the HLPA said, a financial package to help renters pay their arrears off would help landlords who “are basically people running small businesses, and this is a form of support for them”.
82.Our evidence showed that most organisations in the sector were concerned about the scale of rent arrears and wanted the Government to actively intervene. In August 2020, a coalition of six leading organisations representing tenants, landlords and letting agents urged the Government to provide financial help for private renters facing rent arrears due to covid-19. They called for a package of grants and loans worth £270 million to help renters pay their arrears due to loss of income. The coalition argued this would help both tenants keep their homes and landlords who rely on rental income for their livelihoods, as well as preventing a rise in homelessness. Ben Beadle of the NRLA said it was “not very often” that organisations representing both tenants and landlords agreed over how to solve the rent arrears crisis.
83.We spoke to five of these organisations throughout our inquiry. All were disappointed that the Government had not followed their advice. Joe Lane of Citizens Advice said it was because “the Government have a perception that they have done enough” by stopping evictions. Dr Cecil Sagoe from Shelter said that it was “a massive issue that the Government need to address”. Liz Davies, representing HLPA, said that she assumed the reason the Government had acted could only be “economic”. Researchers from the London School of Economics estimated that, at an average cost of £15,000 per annum per household and an average six-month stay in temporary accommodation, it would cost the Exchequer around £225 million if an extra 30,000 households were evicted.
84.We explored various options for what type of financial package was needed for rent arrears, including grants, loans, and discretionary housing payments. We heard that all had strengths and weaknesses. Grants would be the most expensive option, but would avoid putting renters further in debt. There would need to be a way to target them to those most in need. Low-interest loans were chosen in Scotland and Wales as the best vehicle for helping tenants, as well as in Spain. However, we heard concerns that adding debt onto renters to pay off existing debt might cause longer-term problems. Discretionary housing payments, as an already existing scheme, would likely be the easiest and fastest way to provide financial support, but are limited by their annual structure, and are not accessible by those with no recourse to public funds.
85.The Government appears to lack a clear strategy to deal with rising rent arrears. We are very concerned that the Government is waiting until there is a clear crisis emerging before intervening, rather than heading off a growing rent arrears crisis by taking proactive action to protect people in this country. The Minister relied on arrears statistics from a survey in August to defend the Government’s response, even though he accepted that the economic circumstances would get worse over time for many households. Once arrears begin, they are likely to grow and will be exacerbated by rising unemployment throughout 2021 and as Government support schemes taper off. The Government will eventually have to come up with a policy response, because it cannot keep extending the evictions ban forever more.
86.We call on the Government to deliver a specific financial package to support tenants to repay rent arrears caused by covid-19, having considered the examples in Scotland and Wales as well as many other international examples. This should be one of the Department’s top priorities. Several options have been proposed—we prefer modified discretionary housing payments—but what is important is that the Department delivers a package soon. Helping tenants pay their rent arrears, including consideration of paying direct to landlords, is the simplest and most straightforward way to avoid evictions and help landlords receive income. We received an estimate that such a rent arrears relief package will likely cost between £200 and £300 million. Given the number of potential evictions this would prevent, it would likely save the Exchequer a substantial amount in homelessness assistance.
87.Solving the short-term rent arrears problems does not solve the longer-term problem of people being unable to afford their rent over the coming years. The Local Housing Allowance (LHA) rate determines the maximum financial support renters can claim in the private rented sector. In response to the crisis, the Government readjusted the LHA rate to the 30th percentile of local market rents from April for universal credit and housing benefit claimants, reversing the freeze on the benefit introduced in 2016. MHCLG estimated this was an additional £1bn of financial support and would benefit over 1m households, with claimants on average receiving £600 more a year.
88.The rise in the LHA rate was warmly welcomed in our written evidence, although several organisations called for the Government to go further. The National Residential Landlords Association, who represent around 80,000 private landlords, said many tenants were still concerned they would be unable to pay their rent despite the benefit safety net, and called for the LHA rate to be raised further to the 50th percentile. Generation Rent made the same recommendation, as well as calling for the household benefit cap to be lifted, citing Shelter research that found tenants in London may face shortfalls of over £1000 due to the cap.
89.In our interim report, we concluded that if it was the Government’s intention to ensure tenants can pay rents by subsidising their income through the benefit system, it must be aware if shortfalls exist and take further action. We recommended that:
The Government must ensure that the Local Housing Allowance (LHA) rate is set at a level that reflects real market rents and ensures those in need are able to afford properties in their areas. We call on the Government to guarantee that the LHA rate will be maintained at the 30th percentile long-term. We also ask the Government to conduct work on what the impact on renters and the wider rental market would be of raising LHA rates further.
90.The Government responded by saying that “the increase in the Local Housing Allowance rate to the 30th percentile is not a temporary measure” and that they had no plans to reverse the increase. As part of the Spending Review in November 2020, the Chancellor announced the Government’s plans to maintain Local Housing Allowance (LHA) rates in cash terms from 2021–22 onwards. The Office for Budget Responsibility concluded that this meant LHA rates would fall below the 30th percentile of local rents over time.
91.Dr Cecil Sagoe told us that Shelter was “really concerned” about the Government’s decision at the Spending Review, and that they wanted the LHA rate to remain “at the 30th percentile in perpetuity”. Our written evidence—submitted before the Government’s announcement of the freeze in cash terms—generally asked the Government to maintain LHA rates at the 30th percentile in real terms.
92.The Work and Pensions Committee concluded that some households would not benefit from the increasing of LHA rates to the 30th percentile because they would be hit by the benefit cap. The most recent statistics provided by the Department of Work and Pensions from August 2020 found that the number of households capped jumped from 80,000 to 154,000 due to the pandemic. This is because the uplifts in Universal Credit and LHA rates have not been matched by a corresponding lift in the benefit cap, meaning that some households have seen no increase to their benefits. The committee spoke to Dr Thérèse Coffey, Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, in September 2020, who told the committee that discretionary housing payments (DHPs) partly exist to help households make up the shortfall where the benefit cap prevents them paying their rent, and that DWP had asked Treasury for an increase for DHPs.
93.London Councils told us that “local authorities have the ability to support tenants to pay off arrears through the use of discretionary housing payments, but these budgets are already under pressure from a number of sources and the funding currently available will not be sufficient to support all households at risk of homelessness”, recommending that the Government needed to provide an emergency uplift to DHPs. When we asked Eddie Hughes, the Minister for Rough Sleeping and Housing, whether he would ask the Treasury for an increase in funding, given the doubling of households hitting the benefit cap, he said he believed other areas were more pressing.
94.The Government should review its decision to freeze Local Housing Allowance rates by maintaining the 30th percentile in cash terms only, and instead keep rates indexed at the 30th percentile long-term. This will help households across England to afford their rent.
95.We also call on the Government to temporarily boost funding to discretionary housing payments to meet the needs of the tens of thousands of households who are receiving no extra income from welfare increases due to the benefit cap. This will further protect households from falling into rent arrears because of the pandemic.
96.Following a promise in its manifesto, the Government included the Renters’ Reform Bill as part of the 2019 Queen’s Speech. One of the main elements of the proposed Bill would be the abolition of the use of ‘no fault’ evictions by removing section 21 of the Housing Act 1988. Much of our early evidence in our inquiry called for the Government to abolish section 21 as soon as possible. As long as section 21 remains on the statute book, it will remain an option for landlords. The insecurity of tenants has been put into sharp relief by the coronavirus crisis, so we were convinced that it was important that the Government moved the Renters’ Reform Bill up its legislative agenda.
97.Therefore, in our interim report, we recommended that:
The Government must accelerate its plans to introduce the Renters’ Reform Bill to Parliament and abolish ‘no fault evictions’ under section 21 of the Housing Act 1988 within the next 12 months.
In its response, the Government declined our recommendation, noting that it planned to set out its next steps only “once the urgent concerns of this emergency have passed”. The Minister for Housing, responding to our Chair in the House in September 2020, said that the Government would only introduce the Bill “when there is a sensible and stable economic and social terrain on which to do it”. When we asked Eddie Hughes, the Minister for Rough Sleeping and Housing, how it would be determined when such terrain would exist, he said he hoped it would be in the “not-too-distant future” due to the success of the vaccination programme.
98.The Government must introduce the Renters’ Reform Bill urgently. The Government does not want to introduce the Renters’ Reform Bill until the pandemic has finished, but this is at odds with the approach the Government has taken with NHS reforms. The Health Secretary told the House that the pandemic made the reforms “more not less urgent”. The same logic applies to the Renters’ Reform Bill and the urgent need to remove section 21 ‘no fault’ evictions. If the Government does not abolish section 21 before we come out of the pandemic, there will be serious consequences for renters.
108 Coronavirus Act 2020, s81 & Schedule 29
109 Courts and Tribunal Judiciary, , 27 March 2020
110 MHCLG, , 5 June 2020
111 MHCLG, , 21 August 2020
112 The Coronavirus Act 2020 (Residential Tenancies: Protection from Eviction) (Amendment) (England) Regulations 2020, SI No. 914
114 The Master of the Rolls (as Head of Civil Justice) Working Group on Possession Proceedings, , 17 September 2020
116 , 21 October 2020
117 Local Government Lawyer, , 16 November 2020
118 The Public Health (Coronavirus) (Protection from Eviction) (England) Regulations 2021
119 MHCLG, , 14 February 2021
121 The Public Health (Coronavirus) (Protection from Eviction) (England) Regulations 2021
122 Explanatory Memorandum to The Public Health (Coronavirus) (Protection from Eviction) (England) Regulations 2021,
129 MHCLG, , last updated 8 January 2021
130 MHCLG ()
131 NRLA, , 22 December 2020
132 Citizens Advice, , 5 January 2021
133 Resolution Foundation, , February 2021
134 MHCLG, , published December 2020 (results collected between March and April 2020)
137 HC Deb, 25 November 2020, [Commons Chamber]
138 JRF, November 2020
139 JRF, November 2020
140 Resolution Foundation, , February 2021
142 Whitehead et al, , November 2020
143 Generation Rent ()
152 MHCLG, , January 2019
153 National Residential Landlords Association ()
156 Shelter, NRLA, ARLA Propertymark, Crisis, Citizens Advice and Generation Rent. See Shelter, , 28 August 2020
161 Whitehead et al, November 2020
163 Scottish Government, , accessed 17 February 2021
164 Welsh Government, , accessed 17 February 2021
169 MHCLG ()
170 National Residential Landlords Association ()
171 Generation Rent ()
172 MHCLG, Government response to the Housing, Communities and Local Government Select Committee Report on Protecting rough sleepers and renters,
173 HM Treasury, , last updated 15 December 2020
174 Office for Budget Responsibility, , November 2020
176 For example, see the Chartered Institute of Housing ().
177 Work and Pensions Committee, First Report of Session 2019–21, , HC 178
178 DWP, , published 26 November 2020
179 Oral evidence taken before the Work and Pensions Committee, 30 September 2020, Session 2019–21, HC 178,
180 London Councils ()
182 10 Downing Street, , p46
183 For example, see the Chartered Institute of Housing () and Shelter ()
184 MHCLG, Government response to the Housing, Communities and Local Government Select Committee Report on Protecting rough sleepers and renters,
185 HC Deb, 23 September 2020, [Commons Chamber]