Joint Committee on the Draft Disability Discrimination Bill Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 20 - 39)

WEDNESDAY 11 FEBRUARY 2004

MR BERT MASSIE AND MS CAROLINE GOODING

  Q20  Lord Tebbit: Chairman, first of all, my apologies for being late. I was held back in the chamber of the House. I do not want to go back to earlier discussions since we are on to transport now, but if one took Bert Massie's point too far I think he would conclude that we were all disabled right now, since, hopefully, we are all going to become old and one of the principal causes of disability is old age, so I think if he goes down the road of designating certain illness which as yet are symptom-free, then he will inevitably find the logic of his argument driving him to designate age, however young one is, since sooner or later old age is going to cause one disability, and if he notices me cupping my ear or blinking blearily at him he will conclude that I am already on the way. I will not tempt him back; he will think about that.

  Mr Massie: I am happy to respond to that. I would say that if you live to 85 you have got an over 90 per cent chance of being severely disabled, so we are a very inclusive club. You have a choice: join us or die young. I think the fact that somebody is not disabled does not necessarily mean that they will be disabled because they might die young.

  Q21  Lord Tebbit: Or have cancer.

  Mr Massie: I think that, given the ageing population and the very pertinent point you make, it makes it all the more relevant to get the legislation right now, because this is not about a minority sub-group of the population. It is potentially about all of us because we can all join this club.

  Q22  Lord Tebbit: To turn back to transport, Chairman, apart from access to the vehicles is there not more that could be done very much earlier with access to those vehicles which some disabled people at least can use, even if not everybody, which is impaired at the moment by lack of station staff, this requirement for 24 hours' notice which is often imposed, and in many cases the lack of a safe means of crossing tracks to the appropriate platform? None of those is particularly capital intensive. Could they not be dealt with rather earlier than the trains, important though they are, and I do not disagree with anything that Bert has said about that?

  Mr Massie: I think you are absolutely right. When you are changing the infrastructure there is a very real and substantial cost in new trains, etc, but in getting what we do not have in the Act at the moment but which this bill gives us the potential to achieve, of applying the provisions of access to goods and services to transport, that could come in very quickly. We do not have a timetable for all this but I would hope all this could be enforced by 2006. It is certainly achievable if there is the political will so to do. You would have to look at each incidence and the DRC would be charged with writing the codes of practice on this. To do that we have to consult, so I do not want to tie myself to a position where I can be accused of having closed off any options, but some of the things one might consider are, years ago, in the days of British Rail, railway staff frequently took people across the barrow crossings. There were staff on the stations and people did cross. If, for safety or other reasons, we cannot do that, then we do need to look at other ways of crossing the track. If people cannot cross the track, for whatever reason, and there are some stations where the usage is so low that even if the law was applied as is proposed you would lose a case arguing that the railway company should make a certain station accessible, quarter of a million pounds either side for one person a year, it would not wash in a court, then the railway company could be saying, "Well, okay, we will get you a taxi to the nearest station to a train you can get on", so there are things you could do to achieve things like that. On the 24 hours' issue, I know that having to give 24 hours' notice does cause some anxieties. I think what is interesting is that at some point you might be interviewing the Department for Transport or the Disabled Persons' Transport Advisory Committee. I know they have done some research and for many disabled people this was not a really big issue because most people these days book their trains in advance anyway. I do about 25,000 miles a year by rail, so I have this inconvenience myself regularly. The difficulty is this. If I want to get on a train, and on many trains there is only one space for a wheelchair user, if another wheelchair user has—totally unreasonably—booked that space before I got there, then I cannot get on the train. I have to wait for the next one as the number of spaces that I can physically use on a train are so limited, even on the new trains where there will be more spaces, but even then you lose a lot of seats for four spaces for wheelchair users, so no-one will want to increase that unless the demand is proven. There is a value in reserving your space. Putting that argument aside, it might be possible, certainly in the major London stations and in the major urban conurbations, to have a more demand-led service because there are staff at the station anyway. I have found, and I know many of my disabled friends have found, that when they need to get a train last minute, for whatever reason, they have usually phoned the station that day or a few hours before to say, "Look: I have got a problem. Can you help?", and the stations have normally helped. I know when I have been helped at Euston, which happens all too often, that quite often they come and help me late because somebody has turned up who has not booked but who has wanted assistance, so, whilst that is irritating for me because I am impatient, it is rather good for somebody else who has not booked, who needs the service and is getting it, so I do not feel too strongly about the 24-hour business because if the railway companies did away with it they might be able to say, "We cannot provide certain other services". It is not a big issue to me. I would like to go to more demand-led and that might happen but it is not something I would go to the barricades for at the moment.

  Q23  Lord Tebbit: It would be rather nice if we could be sure that we would get through on the telephone to our local station within 24 hours.

  Mr Massie: That is an issue, and the other issue which does frustrate people is when you go through this system and you eventually do book and then the help is not available for you. That is the annoying thing and, as I understand it, with the proposals being made to amend the legislation, we would be able to attack that because you would not be giving disabled people a good service, so we might be able to attack that with the proposals this committee is considering.

  Q24  Lord Addington: My question is really about the timescale that you were talking about. It seems to me, alluding to 2.17, that, with sufficient will, either instilled in them by sticks or carrots by government, it would be achievable. There is no physical reason why it could not be done, because most of the carriages would be due for servicing within that time frame anyway. The rest of them would just have to be rotated slightly more quickly. Surely, if we are going to be serious about this, very long running times tend to lead to panic at the ends of things anyway when things are being put off, so would it not simply be a case there that with a little bit of pushing it could be achieved?

  Mr Massie: Yes, I think it could be achieved. I think what would happen would be that the panic would be three years earlier. Of course, the new rolling stock coming on now should be accessible. It is not all because of the exemption procedures. There are some things about even the new trains which are not right, but I think it is achievable by 2017. I think there will be some resistance. I think that at 2020 the resistance would lack credibility.

  Q25  Lord Addington: So you think that there is an argument to be had at 2017? The argument is effectively totally exhausted by 2020, but even at 2017 it is certainly still edgy.

  Mr Massie: I will just point out that the Second World War was fought and won in six years. We should be able to get trains accessible.

  Q26  Mr Berry: Briefly, on aviation and shipping—and curiously here, of course, we have a non-statutory code of practice situation—a) is it working, and b) would you change things?

  Mr Massie: There was an interesting debate in the House of Lords yesterday Ryanair, was there not?

  Q27  Mr Berry: Indeed.

  Mr Massie: I think the codes are good. I would say that because I was on the working party which drafted one of them, but despite that they are good. I know the Department for Transport have already agreed to look at that and this bill gives the power to make them mandatory. I think sooner or later they are going to need to be made mandatory. The interesting thing about the Ryanair case was that Ryanair argued that the airports should pick up the bill. There is a valid debate on that, but at a lot of the airports the airlines are picking up the bill. If Ryanair, as they were doing, was not accepting any of this concept of serving disabled people, and then, say, we do go to other airlines who do pick up the cost, you get the good airlines subsidising people like Ryanair, so Ryanair not only wanted subsidies from the airports but they also wanted subsidies from other airlines. That just seems to me an interesting way of trading. What legislation does is give a level playing field and it means the poor players have to meet the standards of the good players. That is actually why quite often legislation is not resisted by quite major companies, because they know other people are getting round it. I think even with the code of practice which has been drawn up there will still be problems. For example, aircraft with fewer than 30 seats are excluded and in some cases one can understand that, because of the sheer difficulty of lifting people on. In other cases it might be possible, so even with the proposals before us there will still be work to do; it needs to be worked out very carefully. Our view is that the current procedures and the current proposals are acceptable but we do not want any slippage. One of the reviews is due to be finished by 2005 and I think it would be a pity if the review became like the blue badge scheme: one review leads to another review leads to another review, and nothing ever happens. There is an urgency here and air travel is growing and disabled people increasingly expect to be able to travel in the same way as other people. It goes also with the ferry companies. Brittany Ferries have had a policy, which I gather they are now reviewing, of just banning people with guide dogs (or banning the guide dogs) and giving no real justification for it but because they can. There will always be people like that who say, "Look: it is my company. I can do what I like", and those people are mostly influenced by the fact that if they continue well, okay, if you carry on with that view you will be sued, so I welcome the enabling power to make these codes of practice mandatory, and I think that very soon there will be pressure to use that power.

  Chairman: I think we should now move on to public authority duty, because it is an extremely important part of the bill, as you know.

  Q28  Lord Swinfen: In clauses 4 and 8 of the draft bill public authorities are defined as "any person certain of whose functions are functions of a public nature". Do you think that is an adequate definition, and, if not, why not?

  Ms Gooding: Yes, we do with one caveat. There are two different models that you could adopt for defining public authority in this context. One is the one that the bill adopts, which is looking towards the Human Rights Act model, which is just to give a broad definition and that is it. The other is the model that the Race Relations Amendment Act takes, which is to list public authorities. We think this draft Bill's is a good approach. It is quite important, I think. It sends the message that disability equality is the business of all public authorities, not just ones on the particular list, and I think that is quite an important message to send across. Of course, on the other hand, you do not have the same level of certainty as you get with the Race Relations Amendment Act; but with the Race Relation Amendment Act the list has to be continually updated because public authorities, by their nature, are constantly morphing and changing and their names are changing and their functions are changing. This is quite clumsy, and so I think that the principle of having that broad definition is good. There are powers at the moment in the bill to exclude certain bodies that would otherwise come within that definition. What we think would be helpful is if, in addition, there would be power to have regulations specifying when public authorities are covered. In general, we think the approach is the right one, but we would like to have that extra regulation making power to clarify that certain bodies are covered.

  Q29  Lord Swinfen: Thank you. A number of people have already said that a number of the organisations and functions are excluded. What is going to be the impact of those exclusions on people with disabilities?

  Ms Gooding: Well, broadly speaking, we do not take issue with the exclusions, and we do not think that they will have a detrimental impact. If we a look at the duty to promote, there are three broad exemptions there. One is in relation to judicial acts, one in the making of Acts of Parliament and a third in relation to armed services, acts relating to armed services. We are concerned about the continuing exemption of the armed services from the Disability Discrimination Act, but really it is the underlying issue about whether or not discrimination in the employment by armed services should be covered or not. That is not addressed in this clause. In relation to judicial acts and acts of Parliament, these are both tremendously important issues, but we do not think that having a legally enforceable duty to promote equality in relation to those is the appropriate means. You are not going to be able to enforce that duty through the courts: you are not going to be able to take Parliament to court for failing to comply with its duties. On the other hand, what is important is that government departments and authorities, when they are preparing legislation, are subject to the duty so the duty kicks in at an early stage, where it is very important, when you are actually scoping and considering the options for legislation in the beginning. That would be covered We think that that is sufficient to cover the issue. Of course, while it is not suitable for Parliament to be taken to court for failing to carry out a duty, Parliament is able to regulate its own affairs. At the moment there is not an Equality Committee, for example. There is a Human Rights Committee but not an Equality Committee. That might be another mechanism for achieving what might otherwise be achieved by having a duty. We think that the exemptions are right. In relation to public functions, there are a few additional exemptions, maybe relating to GCHQ, spies and such like, but also the decision not institute criminal proceedings and also functions relating to the allocation of prisoners. Again, those are two potentially very important issues, especially in prosecutions. There is quite a lot of concern about whether or not acts of harassment and violence against vulnerable people, people with learning disabilities or people with visual impairments, are actually being prosecuted for fear that the evidence of the victim is not going to be believed in court. So there are issues in relation to prosecutions, but again we do not think it is appropriate to have that sort of decision being made subject to a non-discrimination provision. That prosecution issue is subject to the general duty to promote, and in that respect we would expect to have useful discussions with the Crown Prosecution Service, who have, in fact, had some very important discussions with us on that point. So we are content with these exemptions, and we do not think they are going to have a detrimental impact on disabled people.

  Q30  Mr Berry: You said that the DRC is concerned about the exclusion of the armed forces from the provisions of legislation. For the record, could you tell us why, please?

  Mr Massie: Well, we believe all people should be covered. There have been cases of service people who have become disabled during their service who could have stayed in the services but have been edged out. The armed forces, for reasons one can fully understand, have a difficulty with having disabled service people. I think their image is that I am going to go along and ask to drive a tank. Whilst that might be huge fun, I could never get into a tank, let alone drive it. So that is not what we are proposing. Facial disfigurement is a disability under the DDA, but there is no reason why somebody with a facial disfigurement should not be a member of the armed forces. Also, under the current Act, no employer is required to employ anybody who cannot do the job. So if I apply for a job as a steeple jack and an employer turns me down, saying "Look, you are actually in a wheelchair. You would not be a very good steeple jack", I would not have a very strong case against him.

  Chairman: I am afraid we have a division in the Commons. We will have to break for about ten minutes or so.

The Committee suspended for a division

  Q31  Chairman: Although we are not all back, there are sufficient of us present to continue.

  Mr Massie: It was an army question, was it not?

  Chairman: No, we are not going back to that one until—

  Q32  Mr Berry: Well, can I check that we have had the full answer to the question on the armed forces.

  Chairman: I beg your pardon.

  Q33  Mr Berry: It was very important.

  Mr Massie: If I can just finish on the armed forces question. I think the anxieties are misplaced. I think to get it in this bill at the moment would be impossible, so it is not worth trying, quite honestly, but when this bill is implemented and the police and the fire service are included, when that has been in place for a number of years, I think then that the armed forces might be persuaded to take look at it again, because they will see that other people in uniform are coping with the bill. So I think eventually the armed forces will come in, but now is not the right time and there are still anxieties which we need to overcome.

  Q34  Miss Begg: Can I explore what it is you actually mean in paragraph 7.6 of the memorandum that you provided the Committee with. The previous paragraphs are about bringing a duty to promote good community relations similar to that already covered by the Race Relations Act 2000. You say in 7.6, "We believe that a duty to promote good community relations, applied to disability, would be useful in respect of the activities covered by the Race Relations Act. It would certainly be helpful in ensuring proactive strategies at local level to tackle hate crime against disabled people." You go on to say that is the subject of the new provisions in the criminal justice system. Can I be clear, are you looking for something like disabled motivated crime in the same way as racially motivated crime, a distinct crime that because someone is disabled that crime has happened to them, therefore it is obviously because they are disabled, therefore it is a distinct category in the same way as any crime which is racially motivated?

  Ms Gooding: In this submission we are not looking for any changes to the criminal justice system, we are not looking for new criminal offences to be created. We were just reflecting the fact that a new criminal offence has recently been created which is very similar to the racially motivated assault that you referred to. So there is a new crime that has just been recognised, if you like, of disability aggravated assault. So that has happened. What we are saying is if you have the duty to promote good community relations, one of the ways in which that has been addressed under the race duty is to precisely look at this issue around street harassment, and look at it in a broad way. So it is not about individuals experiencing assault. That is covered by the criminal justice system. It is about what the police can do proactively to address the level of aggravations out there.

  Q35  Miss Begg: Is that not much more difficult when it comes to disability compared to race? You know, much of disability is invisible, all sorts of other reasons; and, as you say in your memorandum, there are distinct communities within the disabled community, the deaf community, the blind community, and so on?

  Ms Gooding: Yes. It is not to say that the situation with regard to race is the same as with regard to disability, but if we take the issue of violence against disabled people, the biggest issue that people with learning disabilities raised in relation to our legislative review was assaults on people with learning disabilities because of their learning disabilities. They are getting bullied and harassed in the streets, outside schools, etcetera. It is a really big problem, and it is one that, to be fair, the police are beginning to address and to recognise. So there is a sort of community victim, if you like, and it is in that way that the police need to be looking systematically.

  Q36  Miss Begg: But is that the role of legislation, because there are now questions to be asked about the Single Equality Act. Basically, we cannot legislate for people being horrid. Is not what you are actually asking this: that it is built into legislation that people cannot be horrid to somebody just because they have a disability. They might be horrid to them because they are obnoxious. There is a danger of being too prescriptive in these things?

  Ms Gooding: Yes. The sort of situations that were being referred to by people with learning disabilities are not just about being horrid, they are about violence and very vile abuse and assault. I think in the criminal justice system that has been recognised. What we are trying to do through the duty to promote equality and good relations is to try and get the police to be proactive in their policing, and they have developed very effective strategies in certain areas for dealing with this sort of level of harassment of people with learning disabilities. What we need is a mechanism for ensuring that that is rolled out across other police forces. So it is something that can be effectively tackled by good policing. It is not just an issue of people being horrid to each other, it is about systematic abuse of particular groups, people with learning disabilities being one that is very clearly marked out.

  Q37  Lord Tebbit: Can I just briefly say on the subject of the armed forces, how wise I think Bert Massie is, although we should never forget Nelson, Carton De Vere or Douglas Bader. I think that we have to be very careful in creating new offences, particularly where they apply to one segment of the population and particularly when the crime that we talk of against those people is already a crime against them, as it is against the generality of the population. Would you agree that there is a danger in this because, after all, the police should be protecting all of us, regardless of whether disabled or not, and the courts should take note—as I believe they do—of whether the crime is committed against somebody who is helpless or something of that kind.

  Ms Gooding: Yes; just to be clear, in the memorandum that we submitted, we are not talking about creating a new crime. We are not talking about that all. What we are talking about is something that you referred to, which is policing for all of us, effective policing for all of us, and that is what these people with learning disabilities are asking for. They are experiencing a level of abuse and assault that has not been experienced by non-disabled people. Were the police tackling this issue proactively, that level of assault and harassment would be reduced. We have seen that in some police districts it has been tackled effectively. So it is not about creating new crimes, it is about placing a duty on the police, as other aspects of the public sector, to promote equality of opportunity, to address these community issues and effective policing for all, including people with learning disabilities.

  Q38  Lord Tebbit: At a time when we are led to believe that local authorities may be rate-capped or tax-capped, or whatever it is these days, I have a misgiving about presenting local authorities with a duty to promote good community relations applied to disability for fear that we shall have a lot of people in the town hall as coordinating officers applying this, that and the other and that the money for those will come out of what might otherwise have been the police budget.

  Ms Gooding: Yes. There are people who have that view about the duty to promote equality of opportunity, that this is an expensive add on, but the way in which it is being implemented in terms of race, it is not about being an expensive add on, it is about delivering your core services more effectively for all the community. So it should not be about adding another layer of complexity or bureaucracy on to the existing service.

  Q39  Lord Tebbit: More boxes to tick?

  Ms Gooding: That is very much what we would not want to happen, either in relation to equal promotion for equal opportunities, or good community relations, and we in our work with the Commission will be charged with promoting this concept.

  Chairman: Can I just say, before we move on to the letting of premises, if when you read the transcript there are other points that you wish to raise in writing, you can do so, because we have got a lot to get through still. Can we move on to the letting of premises.


 
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