Joint Committee On Human Rights Eleventh Report


3 Powers

43. We now turn to the question of the powers that the commission will require to discharge its general duty in relation to human rights effectively. These can be broadly divided into: inquiry powers, which we believe will be necessary to underpin its ability to promote awareness of human rights within public authorities and best practice in the protection of those rights by public authorities; and powers relating to litigation which, for the most part, will relate to the promotion and protection specifically of the Convention rights and common law rights. Before examining these, we briefly touch on the powers of the proposed commission in relation to equality matters, as distinct from human rights generally.

Equality powers

44. In our report last year we expressed our concern that the new body might be deprived of some of the powerful tools which the current anti-discrimination commissions have to enforce equality protection.[45] Lord Falconer, in his oral evidence to us on 8 December, was unambiguous on this point—

    The commission will have all of the enforcement rights that all the current anti-discrimination bodies have.[46]

He confirmed this later in his evidence—

    … assume that they get all the powers from the equality commissions. Those powers will be transferred over to the new commission.[47]

45. We welcome the explicit commitment from the Government that the new body will have all the enforcement powers of the existing anti-discrimination commissions. Of course, those powers are different in relation to each area of discrimination (sex, race and disability), and the powers associated with the three new "strands" (age, sexual orientation and religion or belief) are as yet undefined. In oral evidence we pursued the issue of why the Government is so unwilling to take the opportunity of the establishment of the new commission to rationalise the law in a single Equality Act. Lord Falconer argued—

    A [single] equality Bill would involve a great deal of detailed thought and consultation, and a process by which you would draw in as many people as possible to [design] a sensible Bill. There would then be a quite legitimate, complicated and pretty intense parliamentary process, which would take a long time. If we do that, that will be where the political and policy energy goes. It would be a process of years, not a process of months … It is a bitter choice, but we have made the choice in the direction of trying to make improvements where we can, and giving impetus to the commission and to the mainstream equality and human rights … Do I think that if we spent a lot of time trying to get legislative slots, covering the whole of the equality stuff, that would make a difference? I do not think it would. I think the critical thing is to give it political will and political drive. [48]

46. Almost every submission we received regretted the lack of a programme to develop a single equality Act, and several argued that the decision to proceed with the new body before the legislation had been rationalised and consolidated was either wrong in principle or unworkable.[49] We recognise that it is not always possible to find the political and other resources to secure a neatly rational approach to legislative and institutional change. Nonetheless, we would urge that the time is found to address this issue before too long. We look forward not only to rationalisation of the existing equality legislation, but to the "levelling-up" of the laws relating to discrimination on all the grounds which are now identified, particularly by the extension of anti-discrimination provisions for the "new strands" beyond employment and training into the areas of the provision of education, goods and services and by the widening to all areas of discrimination of the concept of "positive duties" requiring public authorities to promote equality of opportunity and treatment. We recommend that legislation to accomplish this, preferably within a single Equality Act, be introduced and enacted with all deliberate speed.

47. The introduction of the "positive" or "general" duty in relation to the promotion of racial equality, introduced in the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000,[50] and the promised positive duty in relation to disability,[51] both of which were discussed above, provide a crucial link between the equality and human rights aspects of the new commission. Increasingly, the attention of the equality commissions is turning to the public sector, the world of "public authorities", and it is to public authorities, the various manifestations of the state, that the duty to respect human rights applies. We now examine how the new commission would use what we believe would be a crucial tool in developing a positive conception of a culture of respect for human rights in public authorities—public inquiries.

Public inquiries

48. In our report last year we argued that the new body we proposed should be empowered to conduct inquiries into matters of public policy and practice relating to human rights (with the power to have access to information needed for an effective inquiry). The Paris Principles propose that a national human rights institution should be able—

49. Without this ability the CEHR will not be able effectively to guide and advise public services, Parliament and central government. It needs to be able to establish a credible evidential basis for the advice it provides. Sometimes this will be achievable through research, but sometimes it will need the added weight of a general inquiry with public access, public evidence, and the possibility of challenge to the claims of witnesses—a weight which the government recognises is added when it establishes inquiries such as the Laming,[53] Hutton[54] and Bichard[55] inquiries, to name only the most recent. The central task of "promotion" of human rights does not just mean effective public relations, advertising and education, but also effective, credible inquiries backed up by necessary investigative powers.

50. Several submissions we received proposed that this power should be on all-fours with the investigatory powers of the existing anti-discrimination commissions, and include a power to undertake "belief" inquiries into suspected violations of rights by individual named public authorities (which could encompass individual persons in theory).[56] We are not yet persuaded that this is either necessary or desirable. Other submissions contrasted the nature of the law on human rights compliance, which pervades all the actions of the state in sometimes unpredictable ways, and the more tightly defined nature of unlawful acts of discrimination. The Human Rights Act established mechanisms for enforcing compliance with the Convention rights through the courts and Parliament. The courts are developing their jurisprudence in interpreting the rights and establishing the thresholds at which a violation can occur—a novel undertaking and one which inevitably is still getting to grips with the open texture of human rights compared to anti-discrimination legislation.

51. Taking these considerations into account, we are not convinced that the investigatory powers of the new body should include "belief investigations" and the equivalent of non-discrimination notices etc., at least in the first phase of its work. For the time being at least, the investigatory power of the new body in relation to free-standing human rights matters should be more circumscribed. We do not recommend that the power of public inquiry into matters of public policy engaging human rights should be used to investigate individual cases. We remain convinced of the importance of not allowing the CEHR any implicit or explicit adjudicative function. The power is intended to enable the commission, when it chooses, to examine evidence of systemic or systematic human rights abuses occurring. Examples of the kind of inquiries which might be undertaken might include—

—  our own current inquiry into deaths in state custody (Articles 2 and 3 ECHR);

—   evidence of systematic abuse of people in care (Articles 3 and 8 ECHR);

—  exploitation of immigrant workers (Article 4 ECHR);

—  immigration detention (Article 5 ECHR);

—  handling of allegations of abuse against teachers and social workers, etc. (Article 6 ECHR);

—  freedom of the press and intrusive reporting (Articles 8 and 10 ECHR);

—  public order and the management and control of marches, parades and demonstrations (Articles 10 and 11 ECHR and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 ECHR);

—  civil rights of people with learning disabilities (Articles 3, 6, 8, 12 and 14 ECHR and Articles 2 and 3 of Protocol No. 1 ECHR).

Any of these are topics that might be addressed by a select committee, and several of them have.[57] The CEHR would, however, bring a distinctively rights-based approach to such work. The conclusions of a public inquiry conducted by the commission should feed into the political process, enabling Parliament, central government and public authorities in general to adapt law, policy and practice to ensure where necessary better protection of human rights.

52. On the question of public inquiries, Lord Falconer told us in his oral evidence—

    … we are not … keen for [the commission] to be able to litigate solely on human rights issues; but it would be able, in the context of the equality and human rights issues, to do investigations. [58]

We agree with the Government that this inquiry power is desirable, and we believe that inquiries have the potential to be a powerful counterweight to litigation. In theory, at least, any individual can bring a claim for breach of the Human Rights Act but only a statutory institution with supporting powers can conduct inquiries. We emphasise that the power to conduct public inquiries which we propose should be a novel, free-standing power in relation to matters of public policy which engage human rights, not dependent on equality issues being engaged and the use of the existing anti-discrimination powers that will be vested in the new commission. However, the distinction between human rights and equality inquiries, while important, will be likely in practice to become blurred. Most inquiries into equality matters are likely to throw up human rights concerns, and often a human rights inquiry might reveal unlawful discrimination. This power is likely to need reviewing in the light of experience in operating the integrated commission.

53. When giving evidence to us on 8 December, the Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs was asked—

    In the investigative role of human rights generally, is it common ground that whatever the detail, the commission will have to have the power to get the information effectively to carry out an effective investigation?[59]

Lord Falconer of Thoroton responded—

    We need to consider the extent to which it should have coercive powers in that respect, and the extent to which those coercive powers should either be dependent upon court-sanctioned activity or minister-sanctioned activity. All of those issues are up for discussion in the context of the consultation … I think there is an issue about the scope in respect of which those investigatory powers can be used—equality and human rights only, equality only or whatever. I do not want to give a misleading answer. I do not want to suggest there will be a new sort investigation to be conducted. All I can say at the moment is that the same powers that are in the anti-discriminatory bodies will be transferred over; precisely how much wider, in terms of scope such investigations will take place, needs to be considered in the consultation processes I have outlined.[60]

54. As we have said above, the existing formal "belief" investigation and linked enforcement powers of the anti-discrimination commissions should not be assumed to be the template for the novel inquiry power that we propose in relation to free-standing human rights issues. In particular, we do not believe they should involve the powers to issue the human rights equivalents of "anti-discrimination" orders, and subsequently take action to enforce them. This would effectively enable the commission to supervene the courts in determining what was and was not a violation of rights, and in our view the scheme of the Human Rights Act does not contemplate this. In cases where the rights in question went more broadly than the Convention rights, it would clearly be inappropriate to grant enforcement powers to the commission. Where the commission did, in the course of an inquiry, identify practices which appeared to have led, or appeared likely to lead, to breaches of the Convention rights, it should have power to identify the actual or potential violations occurring and to make recommendations as to changes in practice or in the law which it considered necessary or desirable.[61] However, we consider that the absence of direct enforcement powers does raise a question about the commission's ability to seek judicial review on questions relating to the conduct of particular public authorities and their compliance with the Convention rights. We discuss this further below.

55. The anti-discrimination commissions can be directed by the Secretary of State to undertake formal investigations. Because the duty to act compatibly with the Convention right is imposed by the Human Rights Act on public authorities (including Ministers and their departments) we do not consider it appropriate for a power of ministerial direction to be applied to inquiries into matters of public policy engaging human rights. It should be open to a Minister to ask the commission to undertake such an inquiry, and to make his request publicly, but not to require an investigation.

56. It is important that the human rights inquiry function is properly underpinned by appropriate powers to prevent an inquiry being rendered ineffective through deliberate obstruction, making the commission nothing more than a paper tiger. The Paris Principles require that—

    … within the framework of its operation, the national institution shall ... hear any person and obtain information and any documents necessary for assessing situations falling within its competence.[62]

However, a difficulty arises because in most cases the subjects of any inquiry will be public authorities or central government. Because of this, we would hope that these will be powers of last resort and need to be used only very occasionally, if at all. But by the same token, it would not be appropriate to require the sanction of a Secretary of State for the exercise of these powers, as is the case with the anti-discrimination commissions at present. In our report on the work of the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission we noted—

    In a number of instances in its work, the Commission has been refused information by public bodies. It has encountered difficulties in obtaining permission from the Northern Ireland Office, from Juvenile Justice Centres, and from voluntary organisations, to interview detainees at the centres and to obtain access to documents. The Commission has also said that it has had difficulty obtaining information from the Ministry of Defence and the (then) Royal Ulster Constabulary on the use of plastic baton rounds; from the Prison Service on the death of a prisoner; and about the Key Persons Protection Scheme, which the Commission wished to audit for compliance with Article 2 of the ECHR.[63]

57. We were reluctant in our report on the NIHRC to accept the proposition that the Commission should use judicial review to enforce disclosure of material necessary to its investigations. The obvious solution is to give the CEHR the same powers in relation to human rights inquiries as it would have in relation to general investigations in its equality work.[64]

58. As we saw in relation to the NIHRC, there will be circumstances in which a human rights inquiry will make it necessary for the Commission to enter certain premises. It should have the right of reasonable access to any public authority premises.

59. The Law Society proposed that the commission should have the power "to conduct investigations, following allegations of systematic abuse, not only in public bodies, but also non-Governmental bodies, to promote human rights in situations where victims are inhibited to come forward".[65] We have discussed the meaning of "public authority" under the Human Rights Act, in relation to the notion of "functional public authorities" in some detail in a recent report.[66] We consider that the power of inquiry should extend to any body which is exercising a "public function" within the meaning of section 6(3)(b) of the Human Rights Act as far as relevant to that function. Although we attach importance to the promotional function of the commission in relation to human rights extending to the private and voluntary sectors, we do not consider that the investigation power should extend to purely private bodies, except where this is incidental to this power being exercised in respect of public authorities.

60. We recommend that the Commission for Equality and Human Rights should have the power—

—  to conduct public inquiries into matters of public policy engaging questions of human rights relating to the policies and practices of public authorities;

—  subject to judicial supervision, to have the same process as the EOC and CRE to obtain access to information relevant to the terms of the inquiry;

—  to hold public hearings in relation to any such inquiry and require the attendance of witnesses;

—  to publish its findings and to make recommendations,

—  to give guidance or provide advice to any public authority on any matter arising from any such inquiry, and to publish that advice if it thinks fit.

Litigation and related powers

61. As we stressed in our report last year, we do not want the commission to become a major litigant in the human rights field. It should be most focused on promoting a culture of respect for human rights in public authorities through other means than law enforcement. However, recourse to the courts for vindication and redress is fundamental to the protection of human rights, and in our report last year we were undecided on whether the commission should have powers—

a)  to provide assistance to individuals to take cases relating to human rights questions;

b)  to be able to take cases in its own name;

c)  to be able to seek judicial review in its own name.

The decision of the House of Lords in relation to the NIHRC[67] indicates that third-party intervention and amicus functions would be held to be implicit, whether the statute made them explicit or not.[68]

62. The respondents to our original consultation last March were largely in favour of the new body having the full panoply of powers suggested. The BIHR[69] strongly supported giving the power to the commission to take test cases. The Law Society[70] favoured the involvement of the commission in funding individual cases. However, JUSTICE believed that this responsibility should lie exclusively with the Legal Services Commission. It also considered that it would be—

    … prudent to allow the human rights body to develop its role by way of amicus briefs and third party interventions. Should these powers prove inadequate, further litigation functions could be added at a later stage.[71]

Liberty commented that—

    The lack of any public body with an educational or informational role has left a gap between human rights litigation in the courts and public awareness … it is crucial that debate around litigation powers does not detract from the wholehearted support which the commission should receive.[72]

63. We assume that the undertaking that the existing powers of the anti-discrimination powers will be transferred to the new body means that Ministers have decided that, for the three new anti-discrimination "strands" which are to be provided for,[73] the proposed Commission for Equality and Human Rights should have broadly the same powers to initiate proceedings and assist individuals in test cases as do the existing equality commissions. We therefore consider in this section the arguments for and against the awarding of free-standing human rights litigation powers to the new commission.

SUPPORT IN BRINGING INDIVIDUAL HUMAN RIGHTS CASES

64. The principal argument against the commission being granted new powers to support individuals in bringing free-standing human rights cases is that this would risk it becoming overwhelmed by a host of individual cases. Our own experience of human rights commissions abroad indicates that this fear is well-founded. The pressure of dealing with such applications could drain resources from promotional work, and might tend to skew the attention of the commission in the direction of litigation in individual cases and away from promotion. It is argued that the existing arrangements for public access to justice under the Human Right Act, with funding potentially available from the Legal Services Commission, are sufficient.

65. Liberty, for one, expressed concern about the availability of legal aid, and measures taken by the government to reduce its cost. However, it went on to say—

66. The power of the existing commissions to support individual cases derives from their more specialised enforcement functions and the need to provide support in strategic cases for individuals going to employment tribunals or the county or sheriff court. It would certainly be possible to restrict the power to support individual free-standing human rights cases by the imposition of statutory criteria.[75] However, we noted in our report last year on its work the problems which arose in the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission in relation to the support of individual cases.[76] In particular, we noted the difficulty in reconciling the need for a strategic approach with the obligation to treat all applicants equally. To give fair consideration to all the applications made for assistance in order to identify the small proportion which satisfy the criteria would be likely to be extremely resource-intensive. Even after this sifting process, it is likely that availability of resources would allow only a small proportion of the eligible cases to be funded.

67. We also noted that in Northern Ireland a dual source of potential assistance in taking a case led to confusion—

    Under current regulations, applicants to the Legal Aid Department will be refused consideration of their application for legal aid if there is the possibility of funding from another source, such as the Human Rights Commission. The result is that applicants must first apply for assistance to the Human Rights Commission, knowing that their application will be refused on the grounds that they are eligible for legal aid. Applicants must then revert to the Legal Aid Department. This lengthy process causes difficulties for applicants, in particular in urgent cases. As one solicitor's firm noted, the product of this situation is that—

    … for an Applicant who is eligible for legal aid, they are placed in a worse position in a case with a human rights dimension, than they were in prior to the establishment of the Human Rights Commission.[77]

    This is clearly an unacceptable outcome.

We concluded—

    …the Northern Ireland Commission's experience tends to confirm our view that, in general, it is impractical for human rights commissions to have a leading role in providing legal assistance to individuals bringing human rights claims.[78]

68. That remains our view and, accordingly, we conclude that there need not, for the time being, be any express new power for the CEHR to support individual free-standing cases under the Human Rights Act. An individual case should be eligible for CEHR support only where it is founded on an allegation of discrimination in relation to one or more of the six strands.

69. In a sense, the quid pro quo for this restriction is the clear duty which, in the previous section, we have suggested should be given to the commission to educate and inform those who do provide advice and assistance to those who most need it. This "capacity building" work will, we believe, be a central and vital element in the commission's human rights work (as well as, of course, in its equality work). In particular, its legal expertise should both be of the highest expert quality and effectively disseminated at minimum cost to those bodies which can use it and to those organisations which can channel it closer to the front line.

70. We also believe that this expertise should be brought to bear on decisions about the funding of strategic cases. We recommend that the Legal Services Commission and the CEHR should develop a memorandum of understanding which allows consultation to take place on the formulation of criteria for strategic funding of human rights cases and for the Public Interest Advisory Panel of the Legal Services Commission to seek advice from the CEHR on the application of these criteria in particular cases.

Alternative dispute resolution

71. An additional quid pro quo for the restriction on support for individuals bringing human rights cases is, as we have suggested, promoting alternative methods of resolving disputes in suitable cases. Not every claim of breach of the Human Rights Act needs adjudication by the courts, as judges, among others, have noted.[79] Care needs to be taken to ensure that claimants do not forego their right of access to a court and the commission needs to consider the practicalities in detail. We consider that a general power to support alternative dispute resolution approaches to allegations of breaches of human rights by public authorities would be a valuable ancillary to the commission's general duty to promote a culture of respect for human rights. As with the DRC,[80] it should be explicitly disbarred from providing such services itself—otherwise it would be a route by which it might again be drawn into individual cases and start developing an ombudsman-style role which would be at odds with the strategic role which we believe it should have.

"Mixed" cases

72. However, the existing commissions already make use of the Human Rights Act in a variety of situations. This has come about for two main reasons. First, the Human Rights Act affects the interpretation of all legislation[81] including the legislation under which the commissions operate. The commissions are under a duty to interpret and give effect to all legislation compatibly with the rights in the Human Rights Act, including their parent legislation. They may seek interpretations more favourable to disadvantaged persons than might be the case on a strict reading of a piece of legislation.

73. Second, the rights guaranteed by the Human Rights Act may be relied upon, by victims of the incompatible act, in any legal proceedings.[82] This applies in principle, for example, to all anti-discrimination cases funded by the commissions where the person being supported is also the victim of a human rights violation. And, in practice, the Human Rights Act will often be relevant in anti-discrimination cases, for example where the discrimination relates to the enjoyment of the Convention rights, because the rights include a widely drawn guarantee of non-discrimination in the enjoyment of other Convention rights (Article 14). The rights guaranteed include those concerning the fairness of legal proceedings (Article 6), the protection of privacy and family life (Article 8), freedom of religion and belief (Article 9), freedom of expression (Article 10), freedom of association (Article 11), the right to private property (Article 1 of the First Protocol) and the right to education (Article 2 of the First Protocol). When such issues arise in proceedings in which the commissions are engaged, reference to the human rights involved can strengthen the arguments being made on behalf of the victim of discrimination.

74. There is not (nor does there need to be) a specific human rights power in the commissions' founding legislation for any of this to happen. Though their powers and duties are each cast in somewhat different terms, all appear sufficient to allow this basic use of the Human Rights Act. In addition, like any statutory body, the commissions have an implied power to do anything ancillary to their powers. They are also, as public authorities for the purposes of the Human Rights Act, themselves under a duty to act compatibly with Convention rights, including the positive obligation in appropriate circumstances to take steps to protect Convention rights.[83]

75. As a result, although the existing commissions have power only to fund specified types of case, the Convention rights are becoming an important and natural feature of their litigating environment.[84] Such "mixed" equality and human rights cases are inevitable, and a number of important commission cases have been determined by the court or tribunal wholly on the basis of the Human Rights Act.[85] We welcome these developments. In our view it would therefore be perverse to seek to prevent the new commission, which will contain a specific human rights function, from being able to rely directly on the Human Rights Act. It would also run contrary to the general scheme of the Human Rights Act, which has an impact on all legislation and all public authorities.

76. The new commission should therefore be able to use the Human Rights Act in any anti-discrimination case when the facts indicate a relevant breach of human rights. The CEHR must be able to fund "mixed" cases. But where the case fails in relation to its founding anti-discrimination argument but is left with an argument based on the Convention rights which is relevant to the new body's strategic interests, it would we believe be quite wrong for the commission to be required to abandon support for a case where the facts continued to disclose a breach of human rights (for example where someone had successfully defended the anti-discrimination part of a case on the basis that he or she had meted out bad treatment to everyone indiscriminately). More importantly, the new commission must be able to address some instances of discrimination which are not covered by any of the six strands. We consider that a power to invoke the human rights dimension should be considered to be implicit in the new commission's litigation and enforcement powers relating to its equality functions—if this is in doubt, then the legislation should be so framed as to ensure that the CEHR can rely confidently upon the Human Rights Act in relation to the Convention rights related to those functions.

ASSISTING AND INTERVENING IN THE COURTS

Third-party intervention and amicus

77. It is self-evident that the new commission should be able to seek to intervene in proceedings relating to human rights in the higher courts, or with the permission of the court to act as a friend of the court. Under section 3 of the Human Rights Act the courts are required to "so far as it is possible", to give effect to legislation "in a way which is compatible with the Convention rights", and section 2 of the Act requires any court or tribunal to have regard to the Strasbourg jurisprudence in doing so. The courts need to know about the wider policy background to the cases before them. One important reason for this is the sharper focus, following the Human Rights Act, on questions of proportionality and the balancing of rights. Addressing these fully might require:

·  information on the number of others likely to be affected and other relevant statistical and factual material;

·  information on conflicting rights and interests which might need to be balanced in the interests of justice;

·  advice on the general public significance of the case in terms of equality and human rights issues.

78. These are all perspectives that parties to a case might not have—or want to introduce—but which could be highly relevant to the interests of justice and to the public interest more generally. The courts may, at their discretion, allow third parties to intervene. The decision whether to allow such an intervention involves balancing the possible value of the assistance against considerations of delay, expense and impact on existing parties.[86] The frequency of such interventions and the legal costs involved are relatively low.[87]

79. The existing commissions already operate in this way, under their general and implied powers. They regard third party interventions as an effective strategic tool in advancing their general aims. They have also made some interventions in free-standing human rights cases, and courts have expressed their appreciation for the assistance they have given in such cases.[88] The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and, it is proposed, a Scottish Human Rights Commission, will be able to intervene in free-standing human rights cases which have UK-wide implications. The CEHR will become an authoritative national resource of knowledge and expertise on equality and human rights, and this resource needs to be made available to assist the courts, where a case raises wider policy interests engaging questions of human rights.

80. The ECHR makes explicit provision for third party interventions in human rights cases heard in Strasbourg,[89] and we would expect the commission might take this opportunity. It would not normally be necessary to make express legislative provision for third party interventions in the UK courts by a statutory body. However, given the asymmetry which will exist between the CEHR's powers in relation to its various functions, it would seem sensible to clarify the position regarding third party interventions. Expressly providing for the CEHR to intervene in relation to "pure" human rights cases should not create a significant burden for the new body: they would be likely to form only a small part of the overall litigation strategy and could in any case be made only on the relatively rare occasions where the court considered that it would be in the interests of justice. It should not be drawn into a large number of cases, a situation which would only arise if it failed to maintain a suitable strategic balance in its work. If express provision were made in the legislation to allow the commission such functions, it might, however, be desirable to make specific provision empowering it only to intervene in cases which raised an important matter of principle concerning human rights and public policy.

Taking cases in its own name and judicial review

81. In our report last year we declared ourselves undecided on whether the proposed commission should be able to initiate "representative" cases in its own name or seek judicial review in its own name on questions relating to human rights. In general, in order to gain the permission of the court to apply for judicial review, the applicant is required to demonstrate a "sufficient interest" in the cause of action. Like the right to make third-party interventions, the right to seek judicial review is not normally expressly conferred on statutory bodies. This is because it is taken to be implicit, provided the body can show "sufficient interest" and is acting in pursuit of its functions in some way.

82. The existing commissions have sought judicial review on a number of occasions.[90] Although the anti-discrimination legislation in general specifies that the remedies are available only to the individual victim of an act of discrimination, the Acts specifically preserve the right to seek judicial review of an allegedly unlawful act.[91] In contrast, in section 7 of the Human Rights Act (which provides for remedies in relation to an unlawful act by a public authority under section 6 of the Act) subsection (3) states—

    If the proceedings [under section 7(1)] are brought on an application for judicial review, the applicant is to be taken to have a sufficient interest in relation to the unlawful act only if he is, or would be, a victim of that act.[92]

83. This is known as the "victim test". It reflects Article 34 of the Convention, governing the admissibility of applications to the Strasbourg Court, which states—

    The Court may receive applications from any person, non-governmental organisation or group of individuals claiming to be the victim of a violation …

The victim test is designed to avoid abstract, theoretical "victimless" human rights cases and those brought by unrelated third parties. It has the effect of preventing the existing commissions from asserting directly the Convention rights through the courts, even where these are relevant to their proper purposes.[93]

84. The decision definitely to proceed with an integrated commission throws into starker relief the oddities and inconsistencies of the powers it will have in relation to the different "strands" of its responsibilities. In judicial review relating to the Convention rights, the court is able to focus directly upon the issue of concern and provide a remedy which addresses it directly. Typically, judicial review proceedings would consider the legality, fairness or proportionality of a statutory rule or an administrative practice or decision. Though there is no power to overturn an Act of Parliament, the court can quash regulations, order practices to cease, or order the public authority to act in some way, unless the authority is required by statute to act in the way it has. If the victim test remains unaltered, the consequence would be that the new body would be able to seek judicial review of the actions or omissions of a public authority on all grounds of illegality except incompatibility with human rights.[94]

85. The CEHR would therefore be prevented from seeking a definitive ruling from the court in circumstances where its findings about the incompatibility with human rights of particular rules or practices or omissions in the delivery of public services are rejected or ignored by the public authority or authorities concerned. For example, if the commission were to find, following a general investigation, that the policies or practices of all or some NHS Trusts trammelled the ability of doctors to decide about the treatment of terminally-ill patients according to their clinical judgement, in a way which threatened a violation of the right to life under Article 2, it would have no route of recourse to the courts to determine whether its judgment was upheld and to obtain a declaratory judgement or other public law remedy.

86. In relation to allegations of acts which are unlawful under the anti-discrimination legislation, it might be possible to overcome that difficulty by finding an individual victim to take a case and then seek to intervene as a third party.[95] We do not think it would be satisfactory, however, to have the statutory body whose remit includes the promotion and protection of human rights reduced to seeking to protect those rights by cumbersome, indirect and opaque legal manoeuvres.

87. The counter-argument is that giving the CEHR the power to rely on the Convention rights in proceedings where it is unable to identify (or, more likely, persuade to participate in the action) any victims or potential victims would involve a more extensive approach to the Convention rights than either the Human Rights Act envisages or the Strasbourg Court has entertained.[96] Nor do the UK courts entertain academic or theoretical argument, divorced from consideration of the facts. But against this it could be argued that the right of individual application to the European Court of Human Rights is designed principally for the provision of individual redress, as a court of last resort, whereas the national system is the first line of defence which should properly be concerned not only with individual redress but also with matters of principle and systemic violations. In particular, the bringing of rights home through incorporation of the Convention rights in domestic law should be able to prevent violations before victims emerge.

88. This question is not of significance only to the "pure" human rights dimension of the commission's work. For example, the Human Rights Act, as the Disability Rights Commission has pointed out, has particular significance for disabled people. That disabled people have the same human rights as other people is not a proposition that they have been able to assume is taken for granted by society as a whole. The withdrawal or restriction of medical services, the abuse and degrading treatment of disabled people in institutional care, and prejudiced judgements about the parenting ability of disabled people are just some of the areas where the Human Rights Act could help disabled people assert their right to live fully and freely, on equal terms with non-disabled people.

89. We consider that the main role of the commission (in line with its general duty relating to human rights) will be to forestall future potential breaches of people's rights rather than seek redress for past individual breaches. For this reason we do not consider that the case is yet made for the new body to be able to initiate in its own name "test cases" or representative cases for example seeking exemplary damages or other remedies for past breaches.[97] We conclude therefore that there is no currently identifiable pressing need that would be met by allowing the commission power to initiate proceedings in its own name alleging a breach of the rights of an individual. However, we consider that it would be a glaring omission if the independent statutory body charged with the special duty to protect and promote human rights were prevented from seeking judicial review of actions, failures to act or policies or rules which it believed to be in continuing breach, or to threaten a breach, of the Convention rights.

90. From the commission's perspective, judicial review would differ from third party interventions not least because the case would be initiated by the commission itself and not be under the control of others. In our report last year we commented[98] that it was "strongly arguable" that the position of the new commission as a statutory and publicly accountable body, responsible for promoting human rights in the public interest, placed it in a special category, distinct from all other third parties in human rights cases. We believe that the CEHR could reasonably be expected to exercise any such power sparingly. We do not believe this one exception to the general application of the victim test could be expected to "clog up the courts"[99] with test cases. It is also worth bearing in mind that the court must give permission for a judicial review application to proceed, and it will be well placed to ensure that the courts are not burdened with hypothetical cases, or cases where there are alternative effective remedies. Furthermore, the commission will be accountable to government and Parliament, as well as to the courts, for the way in which its exercises its powers.

91. Moreover, we are now more persuaded that account should also be taken of the preventative benefits of permitting judicial review of this kind—before individuals are victimised. In the long run it could help forestall more demand on court resources which would be required to deal with less well-informed and more partial challenges. The bringing of one focused claim by a body such as the commission might actually prevent the courts from being unduly burdened.[100] And, as we have said above, an inquiry power without the long-stop of any enforcement mechanism (or route to test the findings in the courts) would, we believe, be very damaging to the credibility of the commission. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, we have now concluded that there is a wider public interest in ensuring that public authorities comply with the law. It would be an indefensible situation in which a commission set up for the express purpose of promoting and protecting human rights was able to identify what it believed were threats to those rights, and no steps were available to it to remove those threats.

92. We recommend that the commission should have a power, notwithstanding the provisions of section 7(3) and (4) of the Human Rights Act, to seek judicial review of the policies or actions or omissions of a public authority where it has reason to believe that such policies or actions or omissions have resulted, or are likely to result, in a violation of the Convention rights.

93. We consider that it would be desirable to achieve this aim by amending section 7 of the Human Rights Act itself (to allow only the new commission to bring cases in which there is no individual victim), rather than conferring an express power on the CEHR in its parent statute. The latter approach requires the Human Rights Act to be read alongside later legislation impliedly amending it, which may be thought to be inconsistent with its status as a constitutional statute setting out in one place the legal regime for the vindication of fundamental rights. However, it would also be possible to achieve this objective through a provision in the new commission's founding legislation. [101]


45   Sixth Report, Session 2002-03, op cit., para. 203. Back

46   Minutes of Evidence taken before the Joint Committee on Human Rights, 8 December 2003, HL Paper 45, HC 106-I, Q 61. Back

47   Ibid., Q 65. Back

48   Ibid., QQ 96 and 98. Back

49   See Appendices. Back

50   "Every body or other person specified in Schedule 1A or of a description falling within that Schedule shall, in carrying out its functions, have due regard to the need-(a) to eliminate unlawful racial discrimination; and (b) to promote equality of opportunity and good relations between persons of different racial groups." (section 71(1) of the Race Relations Act 1976, inserted by section 2 of the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000). Back

51   "Every public authority shall in carrying out its functions have due regard to-(a) the need to eliminate discrimination that is unlawful under this Act; (b) the need to eliminate harassment that is unlawful under this Act; and (c) the need, where opportunities for disabled persons are not as good as those for other persons, to promote equality of opportunity between disabled persons and other persons by improving opportunities for disabled persons." (section 8 of the Draft Disability Discrimination Bill, Cm 6058-I, December 2003). Back

52   Sixth Report, Session 2003-03, op cit., Annex A, paras. 3(a)(ii), (iii) and (iv). Back

53   Into the death of Victoria Climbié. Back

54   Into the circumstances surrounding the death of Dr David Kelly. Back

55   Into the circumstances surrounding the appointment of Ian Huntley to work in a school in Soham, Cambridgeshire. Back

56   The EOC and the CRE have the power to conduct two main types of formal investigation. There is the power to conduct general investigations into issues within their mandate. These do not result in findings of unlawful discrimination or non-discrimination notices, and the power to obtain information by compulsion requires the Secretary of State's consent. There is also the power to conduct a so-called "belief investigation", where the EOC or CRE reasonably suspects that named persons have committed acts of unlawful discrimination. Here they have the power to obtain evidence by compulsion (subject to control by the courts), and may make findings of unlawful discrimination. They may also issue non-discrimination notices which are legally binding unless they are successfully appealed against in the courts. The Commissions are able to bring proceedings for persistent discrimination if, during the period of five years from the issuing of a non-discrimination notice, a named person has committed further unlawful discriminatory acts. Back

57   See for example the Second Report from the Health Committee, Session 2003-04, Elder Abuse, HC 111-I, which comments at paragraph 13, " … there is no single definition of elder abuse which would satisfy every test. Nevertheless, we consider that the reference to the violation of an individual's human and civil rights by another person or persons provides a useful foundation. The proposed Commission on Equality and Human Rights, … could be an important step in offering further protection to older people whose human rights are infringed by abuse … However, we are concerned that … in respect of human rights it will only have promotion, but no enforcement, powers … we urge the Government to enable the Commission … to promote and enforce both equality and human rights on an equal basis.". Back

58   Minutes of Evidence taken before the Joint Committee on Human Rights, 8 December 2003, HL Paper 45, HC 106-I, Q 61. Back

59   Ibid., Q 67. Back

60   Ibid., QQ 61 and 67. Back

61   Were it to make its reports on these matters through Parliament, as we suggest below it should, the protection of privilege should go some way to avoiding questions of defamation. Back

62   Sixth Report, Session 2002-03, op cit., Annex A, para. 3(b). Back

63   Fourteenth Report, Session 2002-03, op cit., para. 64. Back

64   For example under paragraphs 4 and 5 of Schedule 3 to the Disability Rights Commission Act 1999:

"4.-(1) For the purposes of a formal investigation the Commission may serve a notice on any person requiring him-(a) to give such written information as may be described in the notice; or (b) to attend and give oral information about any matter specified in the notice, and to produce all documents in his possession or control relating to any such matter.

(2) A notice under this paragraph may only be served on the written authority of the Secretary of State unless the terms of reference confine the investigation to the activities of one or more named persons and the person being served is one of those persons.

(3) A person may not be required by a notice under this paragraph-(a) to give information, or produce a document, which he could not be compelled to give in evidence, or produce, in civil proceedings before the High Court or the Court of Session; or (b) to attend at any place unless the necessary expenses of his journey to and from that place are paid or tendered to him.

5.-(1) The Commission may apply to a county court or by summary application to the sheriff for an order under this paragraph if-a) a person has been served with a notice under paragraph 4; and(b) he fails to comply with it or the Commission has reasonable cause to believe that he intends not to comply with it.

(2) An order under this paragraph is an order requiring the person concerned to comply with the notice or with such directions for the same purpose as may be contained in the order."  Back

65   See Appendix 19, Ev 63. Back

66   Seventh Report, Session 2003-04, The Meaning of Public Authority under the Human Rights Act, HL Paper 39, HC 382. Back

67   In Re Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (Northern Ireland) [2002] UKHL 25. Back

68   See Fourteenth Report, Session 2002-03, op cit., paras 60-62. Back

69   See Appendix 4. Back

70   See Appendix 19. Back

71   See Appendix 16. Back

72   See Appendix 20, paras. 1 and 5. Back

73   i.e. sexual orientation, religion or belief and age. Back

74   See Appendix 20, para 6. Back

75   For example, section 7(2) of the Disability Rights Commission Act 1999 states, so far as is relevant: "Where the individual concerned applies to the Commission for assistance in relation to any proceedings to which this section applies, the Commission may grant the application on any of the following grounds: (a) that the case raises a question of principle; (b) that it is unreasonable to expect the applicant to deal with the case unaided (because of its complexity, because of the applicant's position in relation to another party or for some other reason); (c) that there is some other special consideration which makes it appropriate for the Commission to provide assistance.". Back

76   Fourteenth Report, Session 2003-04, op cit., paras. 53-59. Back

77   Ibid, para. 58. Back

78   Ibid, para. 57. Back

79   Woolf LJ in Frank Cowl & ORS v Plymouth City Council (2001) [2001] EWCA Civ 1935. Back

80   Section 10 of the Disability Rights Commission Act 1999 (inserting a new section 28 in the Disability Discrimination Act 1995) provides for the Disability Rights Commission to support conciliation services in relation to disputes under Part III of the 1995 Act, but explicitly bars it from providing such services itself. Back

81   See Human Rights Act, s 3. Back

82   See Human Rights Act, s 7(1)(b). Back

83   We note that, even before the Human Rights Act was enacted, the Northern Ireland Fair Employment Commission supported a test case before the European Court of Human Rights, successfully relying upon the ECHR to secure a right of access to court in the determination of allegations of religious discrimination, Tinnelly & Son Ltd and McElduff v UK (1998) 27 EHRR 249. Back

84   See for example Pearce v Mayfield School [2001] EWCA Civ 1347 [2002] ICR 198 in which Hale LJ held that abuse of a teacher on grounds of sexual orientation though not sex discrimination might have been a breach of Articles 8 and 14 of the ECHR (see also the judgments of the House of Lords in [2003] UKHL 34 at [2003] ICR 937); and see also the intervention of the Disability Rights Commission in R. ( on the application of A and B) v East Sussex County Council [2003] EWHC 167 (Admin) in which the Administrative Court held that free-standing human rights issues arose under Articles 3 and 8 of the ECHR in the application of the Manual Handling Regulations to the treatment of disabled persons. Back

85   See for example Mendoza v Ghaidan (discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation in housing); R (SG) v Liverpool CC (discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation under the Mental Health Act);Av Chief Constable W Yorks (discrimination against transgender person in employment context); Bernard v LB Enfield (ill treatment of disabled person by local authority) Back

86   See Lord Woolf in Re Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission [2002] UKHL 25 at para. 32. Back

87   Trends in allowing such interventions appear to show some increase in recent years (in 2002 there were 14 such applications in HoL and 8 granted; in 1997, 4 applications and 4 granted). Back

88   See for example DRC intervention in R v East Sussex County Council ex parte A, B (which used Arts 3 and 8 on the back of s2(1)(c) of the DRCA 1999. It is understood that the DRC has also intervened using HRA arguments in challenges to the law on late abortions and as regards policy to withdraw medical treatment. Back

89   Art 36(2): "The President of the Court may, in the interests of the proper administration of justice, invite any High Contracting Party which is not a party to the proceedings or any person concerned who is not the applicant to submit written comments or take part in hearings." Back

90   See for example R. v SofS for Employment, ex p. EOC [1995] 1AC 1, "It would be a very retrograde step now to hold that the EOC [should not be allowed to] agitate in JR proceedings questions related to sex discrimination which are of public importance and affect a large section of the population".  Back

91   Sex Discrimination Act 1975, s 62(2) and Race Relations Act 1976, s 53(2). Back

92   Section 7(4) reproduces this provision for Scotland. Back

93   In exceptional cases, the courts will permit a non-victim with a sufficient interest to seek a declaration that a proposed course of action by the State, based on statute, is unlawful as being incompatible with the Convention rights. In such exceptional cases the court can make use of the interpretative power under s.3 Human Rights Act, and can make a declaration of incompatibility under s.4: Rusbridger and Toynbee v AG [2003] UKHL 38.However in that case the House of Lords stressed such an action will only be permitted in exceptional cases: Lord Hutton para. 36, Lord Rodger para. 58; Lord Walker para.61. Back

94   Section 3 of the Human Rights Act, which requires legislation always to be read compatibly, and not only in cases brought under section 7, is one way of bringing human rights points into ordinary judicial reviews. But it will not be useful in all cases. Back

95   See for example the DRC might apply to intervene in proceedings to argue that a particular practice was contrary to the human rights of disabled persons (e.g. a particular medical practice in relation to "do not resuscitate" policies or abortion, or contrary to a private and family life under Article 8). Back

96   Although it could be argued that giving the new Commission power to rely on Convention rights in a representative capacity is not wholly inconsistent with the Strasbourg approach to the victim requirement. The Court does frequently assert that challenges to the state of the law in the abstract are impermissible as a reason for not entertaining a challenge, but it is also well established that it will entertain such challenges: for example in Dudgeon and other cases involving the criminalization of homosexuality, individuals have been allowed to challenge the state of the law, even though they have never been prosecuted, on the basis that it might be applied to them in future (see also Sutherland v UK: age of consent). Back

97   This conclusion should not be taken as responding to the TUC's argument for the CEHR to have "representative action powers for employment cases in line with those in the current Civil Procedure Rules." (Appendix 30, para. 5.1). We have not considered this argument in this report. Back

98   Sixth Report, 2002-03, op cit., para. 53. Back

99   Ibid., para. 159. Back

100   See for example the section 55 cases. See also the judgment of Ottton J in R v Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Pollution and Anor., ex parte Greenpeace Ltd (No. 2) (1994) 4 AllER 329, citing similar reasons for holding that Greenpeace had sufficient interest to bring a judicial review about a nuclear reprocessing plant. Back

101   For example: "Nothing in sections 7(3) and 7(4) of the Human Rights Act 1998 shall prevent the Commission from bringing a claim for judicial review in respect of an act, or potential act, made unlawful by section 6 of that Act where to do so would further its objects of protection and promotion of human rights." Back


 
previous page contents next page

House of Lords home page Parliament home page House of Commons home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2004
Prepared 5 May 2004