Joint Committee on the Draft Disability Discrimination Bill Written Evidence



DDB 85 Greater London Action on Disability

By Greater London Action on Disability

1. Contents

1. Contents page 1

2. About GLAD page 2

3. Introduction page 2 - 3

4. Clause 1 page 3

5. Clause 2 page 4

6. Clause 3 page 4

7. Clause 4 page 5

8. Clause 5 page 5 - 6

9. Clause 6 page 6

10. Clause 8 page 6 - 7

11. Clause 12 page 7

12. Summary page 8 - 9

13. Appendix A Disabled people's Rights and Freedom Bill page 10-15

Contact

Reg McLaughlin Chief Executive

GLAD

336 Brixton Road

London SW9 7AA

Tel: o20 7346 5800 X25

Email: r.mclaughlin@glad.org.uk

2. About GLAD

GLAD is a pan London organisation of disabled people that has been in existence since 1952. Our member groups include borough based organisations of disabled people, groups of Black and minority ethnic and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender disabled people, women's groups, mental health system user/survivor groups and organisations of people with learning difficulties, as well as access groups and impairment specific groups. GLAD also has individual members.

GLAD campaigns for the rights and choices of disabled Londoners. We do this by:

  • Providing information (the starting point to gaining choices and rights)
  • Campaigning and policy work on key issues of importance to disabled people, such as transport and employment
  • Supporting a network of representative local organisations of disabled people across London
  • Working to make the disability movement more inclusive by working with black and minority ethnic disability organisations and mental health system user/survivor groups and organisations of people with learning difficulties and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people and women's groups
  • Providing consultancy and training for individuals and organisations on a wide range of disability issues
  • Providing a range of publications on disability issues, in particular, London Disability News (a monthly newsletter), Update, a fortnightly collection of items on disability from a range of publications, Common Agenda newsletter (on forging links between mental health and disability) and Boadicea a newsletter for disabled women
  • Through the practice and promotion of use of the social model of disability. This is looking at the barriers (physical, sensory, legal and attitudinal) and discrimination disabled people experience rather than looking at the person and the impairment or medical condition and seeing that as a problem.

3. Introduction

GLAD welcomes the opportunity to respond to the draft Disability Discrimination Bill. Although we welcome the changes to the 1995 Disability Discrimination Act we believe that even with the draft new clauses the act is still fundamentally flawed. The disability movement has drafted its own Disability Discrimination Bill called the Disabled People's Rights and Freedoms Bill. (see appendix a) GLAD has been involved in the drafting of this Bill and we fully support our Bill.

GLAD believes that all disabled people, regardless of impairment, must have the choice and the resources to live in the community. We want the government to act in a positive way to create the structures and systems required so that everyone has that choice. Disabled people have been locked away and segregated in institutions for too long and it is time for this practice to stop.

The government must adopt a social model approach, and take the lead from Local Authorities who have seen the value of adopting such an approach. This focuses on removing the physical and systematic barriers to disabled people. However, the new draft legislation fails to take this approach building on the medical/individual model approach taken by previous governments. The DDA in 1995 used this approach (medical model). The reforms that the government are proposing have not learnt from the mistakes that were made in 1995. The government should sign up to "Nothing About Us Without Us" most local authorities and individual MP's see the value of doing so and have signed the pledge. The government must listen to disabled people ourselves and adopt the Disabled People's Rights and Freedoms Bill. There is little involvement of organisations "of" disabled people and the government continues to rely on the advice of major charities such as (say RNID, RNIB, Mencap, Scope) which run the institutions that oppress disabled people that we want to close. Organisations of disabled want to work with the government however the government continues to exclude us. The Government should see the strength of engaging with disabled people ourselves and set up a working group which includes organisations like ours which represent over 1 million disabled Londoners.

We welcome the government's initiative in calling the British Council of disabled people (BCODP) to give evidence before the committee. However, there is little evidence of other organisations of disabled people being called to give evidence. We think that it would be useful to rethink on who the committee it is going to call to give evidence and GLAD would be happy to advise the committee of the organisations that it could call. GLAD would also welcome the opportunity to give verbal evidence itself as we represent over 1 million disabled Londoners which is over 10% of the disabled population.

We are making comments on the 14 Clauses and they are as follows.

4. Clause 1 amends the DDA's new provision on discriminatory job advertisements to cover a third party who publishes a discriminatory advertisement (for example, a newspaper) as well as the person placing the advertisement;

GLAD welcomes the new provision to legislate on discriminatory advertisements. This will help underpin the government's intentions in many cases. However, we are unsure of the need for section 2(A) and 2(B)

Within the proposed new legislation GLAD believes that it is not enough to rely upon the ability of the person accepting the advert for publication to be able to determine whether or not the advert complies with the proposed legislation or not. This does seem to be a fairly simple task, given the clarity of the definition given in section (1). It may be simpler to administer the legislation if we rely on the publisher to be aware of the legislation rather than relying only on those placing the advert being honest about their motivation in doing so.

5. Clause 2 amends the DDA to make it clear that discrimination by an insurer in relation to group insurance provided to the employees of a particular employer is covered by sections 19 to 21 of the Act (which deal with the provision of goods, facilities and services to the public);

GLAD welcomes the provisions for general group insurance in extending protection to disabled employees.

6. Clause 3 clarifies that the current exemption from sections 19 to 21 for transport services extends only to transport vehicles themselves, and creates a power to enable that exemption to be lifted for different vehicles at different times;

GLAD welcomes the government's intention to provide for the extension of the DDA to cover discrimination in relation to the use of a means of transport. At present section 19(5) DDA excludes anything consisting of the use of a means of transport from Part III of the Act. This causes major problems for disabled people. For example, a disabled mother who uses a wheelchair found that, despite the availability of accessible buses, drivers refused to stop. On one occasion when she was going to a school activity in which her child was taking a leading role, she waited at a bus stop for two and a half hours trying to get a bus. Each time a bus did stop at the bus stop she was either told that the ramp did not work or that the driver did not have time to put the ramp down because he was running late. She was also told that the wheelchair space was full although it was full with children's buggies and there was no wheelchair user on the bus. After 15 buses had passed she decided that she was now far too late to go to her daughter's school and she went home. When her daughter came home she was distraught because her mother did not turn up for the school play and she was the only child in the play that had no parent there. The consequences of this was that a parent had been denied her basic human rights to see her child's achievements and her daughter denied her rights to have her parent see and celebrate her achievement. She had no redress under the DDA.

The draft Bill removes this blanket exclusion and replaces it with a flexible framework which allows regulations to successfully bring into coverage, by Part 3 DDA, all different modes of transport, including but not limited to: taxis, private hire vehicles, trams, private rental or car hire, buses, trains, aviation and shipping. The rights not to be treated less favourably, to reasonable adjustments to policies, practices and procedures, to auxiliary aids and services, and to an alternative service can all be applied to transport services by regulations.

These provisions are essential if disabled people are to be able to travel with the same freedom as non-disabled people. Access to transport is such a crucial part of daily life and one that has been difficult for so long or even denied completely to many disabled people that some real urgency is now needed to bring about these changes. However, the impact of this provision will depend entirely on the content and timing of regulations. The Government should set out its intended timetable for regulations to lift the Part 3 exemption from transport operators as soon as possible.

7. Clause 4 ensures that, with some exceptions, functions of public authorities not already covered by the DDA are brought within its scope (so that it would be unlawful for a public authority, without justification, to discriminate against a disabled person when exercising its functions);

GLAD welcomes Clause 4 of the draft Bill which makes it unlawful for a public authority to discriminate against a disabled person in carrying out its functions. This is something of a milestone in legislation on rights of disabled people in recognising that the issue is discrimination rather than disability itself. Disabled people have long wished for legislation which outlaws discrimination and this section is an extremely welcome first step in that direction. It is an opportunity to more carefully define the areas where discrimination is illegal. Experience with other rights legislation tends to show that it's sometimes necessary to define where public authorities need to eliminate discrimination more precisely to ensure the effectiveness of the legislation. The McPherson and Morris reports are examples of how this has been necessary in the area of institutional racism. Similar work is now necessary in the area of discrimination against disabled people. We believe that this is also necessary in key areas such as the highways, the conduct of elections and electoral registration and the determining of adoption applications.

GLAD notes the common approach between this draft Bill and the provisions within the Race Relations (Amendment) Act. The specific duty to produce a Race Equality Scheme undoubtedly has had a positive impact in raising the profile and mainstreaming race equality within the public sector organisations. Our view is that it is important that this clause provides the same level of protection and, so far as possible, mirrors the approach contained in the DDA sections relating to discrimination in relation to goods, facilities and services.

We are concerned that on present drafting the functions clause provides different, weaker, protection than the services sections: in particular, it sets a very high threshold for making reasonable adjustments, and fails to establish an anticipatory duty. The wording of reasonable adjustments duty must be amended so that it makes it clear that public authorities have a clearly stated anticipatory duty to make reasonable adjustments.

8. Clause 5 brings within the scope of Part 3 of the DDA private clubs with 25 or more members;

GLAD welcomes the proposals to include private clubs because the DDA only applies to services to the general public, clubs which are only open to members are not covered. Under Clause 5 of the draft Bill, any club with 25 or more members will be covered by the Act. We welcome this proposal which makes discrimination unlawful for private clubs. We further welcome that clubs will be prohibited in the way in which membership is given or benefits are afforded. We warmly welcome this Clause which is necessary to ensure disabled people have equal access to leisure and sporting opportunities, opportunities for social interaction and equality within political parties. However, we fundamentally believe that any discrimination on the grounds of an individual's impairment must be eliminated so therefore we would argue that all clubs, including clubs who have fewer than 25 members, must be included. We are also concerned that there are no specific reasonable adjustment provisions (changing policies, practices and procedures, providing auxiliary aids and changing physical features) contained on the face of the Bill.

Finally, GLAD believes that the government is missing the chance to include guests from the outset. We understand that costs are an issue. However, many private clubs may have considerable resources of their own. For those where resources are an issue, we will argue that Grants from the government through local authorities, under their duties as public bodies, should set aside funding for this purpose. Private clubs can then apply to their local authority to get grant aid in order to ensure that disabled people using their club as members or associate members will not be discriminated against.

9. Clause 6 extends aspects of the duty to provide reasonable adjustments to landlords and others who manage rented premises;

GLAD welcome provisions in Clause 6 of the Bill which places a duty on landlords to make reasonable adjustments to policies, practices and procedures; and a duty to take reasonable steps to provide an 'auxiliary aid or service' which would enable or make it easier for a disabled person to rent the property or to facilitate a disabled tenant's enjoyment of the premises. The Government needs to clarify what kind of aids would be covered. However, the effectiveness of these provisions will be undermined without the inclusion in the Bill of the Task Force's other key recommendation on letting of premises:

We are concerned that the draft Bill does not include a provision that landlords should not be allowed to withhold consent unreasonably from a disabled person seeking to make changes to the premises. We further believe that the cost of these adaptations must lay with the landlord and not the disabled person themselves. "Adaptations to housing are a matter of equal opportunities in the most basic aspects of human life. In a well adapted house, a disabled person can move about, cook, or go into the garden, turn on lights, have a shower or bath or put a child to bed - when and how they want to, with minimum help from other people. Without adaptations, these people may be condemned to isolation and frustration."

10. Clause 8 introduces a new duty on public authorities requiring them, when exercising their functions, to have regard to the need to eliminate unlawful discrimination against and harassment of disabled persons, and to promote equality of opportunity for such persons;

GLAD welcomes the new duty on public authorities to promote disability equality. All the evidence tells us it is impossible to remove discrimination by relying solely on individuals by challenging discrimination by taking legal cases through the courts. Most legal challenges usually take place after discrimination has occurred and preventing discrimination in the first place is preferable to retrospective justice. The new duty places the onus on public services to ensure that any systematic bias is removed from the way in which services are delivered. This change will bring enormous benefits to disabled people

GLAD notes the common approach between this draft Bill and the provisions within the Race Relations (Amendment) Act. The specific duty to produce a Race Equality Scheme undoubtedly has had a positive impact in raising the profile and mainstreaming race equality within the public sector organisations. However, we should learn from the mistakes and build on the positive practices on the implementation of this act.

Placing a duty on public bodies to promote disability equality will have an impact on private, commercial and voluntary sectors. Public bodies will have an impact by bringing communities together, addressing issues of harassment and violence ensuring proactive strategies at local level to tackle hate crime against disabled people - the subject of new provisions in criminal justice legislation and by promoting general understanding and awareness in the community which would ensure that local disabled people and disability groups were fully included in local community cohesion initiatives, rather than being ignored or isolated as presently tends to happen, thereby improving civic participation whilst combating social exclusion and deprivation.

11. Clause 12 deems people with HIV infection, multiple sclerosis or cancer to be disabled for the purposes of the DDA;

The changes to the definition of disability originally contained within the Disability Discrimination Act of 1995 are entirely welcome in extending the range of the Act. However, the inclusion of 6(A) (2) and 6(A) (3) in section 12, the meaning of disability, is not at all welcome. There seems little reason to provide for future regulations determining exactly which cancers are to be included and which cancers are not to be included within the definition of the Bill. We will want to argue that everyone with cancer is likely to face discrimination as a result of their condition and so should be provided with protection under the Bill.

In the same way, we would point out that the disabled community have long argued that the definition of disability needs to be extended to cover users and survivors of the mental health system and people with learning difficulties. These groups should be included in the definition of disability, as they will also experience discrimination because of their physical or mental differences from others.

Given these last two groups are often among the most vulnerable, there seems additional reasons why we should take this opportunity to include more disabled people within the protection of the Bill. If we are going to attempt to eradicate discrimination completely then beginning with a more inclusive definition of disability is important.

12. Summary

GLAD welcomes the changes proposed in the New Draft Disability Discrimination Bill. However, we believe that the proposed changes would still leave the DDA fundamentally flawed.

GLAD recommends that the Government communcate with the disability movement on the Disabled Persons Rights and Freedoms Bill which has been developed by disabled people ourselves.

GLAD recommends that more organisations of disabled people are called to give verbal evidence to balance the views of "for" organisations and individual organisations not representing disabled people's views. GLAD would welcome the opportunity to give evidence itself.

GLAD recommends the government adopt the social model of disability (the model that the disabled people's movement want) instead of the Medical model that it continues to use.

GLAD Welcomes Clause 1 however there are still serious weeknesses in the proposals and we recommend that the government takes notice of our concerns as well as the concerns that the DRC have indicated.

GLAD welcomes Clause 2

GLAD welcomes Clause 3 as accessible transport is very important for disabled Londoners and the timing of the implementation of the duties is crucial therefore the government should set out its intended timetable for regulations to lift the Part 3 exemption from transport operators as soon as possible.

GLAD welcomes Clause 4. However, we are concerned that on present drafting the functions clause provides different, weaker, protection than the services sections: in particular, it sets a very high threshold for making reasonable adjustments, and fails to establish an anticipatory duty. The wording of reasonable adjustments duty must be amended so that it makes it clear that public authorities have a clearly stated anticipatory duty to make reasonable adjustments.

GLAD welcome Clause 5 but we believe that the provisions do not go far enough. We fundamentally believe that any discrimination on the grounds of an individual's impairment must be eliminated so therefore we would argue that all clubs, including clubs who have fewer than 25 members, must be included.

We are also concerned that there are no specific reasonable adjustment provisions (changing policies, practices and procedures, providing auxiliary aids and changing physical features) contained on the face of the Bill.

GLAD believes that the government is missing the chance to include guests from the outset

GLAD welcomes Clause 6 however the Government needs to clarify what kind of aids would be covered. Or the effectiveness of these provisions will be undermined.

We are concerned that the draft Bill does not include a provision that landlords should not be allowed to withhold consent unreasonably from a disabled person seeking to make changes to the premises.

We further believe that the cost of these adaptations must lay with the landlord and not the disabled person themselves.

GLAD welcomes Clause 8 and notes the common approach between this draft Bill and the provisions within the Race Relations (Amendment) Act. The specific duty to produce a Race Equality Scheme undoubtedly has had a positive impact in raising the profile and mainstreaming race equality within the public sector organisations. However, we should learn from the mistakes and build on the positive practices on the implementation of this act.

GLAD welcomes Clause 12 However the definition does not go far enough and still excludes some disabled people from the definition. We would argue that the definition of disability needs to be extended to cover users and survivors of the mental health system and people with learning difficulties. These groups should be included in the definition of disability, as they will also experience discrimination because of their physical or mental differences from others.

February 25, 2004

12. Appendix A

DISABLED PEOPLE'S RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS BILL

A

BILL

To

Secure the full and equal human and civil rights of disabled people in the United Kingdom

All protections against discrimination and promotion of rights in this Bill must take account of the diversity of disabled people and their diverse needs and not discriminate on any basis, eg. on grounds of race, culture, religion, gender, sexuality, age, immigration status or any other status.

All definitions and language should be based on the Social Model of Disability, which recognises disability as the discrimination faced by people with impairments of body or mind.

PART I

In this Act -

Definition of disability and disabled person - based on the Social Model of Disability.

Both direct discrimination and indirect discrimination should be covered. Indirect discrimination is where some barrier is created which, although it does not directly relate to disability or impairment, means that it is more of a barrier for disabled people generally than for non-disabled people generally.

PART II

Areas to be covered:

It shall be unlawful for any person or body to discriminate against a disabled person in respect of:

  • Provision of all goods and services: both public and private sector provision
  • Employment: all employers, without exception, including voluntary workers, councillors and all elected representatives, statutory office holders;
  • Education: pre-school, school, further and higher education, adult education, professional education, vocational and non-vocational training, work experience and work-related training. Having to attend segregated educational provision or a special school or college is discriminatory;
  • Qualifications and examinations: for qualifications of all types;
  • Physical environments: all public physical environments, built and natural, to be accessible to allow free and independent movement, including access to all service providers, employment, education and transport;
  • Transport: air travel, sea travel, and all other forms of travel to be fully accessible by a declared end-date;
  • Health Care: there should be access to all primary and secondary health care, treatments and interventions and access to health information.
  • Housing: all housing should be accessible, whether or not occupied by a disabled person, and there should be a choice including size and location. This should include the right to own property and to have access to social housing;
  • Communication: the provision of support to enable written and oral communication. Also, to ensure the provision of clear and accessible information in different appropriate formats e.g large text, Braille, audiotape, videotape with British Sign Language, floppy disk, CD-ROM etc, including accessible websites;
  • Participation in social, leisure, citizenship duties (eg jury service) and political activity;
  • Voting: Voting, by whatever mechanism, should be accessible within the same choices of place and time as everyone else. Detention in hospitals or other institutional settings, except prisons, should not deny a disabled person the right to vote.
  • Legal Services;
  • Abortion: Grounds for abortion should not discriminate in relation to disability. Potential parents should be free from pressure to abort a disabled foetus.
  • Or any other service

PART III

Over and above the right to protection from discrimination as outlined in Part 11 and provisions for obtaining rights under the Human Rights Act, Disabled people should have their rights and freedoms protected through the following:

  • Pre-birth Actions: Medical intervention, manipulation and procedure which results in the elimination of a gene, embryo or foetus should not discriminate on the grounds of disability.
  • The Right to Live: The right to be recognised as a human being, including the right not to be subject, at any stage of life, to any form of euthanasia or withdrawal or failure to provide social support, personal assistance, medical treatment, pain relief, food, water or any other support necessary to seek to maintain the best possible quality of life, including not to be subject to any threat or pressure, on any basis, that such a withdrawal or failure to provide may occur, including cost or inconvenience to others;
  • The Right to Freedom of Movement: which includes the right not to be forced into an institution, either for education or as an alternative to domicilary care, on any grounds.
  • Independent living: this is the right of every disabled person, regardless of age, to have choice and control over how they live, including the right to personal assistance based on self-assessment which should include a social life and the right to adequate personal protection. No charge should be made for this right;
  • Benefits: These should be based on the real extra costs of dealing with the barriers to having a full life (disability), not on impairment. Benefits should fully reflect those costs, and be flexible in operation to enable disabled people to exercise their other rights without penalty;
  • Genetic-counselling: this should be impartial and external to the medical profession and there should be a clear disciplinary offence to put pressure on a family who are being counselled;
  • The right to sexuality: including freedom of sexual orientation, provision of sex education to young disabled people, freedom from pressure to have sex or not to have sex, and the right to help with sex including access to assistance, therapy and drugs, the right to form close, meaningful and sexual relationships, to get married or otherwise have a publicly recognised relationship, to have children and be a parent, and to be a couple or family living together. The right to have full choice over birth control including the right not to be sterilised without consent;
  • The right to make choices and decisions: and for those choices to be respected and implemented;
  • The right to privacy and freedom from media intrusion;
  • The right to be allowed to express an opinion: and to be heard fairly and without prejudicial discrimination, on any matter that affects the disabled person;
  • The right to independent advocacy: the right to have an independent appropriate advocate of the disabled person's choice, who can help the disabled person to get their rights and challenge the system including the right to a full range of properly funded, well-publicised and resourced advocacy provision including self-advocacy, peer advocacy, citizen advocacy, group advocacy, legal advocacy and community advocacy, which is publicly recognised by all public and statutory bodies, employers and service providers;
  • The right to form and join organisations run and controlled by disabled people as a basis for collective action and activity;
  • The Right to protection against torture or degrading and inhuman treatment: including freedom from personal attack from disablist language and behaviour (including disablist jokes), inhuman and degrading treatment within the home or without and that any crime which is aggravated by disablist behaviour should be treated as a hate crime.

PART IV

  • Positive actions: It should be the duty of all public bodies to make appropriate arrangements so that they:-
    (a) eliminate unlawful discrimination against disabled people on grounds of disability; and
    (b) promote equality of opportunity for disabled people.
  • Disabled people should have the same access to the same minimum standards of living as non-disabled people with the additional costs of disability taken into account.
  • BSL should be recognised as a national language for all purposes and consequently appropriate resources should be provided to put it into effect.
  • There should be an Independent Living Centre (ILC) in every district, unitary or metropolitan borough authority area. (An ILC is an advocacy organisation controlled by disabled people and providing services of their choice to disabled people). These Independent Living Centres should act as technical assistance centres for employers and providers under this Bill.
  • Segregated educational provision should be ended by 2020 and funding, training and support should be provided for inclusive education and emotional literacy.
  • All services to disabled people must follow the individual and be provided at the same level of resources and empowerment, wherever the individual moves to.
  • All decisions made by public bodies at any level must be discussed with organisations which represent, and are run by, disabled people.

PART V - Enforcement

If there are costs of implementation regarding positive actions these will fall to the public bodies concerned.

If there are costs of addressing discriminatory issues and practices, then, within the concept of reasonableness they will fall on:-

  • Where it is employment it is the employer;
  • Where it is regarding goods or services then it is the provider;
  • Where it is neither of these, public funding.

To the extent that the cost is not considered reasonable for the employer or service provider to pay for, then the government has a duty to make a grant to make the difference.

PART VI - Enforcement

The level of remedy should be similar to the amount of discrimination and should be available through appropriate tribunals, county courts or High Court.

The costs of enforcement should be fully covered by legal aid, irrespective of income.

Disabled litigants should have all access costs covered in all legal cases.

The Disability Rights Commission or any other organisation may take a court case on behalf of a group of disabled people (a class action). In keeping with the Human Rights Act, these actions should be available with legal aid protection.

PART VII

This Bill should be more important than (take precedence over) all other legislation, and ideally should form part of a Bill of Rights within a written constitution for the United Kingdom.

Any person taking a case under this Bill is not stopped from taking a case under the Human Rights Act.


 
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