Joint Committee on the Draft Disability Discrimination Bill Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 340 - 359)

WEDNESDAY 17 MARCH 2004

MR ANDY RICKELL, MS RACHEL HURST, PROFESSOR PETER BERESFORD AND MR ROY WEBB

  Q340  Tom Levitt: I wonder whether this little story might help to illustrate it as well. I have a constituent who drives an automatic car. He only has one leg. He has lost his left leg so although he is impaired he is not disabled when he is in that car because he can still drive that car perfectly normally. Had he lost his right leg he would be equally impaired but he would be more disabled because he would not be able to drive an automatic car, so it is clearly the difference in the relationship between the person and the environment which is the disabling factor. Would you agree with that?

  Ms Hurst: Absolutely. I do very well in the queue at Sainsburys, better than you do. I am less disabled than you are as long as I go to the checkout which is wide enough to take my chair. I am much more comfortable than you are.

  Q341  Mr Clarke: Before I put my question and welcome colleagues who have come to give evidence, can I say especially to my good friend Rachel that the question I am about to put should not imply that my philosophy has changed since we last met. It is not so much a devil's advocate question as giving her the opportunity to enlarge upon what you said in written evidence. In written evidence, Rachel, your organisation and Roy's made a number of recommendations which involved significant costs, which some would perceive would be like making the taxpayer pay for adjustments to rental premises or having an independent living centre, as we understand it, in each district. Have you estimated these costs or do you think that those who have to pay in consequence would be willing to do so?

  Mr Rickell: Just looking specifically at the issue of adjustments to rental premises, we do not believe there will be significant extra costs on the taxpayer and we believe the taxpayer will accept the cost if one important measure is introduced. The taxpayer is already potentially liable and is indeed potentially paying for many of these costs through the Disabled Facilities Grant, which is mandatory subject to meeting certain conditions. The grant is administered by local authorities with responsibility for housing and central government provides 60% of the costs. We believe that it would not be difficult to amend the scheme to achieve our proposal. One important measure which we believe could be introduced is that a national register should be kept of all accommodation which has been made accessible for disabled people through disabled facilities grants and possibly others too. It could then be used by disabled people and housing advisers to enable disabled people to obtain accommodation suitable for their needs and the property that had been altered at taxpayers' expense through a disabled facilities grant could be used by a succession of disabled people, ensuring good value for money and not requiring disabled people on each and every occasion to live for a period in inaccessible accommodation until it was altered.

  Q342  Mr Clarke: I just wondered if Roy had a comment, particularly on the independent living centres.

  Mr Webb: Yes, a few thoughts. You started off by asking about had we had an opportunity to estimate what might be significant cost. I wonder if that is a word that I can just ponder about for a moment because a more general feeling is that we are not entirely convinced at this point that the cost is going to be that significant. There are two aspects to that. First of all, we are talking about adjustments relating to mostly disabled people who are a small minority at the moment within the overall population and, secondly, we were talking about costs which can also be savings and can also be benefits. For example, we were talking about London Transport which recently has become much more accessible than it used to be and one of the benefits of that is that there are more people using London Transport all together now than used to be the case. In fact, London I think is now the only major city in the world that has recently demonstrated an increase in the usage of buses as transport, and obviously that brings great economic and social benefits to the whole of London as well as making it possible for disabled people to use transport. The sorts of things we are talking about can be financed by redirecting existing expenditure into a different arrangement which could benefit more people than it currently does. The issue is not absolutely straightforward. First of all, the figure may not be as big as you think. There are big benefits to be gained by redirecting expenditure that already exists and there are big social benefits to be gained from the kinds of spending that we are advocating, if you like. It certainly would be well worth studying that in greater depth. At the DRC, for example, they are currently undertaking a cost benefit analysis of the very issues we are talking about today, so there is some work going on about that which might be something that the committee itself would want to have a closer look at over time. With regard to the centres for independent living, and Rachel might want to say more on this, there are big benefits by getting disabled people involved in making decisions, and one of the areas in which this has been very clear has been the question of direct payments for independent living. The areas where independent living schemes and direct payment schemes have been highly successful have been the areas where disabled people's organisations have been most involved in supporting, planning and developing those schemes. We see again a big social and political benefit from paying some money, not a lot, to enable disabled people to become active participants.[1]


  Q343  Mr Clarke: Maybe I should make the point because it may be in some people's minds that, admirable though the representations were,—and maybe this is a question for Roy again but Rachel may want to have something to say—perhaps some of what you were saying was more relevant to the policy of care in the community than the specific short title and long title of this draft bill dealing with discrimination. Would you like to comment on that?

  Ms Hurst: Let us take the example of a report that was produced on the Newcastle subway system which was initially not terribly accessible. They then spent £7 million on making it accessible. That £7 million was paid for within three years of expenditure by the extra usage because it became accessible to mothers with buggies, to older people and to people with luggage, shopping trolleys, etc. A recent piece of research on the new accessible London buses has shown that the lifts have raised the number of people using them, again with buggies and so on, so the initial discrimination which was caused by inaccessibility, although it appeared to have a large cost, in fact did not. It was a cost that was paid for by extra benefits, in the case of transport, to the transport providers, and I would say in the case of things like the independent living centres, it is much cheaper for local authorities to give core grants to the independent living centres. For example, my independent living centre in Greenwich gets a core grant of about £50,000 a year. That is chickenfeed compared with the amount that goes to run their old people's homes which only concerns the rights (if you can call them that) of, say, 21-25 people, whereas the other is for many more. Undoubtedly, in the research that was done after the Americans with Disabilities Act found that reasonable accommodations on the whole were not much more than $500 dollars.

  Q344  Mr Clarke: But would the absence of an independent living centre in a given area amount to discrimination?

  Ms Hurst: It would if you see discrimination as part of the whole human rights spectrum because if you are as a local authority not allowing a certain section of your citizenry to live independent and self-determined lives then you are in fact discriminating against them within your provision of human rights, and we are a human rights society now.

  Q345  Mr Goodman: You say volunteers should be protected from disability discrimination. Could you outline your rationale for this and say something about the difference you think it would make to people with disabilities?

  Mr Rickell: Volunteering offers disabled people the chance to acquire crucial work-related skills for moving on into paid employment. The following quote comes from the Volunteer Management Review: "For their part, the students and other volunteers with disabilities have an invaluable opportunity to practise meeting those less trainable expectations, such as reliability, co-operation, punctuality, focus, organisation and collaboration. It is not so much job skills they learn as how to meet expectations in a work environment that you really need to do in an actual work situation to learn". Yet, from the website of Skill, which is the National Bureau of Students with Disabilities, a survey in 2001 found that only six% of volunteers declared a disability as opposed to almost 20% of the UK population of working age. So volunteering helps to fill a gap in work and work-related experience that non-disabled people obtain in ways that are not always open to disabled people, for instance, doing a paper round when you are a teenager, Saturday jobs in a shop, team sports etc. Team sports, etc, may not be accessible to some people with impairments. For some professions previous voluntary work in a related area is often expected in order to get a paid job, for instance, journalism, broadcasting and, dare I say it, politics. It is often the precursor to moving on. In many other cases voluntary work for an organisation may lead to an offer of paid employment with that organisation. Therefore, if we are committed to enabling disabled people to get work, disabled people need to get access to volunteering opportunities. I am sure some of my colleagues may like to widen that out a bit.

  Professor Beresford: We were commissioned in Shaping Our Lives last year and reported this year to Stephen Ladyman as Minister of the Community. He asked us to do some more work finding out more about issues that people on the ground (as disabled broadly defined) were experiencing in trying to contribute and participate in the way the government is encouraging in both a voluntary and a paid capacity in relation to benefits, and we found from talking to a wide range of disabled people as well as service providers, people in trusts, for example, that there are very serious obstacles. We called our report Contributing on Equal Terms because it is quite clear that there are very real difficulties for people to be able to do that as disabled people. It was very clear that people want to contribute and sometimes felt frightened that if they did, because perhaps their incapacity might be questioned, they might run into difficulties with benefits even if they were not being paid, so we were encountering some worrying barriers for people to make their full contribution as citizens.

  Q346  Mr Goodman: I have a follow-up question and I am sorry if I have got the wrong end of the stick. Let me just play devil's advocate for a minute. You can see in a business how you would have an employer and an employee and the employer has full responsibility for the employee, including making reasonable adjustments. The devil's advocate argument would be, can you really apply this with voluntary organisations, for example? Can you really apply this concept of full responsibility here where you have bodies which, so the argument would run, if a law of this kind was proposed, might disappear under a welter of litigation?

  Mr Rickell: It is slightly different in the sense that there is much more freedom in terms of how an employer might employ a voluntary worker, so it is not as tight as the employment legislation might necessarily oblige. I suppose one of the things that we would see associated with this potentially was that the Access to Work source of funding might follow associated with the change of legislation, and therefore that would enable an employer to obtain some support towards the reasonable adjustments necessary. However, if we see volunteering as a precursor of or as support into employment then effectively what you are doing is enabling disabled people to move on in the way that we are identifying as important. If you want to include disabled people then to deny them the possibility of paid employment and the things that might lead up to that, you are seriously in danger of excluding disabled people in a way you might not expect.

  Ms Hurst: You have got a very good point but it is the same point that was made around the employment of disabled people. If any disabled volunteer came to any firm and wanted to volunteer they would have to show a competence in that particular realm of volunteering so that the burden on the employer would not be as great as your concern, which I quite understand. It would be absolutely daft for Friends of the Earth, for instance, if they were digging up a canal and a whole lot of wheelchair users wanted to volunteer. There would have to be a certain wording to ensure that the volunteer had qualifications to do the job.

  Q347  Lord Swinfen: In the BCODP's evidence it is implied that prisoners should have an entitlement to reasonable adjustments. Can you produce any evidence of the extent to which disabled prisoners require such protection from discrimination?

  Mr Rickell: Our proposal here is section 21C(5) should be removed; that is what we are effectively talking about in answering this. A Prison Service report in 1999 found that 427 prisoners, or about 0.65% of the prison population at that time, were disabled people, of whom 40 were wheelchair users. The Howard League for Penal Reform have catalogued a number of cases including, amongst others, a prisoner whose legs had been amputated and had to drag himself upstairs. After five years he threatened court action and was moved to a prison with suitable facilities. There was also the case of a mobility impaired prisoner who was held in a cockroach-infested cell on the ground floor because there was no disabled access to the refurbished cells on the upper floors. Perhaps more pertinent evidence would be the case of Price v The UK in the European Court of Human Rights 2001 where a disabled woman was found to have suffered degrading treatment because she was not provided with suitable prison accommodation. The judgment also referred to a probable breach of the standard minimum rules for the treatment of prisoners adopted by the UN in 1955. That case suggests that this proposed clause would not conform to the Human Rights Act. Perhaps the most conclusive evidence is that the Prison Service has been acting as if the DDA applies to the allocation of prison accommodation already. I understand that Lord Avebury asked a written question in 2001 which elicited the following reply from the government and Lord Bassam: "A Prison Service order on the management of prisoners with physical, sensory or mental disabilities has been published to ensure that the governors of all prison establishments, including those holding life sentence prisoners, are aware of the requirements of the DDA 1995. A working party has been set up to develop a strategy for the reasonable adjustment to Prison Service premises in order to remove physical barriers to access to services and facilities by 2004 as required by the third stage of the act." This also appears to be borne out by HM Prison Service's standards manual which, in the section on disabled prisoners, contains the key audit base line, "allocation of accommodation is demonstrably suited to the prisoners' individual needs". We think that gives quite strong evidence for why "reasonable adjustments" is appropriate and this clause ought to be withdrawn because it would be a retrograde step to leave it in. Instead the Prison Service should be supported and commended for their commitment to the rights of disabled prisoners to appropriate allocation of accommodation.

  Chairman: That quotation is very helpful indeed. Thank you.

  Q348  Lord Swinfen: Do you have evidence of where disabled people are disadvantaged in other aspects of the criminal justice system?

  Ms Hurst: Gosh, yes. They are disadvantaged in access to the whole of the justice system, particularly if they are unable to verbally communicate. There is a case of a woman with multiple sclerosis who used a board. She was intellectually totally competent but she needed to use a board to spell out what she wanted to say and she had been physically abused in the institution that she was living in but the judge refused to take her case because she used a board to give evidence and he saw that evidence as inadmissible. Deaf people, people with learning difficulties, often are denied access to justice because of not having sign language interpretation. Many of us cannot be jurors because you need a personal assistant or you need sign language interpreters and you are not allowed to take them into the jury room. On the other side we cannot be judges, we cannot be members of the legal profession. I am afraid the list is endless. There are awful problems around people with autism where their behaviour is seen as socially unacceptable and they are arrested and nobody treats them in a non-discriminatory way because they have not had to. There is no methodology, there is no come-back for us.

  Q349  Lord Swinfen: Thank you; you have given us some examples. From what you say it sounds as though you could go on all afternoon.

  Ms Hurst: Yes. I will not bore you.

  Lord Swinfen: No, no.

  Q350  Lord Rix: When I last saw the prison medical officers, which was some time ago, I must admit, they claimed that they were really the last refuge of people with learning disabilities and obviously those with learning difficulties as well. They claimed that up to 40% of people who came into prison on remand were probably people with learning disabilities or learning difficulties. Is that a figure with which you could agree?

  Ms Hurst: I would not say it would necessarily be learning difficulties. It is certainly even higher for mental health.

  Professor Beresford: There are very high levels identified amongst prisoners of mental health conditions and also of users of mental health services, and there are comparable issues, I think, to be identified about the making of reasonable adjustments. We should not be over-categorical about categories. I think there will be people who may have learning difficulties and also have experience of mental health services and so on. It is quite complex.

  Chairman: We are anxious to hear your views on transport. As I am sure you will appreciate, we have a lot of evidence, both written and oral, on transport.

  Q351  Lord Rix: This is for you, Andy. You recommend that the clause 3 exemption for transport services should be lifted immediately. How do you respond to the view that this would cause unreasonable difficulties for certain sectors of the transport industry? Will extending Part 3 to transport services be the panacea for disabled travellers and what problems might disabled people, and particularly people with learning disabilities, still have when using public transport even after transport services are under Part 3?

  Mr Rickell: We do not think we are here to represent the rights of the transport industry. We are sure they are capable of making their own representations. We are here to represent the rights of disabled people and we are here to raise the unreasonable difficulties that are caused to some disabled people by further delay in making all public transport accessible right across the range of impairment and access issues. There are unreasonable difficulties that mean disabled people cannot get to a potential place of employment or education, cannot travel with family or friends or undertake caring responsibilities or undertake civic or community leadership roles. Disabled people have consistently put lack of accessible transport or appropriate transport at the top of the issues that prevent their full participation in society and the continuing exclusion of transport services from the DDA threatens to make the legislation a cause for derision amongst disabled people and a basis for disabled people to question the commitment of successive governments to the reality of rights for disabled people. We are certainly looking for unequivocal recommendations from yourselves on this issue. It is not a panacea because what will happen is that you will deal with that issue and then disabled people will be able to get out and about and they will meet the next barrier that they come to. Disabled people are already recognising that this is a barrier which prevents them doing many of the other things that they would like to do. It is a barrier which gets in the way pretty quickly as soon as they get out of their front door and therefore many of the other things they would like to do are denied to them entirely. It is beneficial to those people who have mobility impairments, for obvious reasons. We are just thinking about accessibility, things like low floor buses and trains you can get on, but then, taking up Lord Rix's comment, there are issues about signage, issues about support, not just a case of people being around to help people when they ask for assistance but support for people who might otherwise be confused when entering a particular train station or something like that. Transport is not just about the vehicle; it is about the whole issue of getting from where you start to where you want to end up and the support necessary to achieve that. When we use the word "accessible" we are not just thinking about trains you can physically get on to.

  Q352  Chairman: That is a problem for the disabled person but you have not quite answered the question about the argument, which I am sure you heard, that to remove the whole of the exemption immediately would produce unreasonable costs for the industry.

  Ms Hurst: I think we need to look at why we have non-discrimination legislation for any group. It is in order to include them in society. Transport is supposed to be for the public. It is an expense for the public anyway. If we had been in a just and socially equal society even when Stevenson invented his little train, they would have been immediately made accessible. Unfortunately they are not, and I think there has to be a discussion and dialogue between the train providers and government about the expense of making them, but what I say is that, if you are a government which is supporting non-discrimination against disabled people and rights for disabled the people, then you have to make a public service accessible, and to do anything else—

  Q353  Lord Addington: So effectively what you are saying is that the only limitation that should be considered is the one of the speed with which the physical change can be implemented?

  Ms Hurst: Yes.

  Q354  Lord Addington: In other words, in view of things like the actual practicalities of possibly relocating the loans to do it and the physical work, would you regard that as being a reasonable timescale?

  Ms Hurst: It depends. I am not sure about reasonable timescales. If they are done with the intent of bringing an end to the discrimination as soon as it is humanly possible, then I will accept it, but if it is to adapt to the cri de coeur from the transport industry and a government who does not want—

  Q355  Lord Addington: No, we are not worrying about that—

  Ms Hurst: Well, I am.

  Q356  Lord Addington: —because that is in about 2008.

  Ms Hurst: Yes, actually.

  Q357  Lord Addington: What do you think?

  Ms Hurst: What would I consider to be a reasonable figure?

  Q358  Lord Addington: Yes, that is what I am getting at.

  Ms Hurst: Okay; fine. Well, in 1995 I would have said 2005 was a reasonable date for total accessibility, but, you know, dream on! A lot of the stuff has already been put in place and a lot of mechanisms are understood. Where are we? 2004. I would say that 2015 was the absolute end date. That is off the top of my head and with no discussion with my peers.

  Lord Addington: Thank you.

  Q359  Lord Tebbit: Could I turn your attention for a moment to air transport. Do you think that air operators (airlines) should be able to impose limits on the number of disabled people, particularly those unable to walk, on any given flight?

  Ms Hurst: I am going to answer that one with an example. At the moment if you travel by air and you are somebody who cannot walk, the situation is dire, and it has got worse and worse over the years; but in 1992 I made arrangements to fly 24 disabled people to Vancouver on one aeroplane, and I think there were thirteen of us using wheelchairs. As long as we did it all in advance and they were prepared for it, there was no problem; but if I tried to do that now I would not be able to do it. All I can say to you is if it could be done once, why can it not be done again?


1   Note by witness: For example, there are only about 8,000 people using direct payments at the moment, compared with about 400,000 still using residential care, even though care in the community is cheaper. There is plenty of evidence to show that, where there are active Centres for Independent Living, more disabled people use direct payments, get access to better housing, and so on. In other words, disabled people tend to experience less discrimination in an area where there is an active CIL. As disabled people become more active citizens, they become bigger consumers, buy more goods, pay more taxes. If they also find jobs they pay more taxes again. There are financial and social benefits to enabling disabled people to live as active and equal members of their own community. On the question of whether or not this is a matter for social services rather than this bill, we would argue that we are not asking that social services be told how to make assessments, but, in their duty not to discriminate and in order to promote equality, they must bear this, together with other factors. Experience from other equality legislation, like the McPherson Report and the Morris Report have shown, sometimes it is necessary to explain the practical issues which local authorise must examine in order to eliminate discrimination. Back


 
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