Renters (Reform) Bill

Written evidence submitted by Residential Landlords Association to the Renters (Reform) Public Bill Committee (RRB20)

1.0 About the National Residential Landlords Association

1.1 The National Residential Landlords Association (NRLA) is the leading voice for private sector residential landlords.

1.2 We represent more than 106,000 landlords, by far the largest membership organisation in the sector. Our membership owns and manages approximately 10% of private rented housing in England and Wales, equating to around one million homes.

1.3 NRLA members range from full-time landlords running property portfolios to individuals letting a single bedroom flat. We help them to navigate the regulatory and legal framework for the private rented sector and provide training and support for landlords to ensure they fully understand their responsibilities and are equipped to provide good quality housing for their tenants.

1.4 We conduct regular surveys of member and non-member landlords, and tenants, providing market-leading intelligence about private renting. Our research informs our campaigns for policies that seek to improve the private rented sector for the benefit of tenants and responsible landlords.

2.0 Summary of our proposed amendments

2.1 The NRLA is frustrated that court reform has not progressed further and has not, so far, appeared to be a priority for the Government. The digitisation of the possession process has been paused once already [1] , and it is not clear when court reform will be concluded or if it will address the timeliness of legitimate possession cases. With that in mind, we believe that consideration should be given to a longer transition period after commencement. This would allow pre-existing assured shorthold tenancies to end naturally, avoid pressures caused by ending tenancies early, and allow time for court reform to be implemented.

2.2 Similarly, provisions in the Bill around rent increases and rent in advance may cause unnecessary and avoidable consequences. The NRLA recommends that a more flexible approach is taken that allows for negotiation between tenant and landlord in these areas.

2.3 Ensuring that the student market is not damaged is also a key concern. Due to the cyclical nature of the student market, and the reliance on fixed terms, these tenancies are exposed to more risk from the reforms than other areas of the sector. We are proposing that all forms of student housing are treated consistently to avoid creating a two-tier system that damages renters’ ability to secure a home for the academic year.

2.4 We are also proposing a minor amendment around requests for pets. Allowing landlords to take an increased security deposit will, in most cases, provide a less expensive option than pet insurance and, provided the pet does not damage the property, be entirely recoverable by the tenant at the end of the tenancy.

2.5 It should be added that, whilst the Bill is focused on reform, it does not address some fundamental issues in the sector related to supply and demand. It is important to spell out the gravity in which we find ourselves – 25 applicants per property on average, 1.2 million people on social housing waiting lists, record-high rents, the lowest landlord margins since 2007, with record spending and number of people in temporary accommodation. The Bill will do very little to address this. Urgent action is necessary, such as unfreezing Local Housing Allowance and reversing damaging tax changes, to stimulate the private rented sector in providing the homes that are so desperately needed.

3.0 NRLA perceptions of the Bill

3.1 The NRLA accepts that section 21 repossessions are ending and is committed to working with all parties to ensure the replacement system is fair and workable for both tenants and responsible landlords. We believe that the Bill lays the foundation for potentially effective reforms of the sector. Particularly on areas like strengthened grounds for possession and the property portal.

3.2 As the parliamentary debate on the Bill continues, it is important to emphasise that the unacceptable practices of a small group of landlords are not representative of the sector as a whole. The reality is that:

· The vast majority of private tenancies are ended by a tenant. In 2021/22, 77% of private renters voluntarily left their last tenancy, an increase from 73% the previous year. In contrast, only 4% mentioned leaving because their landlord or agent asked them to, a decrease from 6% the previous year [2] [3] .

· Tenants in the private rented sector are more satisfied with their accommodation than those in social housing. 80% of private renters are satisfied with their current accommodation, compared to 75% of social renters [4] .

3.3 In addition, while this Bill primarily focusses on rental reform, it is imperative that it does not exacerbate the existing housing supply challenges faced by renters.

3.4 Notably, Rightmove reports a substantial increase in inquiries for rental properties, with the average property now receiving triple the number of tenant enquiries compared to 2019. It notes: "The increase in enquiries is driven by the ongoing imbalance between supply and demand, with 41% more tenants looking to move than in 2019 and available supply down by 35%" [5] .

3.5 Much of that will depend on whether the courts are adequately reformed and resourced to ensure the Bill has the confidence of investors. Responsible landlords need to have confidence that the Bill’s measures will not hinder their ability to repossess a property swiftly and efficiently for legitimate reasons such as rent arrears and anti-social behaviour.

3.6 Without this, we believe that the Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee prediction that ‘pressures on the courts will be exacerbated by the repeal of section 21, as landlords will seek to regain possession under section 8, especially in the case of rent arrears and antisocial behaviour’ will ultimately prove correct. Further court delays risk exacerbating the existing supply and demand imbalance, reducing choice for tenants and leading landlords to exit the sector.

3.7 The Law Society warns that the increased court caseload will also leave many tenants without the necessary/adequate legal support given the existing barriers in accessing legal aid for housing-related cases. As the Society’s President noted, without "immediate investment" to improve access to legal aid support, "the bill’s commitment to progress and reforming the rental market will be in vain."

4.0 Clause 1 – Advance payments of rent

4.1 As currently drafted, Clause 1 appears to prohibit landlords from taking rent payments of more than one month in advance. This is presumably to prevent landlords from introducing fixed terms by the back door by having very long rental periods. However, if this is indeed the intended purpose, this legislation may inadvertently lead to unintended and undesirable outcomes.

4.2 Where tenants have poor or hard to assess credit histories, such as people from overseas, landlords will first seek to obtain a UK-based guarantor (so that any debt can be enforced if needed) or then, if not available, seek upfront rent payments, usually covering six or twelve months in advance. This is done to mitigate risk against someone with an unknown or riskier background. If this is not possible, those tenants are likely to find themselves excluded from the sector.

4.3 Given that the Government has also suggested that it is not their intention to restrict payment mechanisms in this way, an amendment to the Bill is needed to clarify the point as outlined in Annex 1.

5.0 Clause 5 – Statutory procedures for increasing rent

5.1 The Government has introduced provisions requiring that rent increases can only be done by a statutory mechanism. This removes the ability for landlords and tenants to agree new rents between themselves and could place increasing and unnecessary strain on the tribunal’s capacity to decide on rent levels.

5.2 Removing this ability to negotiate a new rent would undermine the ability of landlords and tenants to have a mature relationship of give and take and is unnecessary as landlords can no longer use the threat of section 21 to force a rent increase.

5.3 The amendment proposed in Annex 2 would restore the ability of landlords and tenants to agree a rent increase but provides the safeguard that this agreement must be in writing and signed by both parties.

5.4 If the Government is intent on tying rent increases exclusively to a statutory procedure, then steps must be taken to ensure that the tribunal is appropriately resourced. The Government should look to provide accurate, up-to-date figures on local market rates so that tenants understand whether challenging the proposed new rent is likely to be successful or, in some cases, whether it may be detrimental as the tribunal is able to set a higher rent where relevant.

6.0 Clause 7 - Clarification needed on pets in rented homes provisions

6.1 The NRLA recognises the importance of pets in providing companionship for many tenants. We support the Bill’s principles, which will give tenants the right to request permission to have a pet in their property, a request that landlords must consider and cannot unreasonably refuse.

6.2 However, as currently drafted, Clause 7, Section 16B of the Bill does not make clear that a request should be made for each individual pet. Without clarification on this point, there is a danger that a landlord's approval for one pet might be misconstrued as an endorsement for any number and type of pets, even when the accommodation may be unsuitable for a specific type of pet.

6.3 We welcome the Bill’s provision to amend the Tenant Fees Act 2019, allowing landlords to require tenants with pets to have insurance to cover the additional risk of property damage. However, requiring tenants to pay a monthly insurance fee could potentially result in higher costs for tenants than a one-off ‘pet deposit premium’. As such, the Bill should be amended to allow such a deposit premium to be charged where it is more cost effective for the tenant.

6.4 To address this, we propose amending Clauses 7 and 8 in the bill to allow a landlord to take an increased deposit amount where they have consented to the tenant’s request for a pet. In addition, the amendment would make it clear that permission for each pet should be sought separately. Our proposed amendments are set out in Annex 3.

6.5 In addition, when the Government publishes its guidance on the pet-related clauses, it needs to provide clear information on circumstances where a landlord can legitimately refuse a tenant’s request to have a pet and offer guidance on various potential scenarios, including:

· Resolving conflicts in shared housing, specifying whose rights take precedence when one tenant wants a pet, and another opposes it.

· Addressing situations where a property is unsuitable for a certain type of pet, such as accommodating a large dog in a small flat without a garden.

· Clarifying the course of action when a freeholder, rather than the landlord as the leaseholder, rejects a pet request for a property.

7.0 Clause 10 - Clarifying the grounds for possession for the sale of rental properties and reoccupation

7.1 As written, Clause 10, subsections 3 and 4 prohibit landlords from reletting or remarketing a property for three months following the tenant’s specified departure date in a repossession notice, where the ground relates to a landlord’s intention to sell or reoccupy the property.

7.2 The NRLA believes that a three-month prohibition on reletting the property after utilising Grounds 1 or 1A is appropriate. This is broadly in line with the time it takes to market the property for sale. Any longer would likely exacerbate the existing supply and demand imbalance.

7.3 However, we note that the prohibition applies to the period after the notice expires, and it is not clear whether the restriction continues to apply if the landlord needs to use the courts to regain possession. Given the length of time it currently takes the courts to progress a possession claim, this could potentially allow a landlord to relet or remarket a property before possession hearings have concluded.

7.4 In view of this, for the purpose of the sale and occupation grounds (grounds 1 and 1A), the Bill should explicitly state that the three-month ban on reletting or remarking a property should begin when a landlord has actually regained possession of the property. This amendment is set out in Annex 4.

8.0 Clause 14 - Giving certainty to landlords whilst maintaining flexibility for renters

8.1 As it stands, once a tenant signs a contract for a property, the Bill will enable them to give two months’ notice to exit the tenancy at any point. This change raises the concern that landlords will never have the assurance that tenants will remain in the property for more than two months at a time.

8.2 Without a minimum tenancy period, landlords cannot be certain that they would be able to cover their preparation and lettings costs, currently averaging between £3,000 and £4,000 per tenancy. The actual costs vary depending on whether a letting agent is used to source new tenants. It also risks tenants using the PRS as an alternative to more expensive short term lets like those offered by AirBnB, with all the associated risks.

8.3 The LUHC Committee rightly notes that: "A reasonable balance needs to be struck between security of tenure for tenants and a degree of certainty for landlords."

8.4 Furthermore, the lack of a fixed minimum term could undermine lending in the sector. UK Finance has previously noted: "Most lenders tend to avoid short-term tenancies and often require that their landlord customers impose a minimum six-month initial fixed period on the tenancy. This helps to reduce the risk of missed mortgage payments which are more likely to occur where a landlord offers short tenancies."

8.5 In addition to the potential difficulties for landlords, it should be noted that service of a notice during a periodic tenancy by one tenant will end the tenancy agreement for all tenants [6] , even if the other tenants do not consent to ending the tenancy. In houses in multiple occupation, this may mean that the other tenants are required to leave the property much earlier than anticipated.

8.6 In view of this, we are calling for an initial six-month period before tenants can end their tenancy with two months’ notice. This mirrors the Bill’s provisions, which restrict landlords from using the planned repossession ground to sell a property until at least six months into a tenancy agreement. Such a change would not only provide greater stability but also reduce financial risks for landlords. This could be achieved via the amendment in Annex 5.

9.0 Clause 67 - Gradual implementation to prevent a cliff edge

9.1 We want to prevent a spike in the service of Section 21 notices before tenancy agreements are converted to the new regime, as happened in Wales on the implementation of the Renting Homes (Wales) Act 2016.  We are concerned that the lack of certainty around implementation dates and the lack of substantive court reform may exacerbate landlord concerns around the Bill, driving up possession claims in the short term.

9.2 The Ministry of Justice notes in data from the first quarter of this year [7] : "In Wales the Accelerated procedure for claims, orders and warrants increased by 236%, 249% and 275% respectively when compared to the same quarter in 2022. In comparison Accelerated procedure for claims, orders and warrants in England increased by 16%, 46% and 95%. This large increase in Wales could be the effect of landlords exiting the sector due to the Renting Homes (Wales) Act that came into effect on 1st December 2022 with more changes set to come in from June 2023."

9.3 Should a similar increase happen in England, the courts will not be able to cope, particularly where more cases are contested and require significantly more of the court’s time. Even now, it takes a mean average of 28.6 weeks for a private landlord claim to move from claim to repossession [8] . That is simply too long when rent arrears are building up or an anti-social tenant is harming the lives of neighbours and other tenants. This is why we have continually stressed that court reform must be in place and that the courts must be adequately resourced before Section 21 is removed [9] .

9.4 The NRLA is not alone in recognising the importance of court reform. In its report on the private rented sector earlier this year, the Levelling Up, Housing and Communities Committee warned that it was "not clear whether the Government fully appreciates the extent to which an unreformed courts system could undermine its tenancy reforms." [10]

9.5 While we welcomed the Government’s promise that Section 21 will not be removed until court reform has been implemented, the nature and timing of this court reform remains unclear. This promise is also not included within the Bill itself.

9.6 Several outstanding points still require attention from ministers, with limited remaining parliamentary time to address them:

· The Government has made a commitment to develop end-to-end digitisation of the court process when possession cases are heard but this project has already been paused at least once [11] and there are concerns that it may be paused again. The Government needs to commit to a clear timetable for implementation and what impact it will have on the speed at which possession cases are heard.

· There is a pressing need to increase the number of court staff handling possession cases when Section 21 is ended. Freedom of Information data obtained by the NRLA has found that in Scotland, between 2017 (when changes were made to private residential tenancies) and 2021, the number of Administrative Officer grade caseworkers in the Housing and Property Chamber increased by 72%.

· Commitments need to be made regarding how long possession cases will take to be processed from claim to repossession and how this will be measured. At present, the Civil Procedure Rules only provide guidelines for the initial court hearing. There are no clear timeframes for scheduling cases where the initial hearing is cancelled, scheduling a subsequent hearing, the issue of a possession order or, crucially, the time in which a bailiff should enforce a warrant for possession. Without amendments to the Civil Procedure Rules to set time limits for each stage of a possession process it is not clear how the Government will be able to measure the effectiveness of court reform in addressing particular pain points for landlords when using the court services.

· The Government has undertaken a Justice Impact Test for the Bill. We understand that such tests are not routinely published. However, given the importance of an improved court system to the success of the Bill and in the interests of transparency and to aid debate, we are calling for the Government to publish the Test in full.

· The launch of the Housing Loss Prevention Advice Service is welcome, but the Government needs to explain how it will undertake a thorough assessment of its impact to ensure the service provides timely legal advice and support to tenants.

· Proposals are needed to ensure that tenants can access the legal aid support they need where possession cases end up in court, as called for by the Law Society.

9.7 Given the scale of the work required, it is not clear that court reform will be dealt with satisfactorily in a reasonable amount of time. Particularly given the Public Accounts Committee has stated that HMCTS ‘consistently underestimate the scale and complexity of court reform. [12]

9.8 With that in mind, we believe there is a case for setting a longer transition period for existing assured shorthold tenancies while new tenancies would be periodic assured tenancies. This would allow the accelerated possession procedure to continue for pre-existing tenancies while the Government implements the necessary court reform. It would avoid the cliff edge of possession claims while tenants naturally migrate to the new regime as they move house or sign a new tenancy agreement.

9.9 When new, far less impactful, changes were applied to Section 21 notices by the Deregulation Act 2015, there was a three-year time period between commencement and its provisions affecting already existing tenancies. This allowed landlords an opportunity to amend their position. A similar timeline should apply to the Renters (Reform) Bill.

9.10 To provide certainty to landlords, retain the supply of homes for tenants on lower incomes, and reduce strains on the courts, we propose amending the Bill to allow an equitable timeframe for existing assured shorthold tenancies to continue. We believe that three years after the commencement of Part 1 would allow most pre-existing ASTs to end naturally [13] , give the courts time to adapt to the changing rules and prevent significant numbers of landlords from exiting the market earlier than they would wish to. This could be achieved through the amendments set out in Annex 6.

9.11 At the very least, if the Government’s objective is to convert all existing assured shorthold and statutory periodic tenancies to the new regime shortly after it applies to new tenancies, the Department must ensure that all the necessary court reforms are in place and shown to be working prior to commencing Part 1 of the Bill. This could be achieved through the amendment set out in Annex 7.

10.0 Schedule 1, Ground 4 – Protecting the student housing market

10.1 According to the Higher Education Statistics Authority, in 2021/22, 27% of all students lived in privately rented properties that were not purpose-built, while 9% lived in private halls of residence [14] . Notably, nearly 12% of first year students lived in private halls of residence, compared to just under 18% who opted for other private rented housing. However, for students in subsequent years, only 7% lived in private halls, while 35% preferred other private rented housing. This ‘other’ private rented accommodation typically consists of ‘off-street’ houses in multiple occupation, often chosen by students after completing their first year in a hall of residence.

10.2 Currently, student tenancies commonly align with the academic year. Landlords usually arrange tenancies during the preceding academic year, providing students with the assurance of where they will reside in the following year. This arrangement benefits both students and landlords by ensuring certainty for all parties.

10.3 Given the Bill’s provisions do not extend to tenancies not covered by the 1988 Housing Act, purpose-built student accommodation (PBSA) will continue to operate outside the remit of the proposed reforms. This will enable PBSA providers to start and end licences on a cyclical basis in line with an academic year.  However, ‘off-street’ student accommodation, primarily rented to students who have completed their first year, will not have the same flexibility. Instead, such tenancies, as the Bill stands, will effectively be open-ended, until a tenant gives their two months’ notice (unless the landlord needs to repossess the property based on one of the planned grounds).

10.4 This situation risks disrupting the student housing market and is a major concern for students and landlords. It leaves landlords uncertain about property availability at the start of each academic year, unless sitting tenants give timely notice to leave. Landlords will not be able to agree new lets without this notice, which means that students may not be able to secure housing well in advance of the start of the academic year.

10 . 5 In its response to the LUHC Select Committee report on the private rented sector, the Government has pledged to introduce a ground for repossession in the Bill to facilitate the yearly cycle of short-term student tenancies [15] . We believe that this could be achieved through an amendment to Ground 4 instead .

10 .6 In Annex 8 , w e propose amending G round 4 of Housing Act 1988, so that it also includes off - street student housing . This would allow landlords to regain possession in line with the academic year and ensure a stable supply of homes for students. To provide protection to tenants we propose that the ground be amended so that it cannot be served on students unless they have been in occupation for at least eight months, which will ensure that they will be able to remain in situ for the completion of their academic year.

For further information, please contact the NRLA's Policy Director, Chris Norris,

by emailing: policy@nrla.org.uk or ringing: 0300 131 3603.

DRAFT AMENDMENTS

Annex 1

On page 1, after line 19, add:

"but nothing in this sub-section restricts a provision which is directed solely at when rent is to be paid."

Annex 2

On page 4, line 36, add after this line:

"(d) an agreement in writing between the landlord and tenant to vary the rent."

On page 5, line 18 Omit sub-section 8

Annex 3

On page 9, line 36, after (b) insert "(c) be made in respect of each individual pet for which consent is sought."

On page 10, line 22, after (b): "(c) that, in respect of the time the pet is at the dwelling-house, the landlord may require up to six weeks rent as a tenancy deposit for the property."

On page 11, line 11 change the clause heading to Pet Insurance and Deposits.

Insert after page 11, line 19:

(2) In the Tenant Fees Act 2019, in Schedule 2 Paragraph 2(2) –

(a) Omit the ‘or’ at the end of (a)

(b) After ‘more’ in (b) insert ‘or’ (c) the amount of six weeks’ rent, where the landlord has consented to the tenant keeping a pet in the house under Section 16C of the Housing Act 1988.

Annex 4

Delete page 13, line 12 and replace it with: ‘has obtained possession of the dwelling.’

On page 13, line 27 insert after tenancy: ‘with or’

Annex 5

On page 22, line 18 after 14ZA (ii) insert ‘and (iii) no earlier than six months after the tenant has begun occupation of the property under a tenancy agreement .

Annex 6

On page 62, line 36, in Section 67(4) delete all after "means" to the end of the sub-section and replace with "a date three years after the commencement date."

On page 63, line 6 Delete sub-section 5 of Section 67.

Annex 7

On page 62, line 19 replace 67(1) with:

(1) Subject to Section 67A, Chapter 1 of Part 1 comes into force on such day as the Secretary of State may by regulations appoint ("the commencement date") and applies in accordance with subsection (2)

On page 63, after line 32 insert:

67A Reporting before commencement of Part 1

(1) The Secretary of State must, before setting the commencement date, set out a report outlining –

i. how long a typical possession claim should take after Chapter 1 of Part 1 has been implemented,

ii. whether the courts are currently meeting these timelines,

iii. the status of the possession digitisation project,

iv. the views of consulted stakeholders,

v. whether it would be appropriate to commence Chapter 1 of Part 1.

(2) The Secretary of State must consult with relevant stakeholders who may be affected by Part 1, including –

i. such persons as appear to them to represent the interests of tenants and landlords that may be affected by the provisions of Part 1,

ii. local authorities,

iii. court practitioners,

iv. The Master of Rolls, and

v. anyone else who they deem appropriate

(3) Where the report recommends commencing Chapter 1 of Part 1, the Secretary of State must give at least six months’ notice of the commencement date to affected parties.

(4) Where the report does not recommend commencing Chapter 1 of Part 1, the Secretary of State must produce a further report within six months.

Annex 8

On page 68, line 22, omit paragraph 9 of Schedule 1 and replace with:

9 Replace Ground 4 with:

"Ground 4

Either:

a) The tenants are students in full-time education who have been in occupation for not less than eight months and the landlord requires possession in order to rent the dwelling-house to a new group of students in full-time education; or

b) At some time within the period of twelve months ending with the beginning of the tenancy, the dwelling-house was let on a tenancy to full-time students."

November 2023.


[1] HMRC Letter to Dame Meg Hillier MP, Chair of the Public Accounts Committee, March 2023, page 10

[2] DLUHC, English Housing Survey - Private rented sector, 2021-22, July 2023

[3] DLUHC, English Housing Survey – Private rented sector, 2020-21, July 2022

[4] DLUHC, English Housing Survey - Private rented sector, 2021-22 July 2023

[5] Rightmove, Rents hit 15th consecutive record, as average property receives 25 enquiries, October 2023

[6] Hammersmith and Fulham LBC v Monk [1991] UKHL 6; Greenwich LBC v McGrady (1982) 6 HLR 36, CA.

[7] Ministry of Justice, Mortgage and landlord possession statistics: January to March 2023, May 2023

[8] Ministry of Justice, Mortgage and landlord possession statistics: June to September 2023, November 2023. Found in table 6 of the statistical tables.

[9] NRLA, Striking a Balance - Proposals For The Renters' Reform Bill, December 2020

[10] LUHC Select Committee, Reforming the Private Rented Sector - Fifth Report of Session 2022–23, February 2023

[11] HMRC Letter to Dame Meg Hillier MP, Chair of the Public Accounts Committee, March 2023, page 10

[12] The Public Accounts Committee, Progress on the courts and tribunals reform programme - Sixty-First Report of Session 2022–23, June 2022

[13] The average length of time that a tenant lives in a PRS property is 4.4 years according to the English Housing Survey.

[14] HESA, Where do HE students study?, January 2023, available at:

[15] LUHC Select Committee, Reforming the Private Rented Sector: Government’s response to the Committee’s Fifth Report of Session 2022-23, October 2020

 

Prepared 15th November 2023