Joint committee on the Human Tissue and Embryos (Draft) Bill First Report


Chapter 4: legislative and ethical framework

The ethical framework

WARNOCK AND THE 1990 FRAMEWORK

28.  The Warnock Report set out a number of principles that provided an ethical framework for the debate leading to the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990 (the 1990 Act). Those principles included: according a special status to the embryo; permitting human embryo research only under licence from a regulator; and placing a 14-day limit on that research. We heard differing views on the extent to which the Warnock Report still provides an appropriate ethical underpinning for legislation on human fertilisation and embryology. The Chief Medical Officer, Sir Liam Donaldson, told us that one of the "trump cards" was "a very good system of regulation in place, set out initially by a very wise bird, Mary Warnock, who I think looked at the whole thing very, very carefully". (Q 230) However, he also told us that "We have had, generally, in this country a deficit in medical ethics, both in the input to some of our decisions over the years and, also, in medical ethicists" (Q 228).

29.  Professor Colin Blakemore, Chief Executive Officer of the Medical Research Council, argued that the "guiding view, the permissive legislation, plus clear prohibition of certain steps beyond which research should not proceed, is a very useful one" (Q 3). Hugh Whittall, Director, Nuffield Council on Bioethics, thought that the Warnock framework was "still an appropriate model". (Q 5)[34]

30.  Other witnesses, however, argued that things had moved on since 1990 and that the ethical framework had been challenged by scientific advances. Mark Henderson, Science Editor of The Times told us that while the flexibility of the 1990 Act was "a big bonus" what had changed since 1990 was "that science—science as a whole and medical science in particular—has become much more of an issue for people" and has "moved on in ways that could never have been predicted at the time". (Q 275) Professor Alison Murdoch, Professor of Reproductive Medicine at Newcastle Fertility Centre, thought that the 1990 Act "was appropriate for its time but as science and society have developed, fundamental flaws have become apparent and need to be addressed." (Ev17) Roger Brownsword, Professor of Law at King's College London, argued that there were two areas in which there was a need to re-think the Warnock approach: whether in 2007 it remained appropriate to have reproductive treatment, non-reproductive treatment and research under the same legislation and the same regulator; and whether the essentially utilitarian approach remained appropriate with the political culture more committed to a human rights agenda. (Q 2)

31.  We also heard differing views about the Warnock approach to the special status of the embryo. While some continued to support Warnock's gradualist approach to the developing moral status of the embryo, others favoured an absolutist position, such that an embryo at any stage of development should be viewed as a human and afforded respect and protection.[35]

THE ETHICAL FRAMEWORK IN THE DRAFT BILL

32.  Most witnesses who commented on the ethical framework in the draft Bill did so in negative terms. Professor Raanan Gillon, Emeritus Professor of Medical Ethics at Imperial College London, told us that the draft Bill provided a very legalistic framework and he "[did] not think there is a strong ethical framework within the [draft] Bill and I think that is a pity". (Q 806) Professor John Haldane, Professor of Philosophy and Director of the Centre for Ethics, Philosophy and Public Affairs at the University of St Andrews, similarly did not consider the draft Bill had a strong ethical underpinning and said "people are trying, as best they can, to fabricate legislation … but not within the framework of a systematic understanding of what the basic ethical principles and values might be". (Q 807) According to Professor Søren Holm, Professorial Fellow in Bioethics at Cardiff Law School, and Professor of Medical Ethics at the University of Oslo, although there was in a sense an ethical framework implied by the moral status of the embryo, the draft Bill "does not have a framework for how you should think about the ethical issues that are going to arise in the future". (Q 808)

33.  Several witnesses argued that the provisions of the draft Bill devalued the central principle of Warnock—the special status of the embryo. Professor Margaret Brazier, from the Centre for Social Ethics and Policy in the University of Manchester School of Law, argued that much of the draft Bill rejected the principle of respect for embryos embodied in the 1990 Act. (Ev109) Paul Tully, General Secretary of the Society of the Protection of Unborn Children (SPUC) and Dr Donald Bruce, Director of the Church of Scotland Science, Religion and Technology Project, argued that there was a sense in which the special status of the embryo was under threat. (Evening Forum Report, Appendix 5) Professor Holm argued that "since 1990 the concept of 'respect for the embryo' had been diluted, with actual practice moving further and further away from what is acceptable to those who are 'conservative' on these issues". (Ev111)

A STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES?

34.  Several witnesses supported the inclusion of an explicit statement of ethical principles in the draft Bill.[36] Professor Gillon told us he was committed to a simple ethical framework with four principles: "beneficence, non-maleficence, respect for autonomy and justice … that plus the question of their scope of application plus the crucial question of what you do when they conflict gives you a reasonable outline of the scope of ethics". (QQ 806, 841, 848) He also suggested looking to the UNESCO universal declaration on bioethics and human rights, although he noted that this framework excluded "one crucial issue, and that is the moral status of the embryo". (Q 806) The Scottish Council on Human Bioethics additionally pointed to the Council of Europe's Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine[37], adding that they thought it should be signed and ratified by the UK. (Ev25) We note that there are a number of reasons why the United Kingdom Government has not ratified the Convention, including that the Convention includes a ban on creating embryos for research purposes, contrary to the 1990 Act.

HOW ETHICAL DECISIONS ARE CURRENTLY MADE

35.  Shirley Harrison, Chair of the HFEA and the HTA, told us that both organisations "obviously deal with major ethical issues all the time and the HFEA has an Ethics and Law Group which is advisory to it and that looks at any specific ethical issues". In the HTA ethical issues were "a strand within all of the licensing codes". (Q 168) The HFEA also has a "horizon scanning panel … which meets two or three times a year and looks at potential future issues that might be coming up in science." (Q 182) To gain a wider ethical input, the HFEA often supplements its Ethics and Law Group with additional expertise. Angela McNab, Chief Executive of the HFEA, told us that the HFEA Ethics Committee often "draw[s] in through co-opting a range of wider experience than we would be able to draw just from Authority members … What it does is it gives us a deeper or richer texture to the discussions and debates that take place in the Ethics Committee … I think the model we have works very well". (Q 169)

36.  We received some criticism, particularly from faith-based organisations, about the HFEA's current approach to ethics in decision making. A particular criticism was of the breadth of ethical representation within the HFEA. For example, the Rt Revd Dr Lee Rayfield, Bishop of Swindon, and representative of the Church of England Mission and Public Affairs Council, noted that those who took an absolutist view of the rights of embryos were currently excluded from ethical decision-making in this area. (Evening Forum Report, Appendix 5) Professor Holm argued there was "no voice in the regulator for those who find the developments most contentious and not much engagement with those groups on the part of the HFEA". (Ev111) Others, for example the Evangelical Alliance argued that ethics had been substantially marginalised. (Ev81) Professor Sir Ian Kennedy, Emeritus Professor of Health Law, Ethics and Policy, School of Public Policy, University College London, and Chairman of the Healthcare Commission, said he had concerns about the HFEA's dual role in inspection and "thinking about really deep issues of bioethics". (Q 744)

ETHICS WITHIN THE REGULATORY FRAMEWORK

37.  We heard a range of suggestions of how to build ethics effectively into the structure of the new regulator, RATE. Several witnesses proposed that RATE should establish a separate ethics committee or similar. The Rt Revd Dr Lee Rayfield, Bishop of Swindon, noted that new research processes had caused difficult circumstances for the ethical advisors within the existing regulator and would not like to see RATE suffer the same problems. (Evening Forum Report, Appendix 5) The British Association for Tissue Banking thought that "significant attention [should be] paid to whether ethics should be dealt with by a single specialist panel reporting to the authority". (Ev10, para 12) The UK National Stem Cell Network said that the ethical framework "must be engineered by RATE, which should use its powers to set up appropriate sub-committees comprised of expert individuals who are not necessarily part of the Authority's existing infrastructure". (Ev41, para 3) The HFEA proposed an ethics subcommittee on the same lines as the HFEA's current Ethics and Law Committee. (Ev12(a), para 9)

38.  Gareth Jones, Director of Scientific Development at the Department of Health, told us that it would be the RATE board "who would look at that advice and take decisions, partly from a wider perspective in terms of social and legalistic perspectives". (Q 498) The Minister noted that one of the difficulties in defining the membership of such a board was "which lay people should be on that board. We have some opinion in this country, and some very strong views in relation to the use of embryos both for IVF and research purposes … of course we have to look at these issues. It is a mixture of science and ethics in these areas and part of getting the ethics right is taking public opinion with you in terms of support for the science". (Q 503) We did not find this convincing.

39.  Others favoured an ethics committee more detached from the regulator. The Church of England Mission and Public Affairs Council favoured "an Ethics Committee, working closely with but not controlled by the HFEA/RATE, on which a broad range of views were represented" and said the constitution of this committee "should include representatives of those who cannot serve on HFEA/RATE because of their clear opposition to embryo research. We feel that such viewpoints should not be marginalised or ignored". (Ev68, para 3)

40.  This desire for a wider breadth of representation, in response to criticism of the current system was echoed by others. Professor Gillon thought that if the Government went ahead with RATE, "it ought to have people with some ethics expertise, probably three of them at least from different perspectives". (Q 827 and 829) However, the HTA thought that "RATE should decide the appropriate mechanism for taking advice on the diverse and complex ethical issues which it will undoubtedly need to consider". (Ev11, para 16)

ETHICS OUTSIDE THE REGULATORY FRAMEWORK

41.  We also heard a range of views suggesting that ethical input should come from outside the regulator, in particular on whether a National Bioethics Commission (or Committee) should be established. Lord Brennan strongly supported a National Bioethics Council created on a statutory basis, with a diverse membership, supported by public money and separate from government and agencies. (Ev73) Several organisations also supported a national ethics committee, either to meet a gap in the draft Bill, or to overcome the inherent conflict of a regulator funded through licence fees also being required to ensure a broad range of ethical perspectives.[38] Professor Gillon told us "I think [a National Bioethics Committee] is a good idea myself but there are plenty of arguments against it" and noted that the Nuffield Council on Bioethics acted as a de facto National Bioethics Committee. (Q 805) The Medical Ethics Alliance thought it would have been helpful if a specific committee had been set up to consider ethical matters either before or in parallel with this consultation (Ev13)

42.  Several witnesses noted opposition from the Department of Health to a National Bioethics Committee. Professor Haldane argued that the case for a National Bioethics Committee with a remit much larger than embryology questions "is really pretty much overwhelming and has been for quite some while … the only significant opposition is from the Department of Health" (Q 807). Professor Sir Ian Kennedy said that "It is no secret that I proposed a National Bioethics Commission … over 25 years ago. I have never changed my mind on that although I know that equally there are members of the Department of Health who have not changed their minds either". (Q 763)

43.  The Minister told us "I do not think we have changed our mind on that" and "the reason we have not changed our mind is because we feel still that things like the Human Genetics Commission, other advisory groups, the HFEA, all in their own way provide a great deal of advice and questions that we have to deal with, as well as the various parliamentary committees that meet, including the [Commons] Science and Technology Committee and others, to inform debate". (Q 481) Ted Webb, Director of Scientific Development and Bioethics at the Department of Health, added "I am not aware of an international bioethics commission that works in any better way". (Q 486)

CONCLUSIONS

44.  We are concerned that the draft Bill lacks the explicit underpinning ethical framework which in 1990 was provided by the Warnock Report. Whilst we accept that the Warnock Report still provides a partial ethical framework, we agree with those who argue that scientific developments have made ethical decisions more difficult. Public consultation on individual issues is not a substitute. As a result, the draft Bill gives the impression of tinkering with existing legislative provisions rather than going back to first principles and seeking to take an overall view of where to go in the next 15 years or so. We cite as examples, the Government's shifting approach to the regulation of inter-species embryos and the mixed messages from its approach to parenthood and the welfare of the child (see chapters 6 and 7).

45.  Sir Liam Donaldson told us that asking ethicists to join a co-opted discussion [at the HFEA] "would not mean that they were unlikely to express an opinion, or feel compromised … I think they would see it as a national duty to the population to get their advice right". (Q 229) While we do not disagree, we are not persuaded that such ad hoc arrangements provide the necessary ongoing representation of diverse views and we are persuaded of the need to include a wide range of ethical views in this discussion.

46.  We have given much consideration to how to address these concerns. In doing so, we have been mindful of the fact that the regulator is first and foremost a statutory body with responsibility to administer the law and to report to Parliament. However, it also has a secondary function to promote debate and education on matters pertinent to its remit and to advise the Secretary of State, and through him Parliament, on matters including ethical issues that may arise and that may influence future legislation. The primary ethical framework within which the regulator operates must, however, be set by Parliament.

47.  We recognise that certain ethical views we have heard are incompatible with the ethical framework underpinning both the 1990 Act and the draft Bill and we recognise that those with such public views cannot administer the law to which they may be fundamentally opposed in principle. We would, however, seek to ensure that those holding these views continue to be engaged in discussion about future legal provisions, including this draft Bill and in the wider debate about bioethics, including in the work of the joint committee on bioethics recommended in paragraph 48.

48.  We are unable to support proposals for a national bioethics committee. Ultimately it must be for Parliament to set the ethical framework, taking the widest range of advice. We consider that an ethical input should be found from within Parliament and we recommend that Parliament should establish a joint bioethics committee of both Houses to provide ethical input to legislation raising significant issues in bioethics, such as the current draft Bill.

The regulatory architecture: getting the balance right

49.  As well as requiring an appropriate ethical framework, the draft Bill should set an appropriate, consistent and workable regulatory architecture which achieves the right balance of responsibilities between Parliament, the regulator, clinicians and individuals. The Minister told us she was also seeking that balance. (Q 519) This means finding the right balance between flexibility and legal certainty. Hugh Whittall said that it was "for Parliament to decide what the starting point is where the line is drawn between the detail in statute and the flexibility at the outer end". (Q 17)[39]

50.  Much of the debate in evidence centred on the degree of flexibility required. Some witnesses considered that the provisions in the draft Bill were overly prescriptive or prohibitive and favoured a more flexible approach. Hugh Whittall told us, in the context of whether Parliament should legislate for future developments, that "Parliament should [set] the scope of the regulatory framework and [set] down the general principles and standards by which the regulatory authority should work". (Ev05(b)) The Royal College of Pathologists were concerned about what they saw as "a strategy of legislating negatively" which "gives the impression that practitioners in this field are not to be trusted and that professional guidance is inadequate". (Ev06(2), para 2)

51.  Most witnesses supporting greater flexibility did so in the hope of future-proofing the legislation. Dr Mark Hamilton, Chair of the British Fertility Society, told us that "the critical thing for those developing the legislation is it has to retain flexibility for what is unknown for the future in terms of developments and also unknown in terms of public and societal attitudes". (Q 409) Fergus Walsh, Medical Correspondent for the BBC, told us of concerns expressed by many scientists that "if Parliament tries to second guess things now and specifically outlaws things now then they will be caught out five years down the line and really it should be left to whatever body regulates this area to have the power to issue licences". (Q 302) Professor Colin Blakemore expressed concern that a draft Bill that is "fundamentally prohibitionist and then allows certain things under licence will not be capable of responding flexibly to developments in science". (Q 15) Professor Brownsword supported "the way that the draft Bill has tried to build in some more flexibility through the regulation making powers that would anticipate changes that might come downstream". (Q 16)

52.  Others supporting the principle of flexibility did so in order to allow more freedom of action for regulators or clinicians. Professor Neva Haites, Chair of the HFEA Scientific and Clinical Advances Group and Professor in Medical Genetics, University of Aberdeen, told us that Parliament should provide "a broad, strong framework in which the regulator can then regulate." (Q 622) David Gollancz, a donor-conceived person, felt that the draft Bill "confers too little flexibility on the regulators themselves to respond to technological changes". (Ev44) The British Fertility Society suggested that revised legislation "must allow for sufficient flexibility to permit clinicians and researchers to operate within a supportive regulated framework which does not inhibit innovation". (Ev23, section A)

53.  Others, however, argued that the draft Bill was too flexible. The most serious concern for Comment on Reproductive Ethics (CORE) was the "very deliberate flexibility and permissiveness" built into the provisions allowing the Secretary of State to make regulations. (Ev79, para 1.5) Dr Donald Bruce of the Church of Scotland thought that the question of whether Parliament or the regulator should decide a particular issue depended on the nature of the issue and its gravity. (Evening Forum Report, Appendix 5). The Scottish Council on Human Bioethics felt that "legal provisions should state only what is specifically acceptable, thereby prohibiting all other procedures". (Ev25, para 2)

54.  Many who supported this approach advocated a greater degree of parliamentary control. Andrea Minichiello-Williams, Public Policy Director of the Lawyers' Christian Fellowship, thought that Parliament, not the regulator, should have the final say on the regulation of any new, scientific developments. (Evening Forum Report, Appendix 5) The Free Church of Scotland said that "Parliament should retain as much control as possible". (Ev24, para 2) The Scottish Council on Human Bioethics said that legislation should "provide Parliament with greater powers to debate and amend the law" (Ev25, para 2).[40]

55.  We recognise that there is a balance to be struck between legal certainty and flexibility. In the draft Bill, the Government has favoured legal certainty. In doing so it has, in our view, been over-prescriptive in many areas in an attempt to provide for every eventuality. We favour a more flexible approach within clearly defined parameters. Legislation of this sort is difficult to future-proof. In taking this permissive view, we recognise that this approach will be open to broader interpretation and, perhaps, more frequent challenges in the courts.

56.  We recommend that the draft Bill should be amended to provide a clear framework based on the principle of devolved regulation. Legislation should devolve regulatory authority and decision making to the regulators, who in turn should be given the power in legislation to define areas of 'exemption' within their regulatory remit. This would provide a framework of 'permitted regulation' and give greater freedom and authority to the regulator and clinicians except where there is a good reason to do otherwise. The draft Bill should also provide a statutory power for the Secretary of State to make regulations subject to affirmative resolution and only on the application of the regulator, to make provisions where necessary for the remit or authority of the regulator. We also note the criteria used by the Medical Research Council to judge applications for research grants and we recommend that that these could be built on to provide legislative parameters for research set out in the draft Bill. If this recommendation is accepted, it follows that the appointment of members of the regulatory body would require a balance of ethical, scientific, legal and medical expertise; and the Chair should be a proven leader of the highest calibre and appropriately remunerated.


34   See also Q 61, Q 62 Back

35   See Evening Forum Report, Appendix 5, Scottish Council on Human Bioethics, Ev25, Joint Ethico-Medical Guild of Catholic Doctors and the Catholic Union of Great Britain, Ev45, para 7, Catholic Parliamentary Office, Ev72, para 1 Back

36   See for example Ev29, para 3.1, Ev37, para 3.1 Back

37   Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Dignity of the Human Being with regard to the Application of Biology and Medicine: Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine, Oviedo, 4.IV.1997 Back

38   Ev86, Dr Daniel Boucher (Evening Forum Report, Appendix 5), Ev15, Ev23, section A, Ev52, para 3 Back

39   See also Ev26, para 6, Ev06, Ev09 Back

40   See also Ev27, Ev55, para 2, Ev74, para 5 and Ev76 Back


 
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