Joint Committee on the Draft Mental Health Bill Written Evidence


DMH 7 Memorandum received from Dr Michael Cavadino

1.  Dr Michael Cavadino is Reader in Law in the Sheffield University Centre for Criminological Research, Department of Law, University of Sheffield, author of several works on mental health law including

Mental Health Law in Context: Doctors' Orders?, Dartmouth, 1989; Community Control?', Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law [1991] 482-493; 'Commissions and Codes: A Case Study in Law and Public Administration', Public Law [1993], 333-345; 'A Vindication of the Rights of Psychiatric Patients', Journal of Law and Society, 24 (1997), 235-51; 'Death to the Psychopath' (Editorial), Journal of Forensic Psychiatry, 9 (1998) 5-8; 'New Mental Health Law for Old: Safety-Plus Equals Human Rights Minus', Child and Family Law Quarterly, 14, (2002) 175-89.

2.  My article 'New Mental Health Law for Old: Safety-Plus Equals Human Rights Minus', Child and Family Law Quarterly, 14, (2002) 175-89, is appended. This article contains my overall views and arguments concerning some of the main proposals in the draft Bill, which also appeared in the 2000 White Paper Reforming the Mental Health Act (Cm 5016). I also append my article 'A Vindication of the Rights of Psychiatric Patients', Journal of Law and Society, 24 (1997), 235-51.

3.  I wish to respond briefly to questions 1 to 4, 6, 8 and 9.

4.  Q1. Is the Draft Mental Health Bill rooted in a set of unambiguous basic principles? Are these principles appropriate and desirable?

In my opinion, no. I have set out the principles which I argue are appropriate and desirable in the article 'A Vindication of the Rights of Psychiatric Patients', appended. I argue here that the right to autonomy should not be infringed unless there is a 'vivid danger' of serious harm. The draft Bill would allow much greater infringement than this.

5.  Q8. Is the Draft Mental Health Bill adequately integrated with the Mental Capacity Bill (as introduced in the House of Commons on 17 July 2004)?

The philosophies of the two Bills appear to be seriously at odds with each other. The Mental Capacity Bill attempts to give effect, as far as is possible, to the autonomy and will of the individual patient, including in respect of their decisions to accept or refuse medical treatment, stating specifically that a patient's right to choose will not be infringed simply because his or her actual decisions are believed to be unwise. The draft Mental Health Bill seems to be operating on a different principle in allowing, for example, compulsion in cases where self-neglect is feared.

6.  Q2. Is the definition of Mental Disorder appropriate and unambiguous?

I would argue that legislation of this kind should only be concerned with mental illness and not 'personality disorder'. Variations in personality should not be regarded as medical disorders, especially when there is little good evidence or agreement about the nature and aetiology of such 'disorders' and over whether there is any appropriate treatment. If legislation is thought to be required to deal with non-mentally ill dangerous persons, it should be framed in terms of their verifiable dangerousness rather than on what can only ever be a highly contentious diagnosis.

7.  Q2. Are the conditions for treatment and care under compulsion sufficiently stringent?

No, specifically clause 9(4), which allows compulsion provided it is thought

'necessary -

(a)  for the protection of the patient from -

(i)  suicide or serious self-harm, or

(ii)  serious neglect by him of his health or safety, or

(b)   for the protection of other persons,

that medical treatment be provided to the patient.'

Ground (a) should contain the requirement that there is a substantial risk of the serious harm occurring in the absence of compulsion.

Ground (b) should require that there is a substantial risk of serious physical or psychological harm to another person or persons. As (b) stands, compulsion could be 'justified' on the basis that there is a small risk of nuisance to others, since it does not say how great the risk needs to be, nor does it define what others need to be 'protected' from.

8.  These are not legal nuances but vital distinctions in a liberal society. The freedom of the individual should not be invaded unless there is good evidence of a significant risk of a serious nature.

9.  Furthermore, in conjunction with the broad definition of mental disorder in cl. 2(5) and other provisions, the Bill would allow people with diagnoses such as 'personality disorder' to be detained indefinitely on the grounds that it is 'necessary for the protection of others' even if they have never committed a violent or dangerous act. The 2000 White Paper (Cm 5016, Part II, para. 2.13) claimed that it would be 'highly unlikely that any individual without a long track record of increasingly serious offending will be affected by these new powers'. If this is the intention, then the Bill could easily be amended to give effect to it. It could for example state that long-term detention for the protection of others (whether via civil or criminal proceedings) may only be ordered where the patient has been convicted on two or more occasions of offences of serious violence.

10.  Q2. Are the provisions for assessment and treatment in the Community adequate and sufficient?

Compulsory treatment in the community is an unjustified infringement of liberty: see my article 'A Vindication of the Rights of Psychiatric Patients' (appended). Note also recent Australian research indicating that such community treatment orders, far from acting as a less intrusive and more effective alternative to hospital admission, actually lead to a higher number of admissions (S. R. Kisely, J. Xiao and N. J. Preston, 'Impact of compulsory community treatment on admission rates: Survival analysis using linked mental health and offender databases', British Journal of Psychiatry (2004) 184: 432-438).

11.  Q3. Does the draft bill achieve the right balance between protecting the personal and human rights of the mentally ill on one hand, and concerns for public and personal safety on the other?

Q4. Are the proposals contained in the Draft Mental Health Bill necessary, workable, efficient, and clear?

No, see above, paras. 4-10.

12.  Q6. Are the safeguards against abuse adequate?

In cases where the Bill allows treatment to be imposed on an unwilling patient, clear criteria should be spelt out. These should include that the patient's refusal is unreasonable and is a result of mental disorder. (It is probably more common at present for a doctor providing a second opinion to ask, not whether the patient's refusal might be reasonable, but whether the doctor wishing to treat is reasonable in wishing to do so. This is the wrong question. It is not the doctor's autonomy which is at stake, but the patient's.)

13.  Q9. Is the Draft Mental Health Bill in full compliance with the Human Rights Act?

I doubt it: see my article 'New Mental Health Law for Old' (appended) and above, paras. 4-12.


Dr Michael Cavadino

Reader in Law

Sheffield University Centre for Criminological Research

Department of Law

University of Sheffield

7 October 2004



 
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