UNCORRECTED TRANSCRIPT OF ORAL EVIDENCE To
be published as HC 60-iv
House of LORDS
HOUSE OF COMMONS
MINUTES OF EVIDENCE
TAKEN BEFORE
JOINT COMMITTEE ON HUMAN RIGHTS
THE treatment OF ASYLUM SEEKERS
Monday 22 january 2007
MR
ROBIN ESSER, MR PETER HILL, MR ALAN TRAVIS, and MR TIM TOULMIN
Evidence heard in Public Questions 233 - 369
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Oral Evidence
Taken before the Joint Committee on Human
Rights
on Monday 22 January 2007
Members present:
Mr Andrew Dismore, in the Chair
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Fraser of
Carmyllie L
Lester of
Herne Hill, L
Plant of
Highfield, L
Onslow, E
Stern, B
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Mr Douglas Carswell
Nia Griffith
Dr Evan Harris
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________________
Memoranda
submitted by Daily Mail, Daily Express, Press Complaints Commission
Examination
of Witnesses
Witnesses: Mr Robin Esser, Executive
Managing Editor, Daily Mail, Mr
Peter Hill, Editor, Daily Express, Mr Alan Travis, Home
Affairs Editor, The Guardian, and Mr Tim Toulmin, Director,
Press Complaints Commission, gave evidence.
Q233 Chairman: Welcome this afternoon to our evidence
session and continuing inquiry into the treatment of asylum seekers. We are being broadcast and recorded. Our witnesses today are Alan Travis, the
Home Affairs Editor of The Guardian; Peter Hill, the Editor of the Daily
Express; Robin Esser, Executive Managing Editor of the Daily Mail
and Tim Toulmin, Director of the Press Complaints Commission, in place of Sir
Christopher Meyer, who I understand had an operation the other day.
Mr Toulmin: You have me instead, I am
afraid.
Q234 Chairman: I should make clear from the start that
this inquiry is not into asylum policy and migration policy, which is a matter
for the Home Affairs Committee; but we are looking at the way asylum seekers
are treated by the system. We have received
a lot of evidence about media coverage of asylum seekers, and we believe it is
important to hear from all sides, and give an opportunity to the press in
particular to respond to the critics who submitted evidence to us. Everyone is entitled to a fair hearing,
including the media, but nobody is on trial today. It is an opportunity, we think, for a genuine engagement,
hopefully constructively, on these very difficult issues. The evidence we have had from the media,
both the written evidence and any transcript from today's hearings, will be
published as an annex to our report. I
would like to correct a couple of points.
In the Express on 3 January there was an article by Patrick O'Flynn
referring to our inquiry in part. I
should make it clear that we will be asking questions, but we are not pushing
any view. We have yet to come to a
view. Our views will be set out in our
report, which will only be produced after we have heard and analysed all the
evidence from all parties submitting evidence to us. Contrary to what the article may suggest, the Daily Express
and any other paper is not at risk of being hauled up before the European Court
of Human Rights, by Cherie Blair or Matrix Chambers or anybody else, whether on
legal aid or in any other way, because the newspapers are not public bodies,
which is a prerequisite for being brought before the European Court of Human
Rights. Newspapers benefit from the
protection of Article 10(1) of the European Convention which protects freedom
of speech, and this Committee has been very hot all along on being against
censorship and in favour of free speech.
Lord Lester may wish to say something about that later on as he has done
many cases on behalf of the media, defending them from possible attacks like
that. We would also like to make it
clear that we regard immigration policy as a legitimate issue for robust debate
and reporting and hope no-one would suggest otherwise. I hope everyone would agree that it is
important to ensure the debate is conducted in a way that is both accessible to
readers of newspapers and also well-informed and accurate, using correct
terminology, which I hope is something we can all accept, even if we have
different opinions on the subject matter itself. Before going to the questions, I would like to ask the witnesses
if anyone wants to make a brief opening statement. Mr Hill, what do you see as the role of an editor being in this
context?
Mr Hill: I think we should speak for our readers and for the people of
Britain in the way that we see it. The
way that we see it is possibly not the way that you appear to see it. You said that there is no threat to
newspapers from European legislation, but if that is the case why are we
talking about human rights in this context if it is not to stifle the debate?
Q235 Chairman: It is not a
question of stifling debate. That is
not what we are here to talk about. We
want to talk about the role of newspapers and the way they report things, and
we will develop that line during our questioning, and will put one or two
specific points to you. It is
important that we clarify the role of editorial policy, and you have given us
points on that. I do not know whether
Robin would like to add to that.
Mr Esser: As we are facing probably the greatest demographic change in this
nation since the Norman invasion, we certainly feel that the public needs to be
fully informed of the situation with asylum seekers and those who fail the
asylum-seeker qualifications. Our main
criticisms have not been directed towards asylum seekers per se but
towards the system, which we feel has been very unfair to genuine asylum
seekers. If the system was better
organised and we knew and the Government knew what the numbers were and treated
asylum seekers in a quicker, more rapid way, I think that would go a long way
to preserving their human rights.
Mr Travis: I think the role of an editor of a newspaper in this country in
respect of this question is to present a fair and accurate picture of the
country as it exists, as asylum seekers' lives exist, and the problem facing
the country exists. It is part of the
role of an editor to reflect the views of their readers, but I think that has
to be based on an accurate picture and not the misleading picture that is being
painted. I think that especially in the
last five years there has been something of a lull, it is said, in media
coverage of asylum seekers, and yet in this year alone, the last three weeks,
there have been 87 different articles in the national press, tabloid and
so-called quality, referring to asylum seekers. This is a lull. Over a
year about 2,500 articles were carried by our national press about asylum
seekers in the last year, and I think overwhelmingly those are negative and
hostile in tone, and the cumulative effect of that has a role in fuelling
public opinion beyond merely reflecting it.
Mr Hill: You must ask yourselves as a committee why there are so many
headlines, and in particular why there are so many what you would describe as
negative headlines. The reason is that
asylum and the broader immigration system is a complete shambles. Anyone can walk into the country now. There was a report only last week in which
the Home Office had admitted that the immigration system was so undermanned
that people were simply being waved through.
This is a nonsense of a situation and, as Robin has said, I think it
makes life very, very difficult for genuine asylum seekers, which the Daily
Express has always supported; and we have always accepted that people
should be given sanctuary in this country if they are in genuine danger of
torture, or worse, or persecution. We
have always supported that. What we
cannot support is the unrestricted entry to this country of hundreds of
thousands of people, many of whom hate this country - people who want to
destroy this country, people who want to become suicide bombers - there is an
enormous amount of crime also for which, I am afraid, asylum seekers are
responsible. Many of the headlines that
I see have been chosen by the United Nations magazine Refugee relate to
simple factual matters of crime - murder and all kinds of crime.
Q236 Chairman: As I said at the
beginning, we are not looking at treading on the Home Office's territory in
terms of looking at asylum seekers.
Mr Hill: But you have to understand that is why we have so many negative
headlines, because so many negative things happen.
Q237 Chairman: We are not
talking about asylum and immigration policies; we are talking about how
individual human-beings are treated.
That is what we are interested in in the context of this Committee. Robin, can I ask you about language? Do you regard the use of language and
precision of language in describing these issues as important or do you regard
it some of the terms as interchangeable?
Mr Esser: We regard it as very important, and we always try not to be
inflammatory and to use the terms as recommended by the PCC. All our people know about this, and of
course there are occasional lapses because people are not perfect; but we think
that it is important not to be inflammatory, although a great many of the
headlines, as Peter rightly says, come out of court cases where people have
been found guilty of criminal acts and the judge himself has said something
which appertains to the case.
Certainly, on occasions, a judge has recommended deportation, and once
you start talking about deportation of immigrants, of asylum seekers, you might
well find that hostile, but it is a fact.
Q238 Chairman: Have you ever
published any letters from asylum seekers in your letters column?
Mr Esser: We have not had very many, but I would imagine the answer is "yes"
- but we print millions of letters over two or three years. Certainly we publish letters from
organisations that assist asylum seekers, and our letters column is a broad church.
Q239 Chairman: I am pleased to
hear that, and I am pleased about your assurance about individual asylum
seekers. Part of the problem is
sometimes you end up looking in a representative way rather than at the
individuals concerned. Perhaps I can
ask the same question to Peter. Have
you ever published letters from asylum seekers?
Mr Hill: I do not know. I could not
say one way or the other. I know I am
always very careful to publish letters from people who rite in opposition to
things that we might have said. I am
always perfectly willing to put the contrary point of view. I would never shrink from that.
Mr Travis: We certainly not only publish letters from asylum seekers, but have
interviewed them and talked about why they have come to Britain and what
conditions they are living in in Britain.
We also talk to people who are threatened by asylum seekers and who
protest about say putting an accommodation centre in their neighbourhood. We have talked to people directly and
reported their views and we print letters by them. We believe that the way to understand readers - to understand the
nature of what is going on about this debate is to reflect all those views and
no merely provide a partial picture. In
terms of language, if I may pick up the Chairman's point, it is interesting
that one of the reasons why there was so much controversy over the question of
not using the term "illegal immigrant" or "bogus asylum seeker" was an attempt
at that time to try and resurrect the idea of an asylum seeker being someone
who had to come to this country, in neutral terms, and whose case for asylum
had not yet been judged, and who would not know whether they were a genuine
refugee or maybe an economic migrant posing as an asylum seeker, or were indeed
a bogus asylum seeker in that sense, until their claim had been resolved by the Immigration Service or by the
courts. I think it is a great shame,
but there has been a complete collapse in meaning in the term "asylum seeker"
and it is now a term of abuse. When
Article 19 of the Human Rights group looked at media coverage in the Sangatte
period, they found 51 different labels to refer to asylum seekers, and at one
time the Home Office produced a leaflet describing in very careful terms what
an asylum seeker was, what a refugee was, what an illegal entrant was, what an
over-stayer was, what an immigrant was - because a dictionary definition of an
immigrant is someone who comes to a country to stay for longer-term settlement
as opposed to an economic migrant or a short-term person. I think that the idea of an asylum seeker
has completely collapsed and we need in some way to change the name or find
some way of restoring its meaning.
Q240 Chairman: Do you think "asylum seeker" has become a
surrogate for racist abuse?
Mr Travis: I certainly think the discourse about asylum between 2004 and 2005,
and now about economic migrants from eastern Europe, has become a synonym, a
way for some newspaper commentators to talk about race in a way which they
think is more acceptable.
Q241 Chairman: Can I ask Peter
and Robin: have you met asylum seekers personally yourselves?
Mr Hill: I have not. I have met
representatives of the Romanian Government on a similar and associated topic
but I have not met any asylum seekers - or I do not think so.
Mr Esser: I have, yes. I live in a
community that is fairly mixed and I have met several asylum seekers, that is
to say people who have succeed in obtaining refuge in this country. I have also had the privilege of meeting one
or two who have not.
Mr Hill: Personally, just going back to the previous point about
terminology, the word "asylum seeker" is a bit of an odd one because what we
are really talking about is the system of sanctuary - people who come to this
country and are fleeing persecution and genuine threats are effectively seeking
sanctuary, in the way that people once sought the sanctuary of the church. As I understand it, they have to be able to
prove that they are under that kind of threat; but I am afraid the way that the
system - and I think it is a laughable word anyway because there is not a
system - works, people are not having to prove anything and are really not
subject to any kind of real test. Even
when their claims are rejected, as we saw last week, the claims of 500 people
whose claims for sanctuary were rejected are now having their claims heard
again because the Government failed to deport them from the country. The whole
thing is an absolute shambles, and a fiasco; and this is reflected in the way
that some newspapers cover this issue, because it is an issue that greatly
troubles the people of this country.
Q242 Chairman: That is a point
you have made already. Do you think you
have any responsibility towards asylum seekers yourself, in terms of you or
your newspaper?
Mr Hill: I think we have a duty to be fair to the people, and I think we are
fair to people. I think we are very,
very fair to people who come to this country in genuine need.
Q243 Chairman: Do you think
your coverage has exacerbated what the PCC referred to in a memo of 23 October,
a press release, as hostility and fear towards asylum seekers?
Mr Hill: Whether it has or it has not, I think that we must cover issues
that we believe are important to our readers and to the people of this country,
and not to shrink from them.
Q244 Chairman: Even the violent
attacks we have seen.
Mr Hill: I do not think in any way we are responsible for violent attacks,
no more than we are responsible for football hooliganism.
Q245 Nia Griffiths: Peter, you quite rightly wish to criticise Government policy, and we
on this Committee would uphold the freedom of speech and your absolute right to
do that. Can I refer you to an article
that appeared in the Express in August 2004, you talked about Britain's asylum
policy. The article makes a lot of
sense; you talk about the asylum policy of spreading people about having
certain detrimental effects, and it is a perfectly legitimate article. It then seems very unfortunate that you
chose the heading "Asylum Seekers Spreading AIDS across Britain" when in fact
it is the policy that you are talking about.
That is the issue where it seems that the Government's wish and duty, if
you like, to try to discourage any incitement to violence against a group,
would have to ask you the question: does that heading incite violence against a
group? That is the issue we are talking
about; we are not talking about curtailing people by law because we are not
into preventing freedom of the press; but we are saying that a title like that,
which is completely at odds with the actual article itself, has a very
negotiate impact.
Mr Hill: Well, you will have to come and advise me on my headline writing in
future, I can see! The point is, was
the headline a truthful headline? There
is a great deal of evidence that tells you that there has been an enormous
increase in the incidence of AIDS and other illnesses, like TB, that have
arrived in this country with people from abroad. I do not think that can be disputed. It is very wrong of people to suggest that we cannot be truthful
in our headlines. We must be able to be
truthful in our headlines, whether the facts are unpalatable or otherwise. We cannot tailor our headlines to fit news
as you would wish it to be.
Q246 Nia Griffiths: I think we are talking here about incitement
to commit violence against a whole group, whereas perhaps you are dealing with
a very small percentage of a large group.
Mr Hill: We do not approve of violence.
We do not approve of extremism, but I think the failure of Government
and of responsible people in general to address this issue of immigration is
driving many, many respectable people into the arms of extremist parties
because the recognised parties will not address these issues; they would rather
not address these issues.
Q247 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I should declare my own personal
interest. I have had the privilege of
acting for The Times, The Sunday Times and The Guardian,
using Article 10 of the European Convention to strengthen press freedom against
unnecessary restriction. I have not had
the privilege of representing the Express or the Mail. I would like to see what common ground there
is about the press and then ask you questions about how to portray the
situation. I imagine you would all
agree the right of free speech is fundamental.
Mr Hill: Yes.
Q248 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I imagine you would all agree that it is not
absolute.
Mr Hill: Well, we can see it is not absolute because there are quite a
number of laws that prevent it from being absolute.
Q249 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I am asking about the principle. In principle, whatever the laws may say,
there are basic rights of freedom -----
Mr Hill: I agree that there are responsibilities that go with the right of
free speech, yes.
Q250 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: We all agree that the only restrictions
placed on free speech are those that are no more than necessary in a democracy.
Mr Hill: Quite.
Q251 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: That requires a fair balance to be struck
and maintained between the right to free speech on the one hand and competing
rights and interests on the other.
Mr Hill: Agreed.
Q252 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I am sure you know that this Committee in
all its reports has espoused exactly the principles I have just tried to
summarise. You have probably read our
reports.
Mr Hill: I cannot say that I have read them all, I am afraid.
Q253 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: You will know, I am sure, as a responsible
editor of a national newspaper, that this Committee has consistently espoused
those principles. I am sure you know
that, as a responsible editor, do you not?
Mr Hill: Yes, I am sure you have - although I am not sure the evidence you
have heard has always been particularly truthful because, for instance, I have
got - you recently heard evidence from someone called Jago Russell, who was the
policy officer of an organisation called Liberty. Mr Jago Russell told this Committee - and you did not challenge
it - "There is the Daily Express comment that refugees are flooding into
the UK like ants. That kind of language
reminds you of what happened in Rwanda, the Hutu power and the Tutsi described
as cockroaches." Mr Russell claimed
that this was a comment by the Daily Express, and you did not challenge
that because you did not ask to see the article. In fact this was not a comment by the Daily Express; this
was a comment by a British Transport Police spokesman after a night in which 74
illegal immigrants had been caught by the British Transport Police. This was his comment and it was merely
reported in the Daily Express.
He said: "This was the most
illegal immigrants we have ever caught in one go. They were like ants crawling from an ant hill." We simply did not make that comment
ourselves; we reported that comment, as we must, because we are reporters.
Q254 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Thank you for telling us that, and I am sure
we will take that into account. I was
not asking you about what a witness told us.
I was asking you about your
understanding of the work of our Committee, and I think you have agreed that as
far as you are aware our Committee has always, in all our reports, made clear
the principles we have just summarised.
Mr Hill: I am concerned about references to human rights legislation in
relation to this particular issue.
Q255 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I will come to that, I promise. At the moment I am just dealing with free
speech.
Mr Hill: Well, that is my concern.
Q256 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I understand that. You accepted fairly that you have duties and responsibilities as
an editor of a national newspaper to be accurate, to avoid unnecessary emotive language,
to avoid stirring up prejudice and hostility against groups of vulnerable
people. I think that is the burden of
what you said to us.
Mr Hill: No, I did not say that -----
Q257 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Tell us how you put it.
Mr Hill: I did not say I should avoid use of emotive language because if a
subject is an emotive subject, I see no reason why I should not use emotive
language.
Q258 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Very well.
Your headline on 3 January was:
"How the liberal elite is trying to gag us on the asylum racket".
Mr Hill: Yes.
Q259 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Then you suggested that this Committee is
attempting to gag you.
Mr Hill: That is what I have believed.
Q260 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: What is the basis of your belief that we are
trying to gag you?
Mr Hill: Because you are discussing the idea that in some way the way the
press refer to asylum seekers could infringe their human rights - or am I
mistaken?
Q261 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: You think that because we are trying to
examine the problem of asylum and the contribution made by the press -----
Mr Hill: In that way.
Q262 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: In the
public understanding of the problems, that that is an attempt by this
Committee, a Left-dominated committee, to censor or gag you. Is that your understanding?
Mr Hill: That certainly was my understanding, but I am delighted to be
reassured.
Q263 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Very well. I think I can
reassure you on behalf of the Committee that we have no such intention.
Mr Hill: Thank you. Good.
Q264 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I am sure you will report our agreement with
this in your newspapers, so that the public are left in no doubt that this is
not some kind of Charles I censorious committee. What I would like you to tell us now is how you think your responsibilities should be discharged in
striking that fair balance between your fundamental right to inform your
readers of matters of fundamental concern about what you see as failed asylum
policy and the abuse of the asylum system on the one hand, and being fair to a
very vulnerable minority of people who are fleeing political persecution,
which, as I understand it, you accept is a justification for their being
admitted to this country, if they can prove they are victims. How do you secure that balance in the
instructions that you give to people who write your headlines or the news
reporters or otherwise, to ensure that you are fair to this highly vulnerable
group of people, in your editorial responsibilities? How do you do that?
Mr Hill: I think all my journalists are well aware that I do like the
newspaper to be fair, and certainly to be truthful; but we have to report what
we see. Quite frankly, there is not an
awful lot of positive news on this particular subject. I am afraid most of the news is of a very
negative nature.
Q265 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: What kind of advice, guidance or instructions do you give your staff
about how to handle these very sensitive problems fairly in accordance with
your responsibilities?
Mr Hill: Well, all my staff are perfectly well aware of the Press Complaints
commission and its rules and guidance.
They know perfectly well, and I constantly reinforce this message, that
we must be truthful in what we say.
Q266 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Have you ever had to say to one of your
staff, "I really think that is most unfair to asylum seekers and I think we are
in danger of exaggerating and whipping up prejudice, and I really think you
should now be more balanced in the way you report or comment on this"?
Mr Hill: I often discuss with my staff both the way they write their reports
and the way they write their headlines on all manner of subjects - on
everything.
Q267 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: You have not answered my question.
Have you ever had to exercise some kind of pretty strong guidance and
discipline because you felt your staff -----
Mr Hill: No.
Q268 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: You have not. Mr Esser, I do not want to prolong this, but broadly speaking is
there any disagreement about principles between us, or do you accept the way I
tried to express the fundamental right to free speech, the exceptions, the fair
balance and the need to exercise responsibility by the press.
Mr Esser: No, there is no area of disagreement. We believe in those principles and we try every day to make sure
that we stick by them.
Q269 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: What mechanism or guidance
do you have to ensure that that is done in practice by your staff?
Mr Esser: The first thing, I think, is to abandon the idea that journalists
are brought up to rush out and write inflammatory stories; they are not; they
are trained to report what has gone on in a straightforward manner. They are trained to produce the facts. The comment column, and The Daily Mail's
opinion about matters, is expressed in a separate and different way. As Peter has rightly said, we stick by the
principles and the excellent guidance note that the PCC produced on asylum
seekers and terminology and attitudes, and all our journalists carry in their
wallet a pocket-sized version of the code.
The idea that they are running around looking for inflammatory things to
say about asylum seekers is wrong.
Q270 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I follow that, but one of
you said you see it as your role to speak for the people of Britain, but I hope
- and please correct me - you are not saying by that that the people who are
not from Britain but are genuine victims of political persecution in
unspeakable countries abroad, should not be spoken for as well as the people of
this country.
Mr Esser: That is an absolutely fair point, but I do not think we try and
speak for the people of Britain. What
we try to do is inform our readers and reflect the views of our readers, and
many of our readers write to us about asylum seekers and similar matters,
expressing sometimes fears and sometimes approvals. We consistently say, as Peter does in the Express, that this
country has a great tradition of asylum granting; and long may that continue.
Q271 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: How do you avoid the danger of stereotyping, of making sweeping generalisations
about groups of people that are not fair to individuals within the group? You know what I mean! You can make stereotypes about women or
black people or Jews or Muslims - all kinds of people. How do you avoid the obvious elementary
danger that powerful generalisations are made which in fact stir up
prejudices? How do you do that in
practice, or maybe you think you should not do that -----
Mr Esser: It is very difficult. We do
of course pick out individual examples of people who have succeeded, and run
major features on them. The difficulty
you express is the difficulty that, for instance, Government expresses. The Government talks about asylum seekers;
it does not talk about individuals; it talks about asylum seekers and
immigrants. The Government is a system
of generalisations.
Q272 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Would it be helpful if the PCC, represented here today, gave rather
clearer and more positive guidance - I do not say regulation, but I say
guidance - on how to handle these difficult, sensitive issues and produce some
kind of further discussion
document? At the moment what
they have done is very short and some would say primitive on the subject. Would you think any more help from them
would be a good idea?
Mr Esser: I think the PCC constantly reviews the code and its guidance. One of the strengths of self-regulation is
the lightness of regulation. That is
something of which I approve, as a believer in freedom of expression and the
freedom of the press and so forth.
Q273 Chairman: Just to put the
record straight, we have the ants article in front of us. The headline is: "Refugees are flooding into the UK 'like ants' ...."
Mr Esser: Yes.
Q274 Chairman: Paragraph 1:
"Hordes of immigrants pour from Channel Tunnel trains like ants from an ant
hill as the tide of asylum seekers into Britain continues to rise." Paragraph 7 is a quote from the BTP
spokesman who said: "This is the most
illegal immigrants we have ever caught in one go. They were like ants pouring from an ant hill."
Mr Esser: That is correct, yes, but I wanted to draw the distinction between
a report of what someone else said, and the suggestion from Mr Jago Russell
that this was an inflammatory comment by the Daily Express, which it was
not of course.
Chairman: Just a minute; the purpose of this hearing is to hear both sides of
the story, and we will form our own views, having heard from Mr Russell and
having heard your view as well.
Q275 Dr Harris: Just on that point, though, clearly we have heard what you said and
we have the original article to check -----
Mr Hill: Yes, I am glad you have the article.
Q276 Dr Harris: We are not liable to be misled without checking the original source,
but that British Transport policeman who was talking about illegal immigrants
said - he was talking about how they came out of the lorry once the container
was opened.
Mr Hill: Yes.
Q277 Dr Harris: Your headline says:
"Refugees are flooding into the UK 'like ants'" - not "illegal
immigrants coming out of a container like ants from an ant hill". Do you accept there is a difference between
refugees and illegal immigrants?
Mr Hill: I can see what would happen there.
I can see that the sub-editor could not get the expression "illegal
immigrants" in the headline because it is very, very long - and, yes, that
probably has resulted in the wrong term possibly in the headline, yes. I can see that.
Dr Harris:
I think that is what Mr Russell was
referring to, and I am glad we have now reached agreement that that was the
problem because refugees are people who are genuine and have been granted
asylum, and they would feel a bit upset, I suspect, to be considered to be
flooding in the first place, and being described as an image that is not human.
Q278 Mr Carswell: A question for Mr Hill and Mr Esser: Do you think that the political establishment has dealt with the
public policy challenges posed by asylum and immigration effectively, and do
you sometimes get the feeling that in your newspapers you are asking the sort
of questions and raising the issues that the political establishment would
frankly you rather did not talk about?
Mr Hill: I think for a very long time the Daily Express in particular
was vilified by the liberal media and in particular the BBC for raising these
matters about immigration and asylum, and indeed also about the associated
matter of the policy of multi-culturalism.
I think now everyone - or informed opinion now accepts that the policy
of multi-culturalism in which people have been encouraged to set up almost
separate states, almost with their own walls and certainly their own rules and
behaviour, quite contrary to British behaviour - that that policy has been
completely discredited. For a long time
the Daily Express was the only newspaper that was raising these
matters. As I say, I think these
matters ought to be discussed because they are matters of enormous importance
for the future of our country, and they should be discussed openly and
robustly.
Mr Esser: It is certainly true that many of the stories we have raised about
the shambles are uncomfortable for the Government. I believe an all-party House of Commons committee eventually
confessed that they were, and a former Home Secretary said - it was a bit of an
echo of the Daily Express - that this country was swamped with
immigrants of all kinds, including asylum seekers - not really a phrase that
was as moderate as perhaps it should have been. Of course the Government is embarrassed and of course the thing
is a shambles; and of course that does add to our readers' and the general
public's worry about asylum seekers, and that must eventually produce added
hostility, where it should not.
Q279 Mr Carswell: Given the rise of political extremism in Europe - we had Pim
Fortuyn in Holland, where the political elite refused to address questions of
asylum and multiculturalism; Jean-Marie le Pen in France, who was runner-up in
the last set of presidential elections in France - do you think there is a
danger of political extremism if we do not have a political establishment and a
press openly discussing and debating these issues? Do you think there is a danger that if perhaps we were to ever
use human rights law and legislation to stifle debate it could lead to the rise
of political extremism?
Mr Hill: I think there is evidence that political extremism is already on
the increase in this country. You have
only to look at some of our local authorities where extremists are now
contesting seats and winning seats.
There is a grave danger, if the political elite fails to address these
issues, that extremism will increase because people who care deeply about these
will have nowhere else to go. They will
have nowhere to turn.
Mr Travis: Can I just comment on that?
I think there are three parties dancing this particular unsavoury tango
here. You have the politicians, the
public and the media locked in a rather unsavoury vicious circle. Newspapers such as Mr Hill's and Mr Esser's
claim they reflect the views of their readers; politicians faced that media
barrage in one particular heightened period in 2003. Over a 31-day period the Daily Express ran no less than 22
front-page lead stories on the subject of asylum based mostly on guesstimates
from unofficial sources. In this
situation, newspapers both fuel that political prejudice and fuel that
extremism. Recent Mori research in this
area showed that Daily Express readers think that 21 per cent of the
British population are immigrants. The Daily
Mail readers say it is about 19 per cent.
Guardian readers say it is about 11 per cent. We are all actually exaggerating. It is only 7 per cent. Even FT readers, who seem to be the "best
informed in the country", as their slogan goes, got somewhere near at 6 or 7
per cent. We have all exaggerated this
problem in that respect, so it becomes fuelled. The idea that this is some kind of balanced, accurate reflection
of public opinion on this subject is belied by the fact that Mr Hill's
newspapers in the past printed manifestly false stories - fantasy land. We had from the Daily Star: "Asylum seekers have stolen nine donkeys
from Greenwich Royal Parks and eaten them."
It is supposedly based upon fact, you know - and police saying they
think they killed them and ate them - and the only quote from the police in the
story is, "we are totally baffled over what happened to the donkeys". The idea that they were seized by asylum
seekers rather belies the idea that this is some kind of responsible, grown‑up ‑‑‑‑‑
Mr Hill: Has anybody ever found the donkeys? By the way, there have been far more articles in The Guardian
about Big Brother!
Mr Travis: Can I finish my evidence, please?
It is correct to say that the problems and breakdown in the asylum
system have created a political space in which this media campaign is rooted
and can flourish, and without a managerial and efficient asylum system in this
country - and we have a history now of 12 years of mismanagement and problems -
will only continue to fuel such a campaign and provide the basis for it. These stories are not written without a
grain of truth in them mostly. They are
rooted in factual reporting. That is
only a negative view of the situation, but I think that while there are 400,000
plus people living illegally in this country, and whilst that situation remains
unresolved, then such media coverage will continue.
Q280 Mr Carswell: Building on the question of reflecting public opinion, I have a
further couple of questions. Looking
around the Committee I note that not every member is necessarily elected or has
a direct democratic mandate. How many
people actually buy your newspaper every day, Mr Esser and Mr Hill; and do you
think that puts you more in touch with public opinion than perhaps some people?
Mr Esser: In the case of the Daily Mail, 2.5 million people buy it
every day, and it is read by at least 5 million people. It is obviously not demographically
representative of the whole nation, but it does at least give us a constituency
which has a voice.
Mr Hill: Getting on for a million people buy the Daily Express and
probably about 3 million readers. I
would not personally claim to be any better informed than Members of
Parliament. They meet their
constituents and I meet the readers. I
would not lay claim to have any special knowledge, and I do not think the fact
that that number of readers reads the newspaper gives me any particular power
over anyone, and I am not here on an ego trip - no.
Q281 Mr Carswell: At the time that the Human Rights Act was passed, did you ever
envisage being asked to come before this sort of committee and asked to justify
press freedom and how you sub-edit your newspaper and the contents of your
letters page in this way, in the context of the European Convention on Human
Rights?
Mr Hill: Personally, I think the Convention on Human Rights has no bearing
on what we do in our country. We of the
Daily Express believe that we are a nation state, and we should be able
to run our own affairs; and certainly we believe very, very strongly, that the
Human Rights Act should be repealed as soon as possible because it is a
travesty. It is a nonsense that our
country - that our own laws should be abused in this way.
Q282 Mr Carswell: I was keen to hear from Mr Esser and Mr Travis.
Mr Esser: Once it appeared, yes. I
joined newspapers because they are free and because I believe in them being a
plank of democracy, and I am always prepared to defend freedom of the press at
a dinner party or in front of a committee.
Mr Travis: It is quite justified for the Committee to examine media coverage
of asylum seekers.
Chairman: We are not here to debate the pros and cons of the Human Rights
Act.
Q283 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I think you were saying that the Human Rights Act was of negative
value.
Mr Hill: Yes.
Q284 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: But are you aware that for the last thirty years the only weapon we
have had, as newspapers and lawyers, to enlarge free speech in this country,
was to use the European Human Rights Convention in the absence of any legal
instrument which gave us a positive right, and so generations of people like me
have sought to persuade British judges and, if necessary had to go to
Strasbourg, because we did not have a policy of human rights. When the Human Rights Act came in, section
12 was written in especially to give priority to free speech - you are younger
than I am and you may not be aware -----
Mr Hill: I am aware of that, but that came along and that was used, fine;
but I think we would have done something else if it had not been there. We would still have established the freedom
of the press in our country, one way or the other. I am sure of it.
Q285 Earl of Onslow: As somebody who has had a little dig by a
Conservative colleague about not being elected at all - I am here because my
ancestor got rather drunk -----
Mr Hill: It is all right; I was not elected either!
Q286 Earl of Onslow: Mr Esser, we have covered the ants
story. What people I think are worried
about is that some of the headlines - and there is a Daily Mail one I
have in front of me which says, "Thousands of suspected bogus asylum seekers
will be entitled to have their free housing benefits reinstated", which refers
to a ruling that refused asylum seekers could make a fresh claim if they adduce
new evidence - that it is the particularisation of one or two cases which is
bringing odium on a group of people who are not entitled to have that odium
heaped upon them. I go along with you
one hundred per cent on the chaos of the immigration system; it has obviously
failed to function as it should. I do
not think there is any argument about that.
Equally, I do not agree with you over the Human Rights Act because
unfortunately Parliament is not doing what old-fashioned libertarians like me
say it should be doing, which is protecting Englishmen's liberties; so we have
to have some outside judicially enforced defence of our liberties. That is something about which I am pro and
very, very keen to preserve. However, I
am worried that the particularisation of people can bring odium on a group of
people unfairly, and stir up hatred and trouble. Would you like to comment on that?
Mr Esser: That is an absolutely fair observation. I would argue that that particular story, which I imagine was
some time ago, did a disservice to genuine people who are here having been
granted asylum, because the housing benefits are all eaten up by people who
should not be here, then they have an even greater problem in claiming what is
their right.
Q287 Chairman: 10th
November last year.
Mr Esser: You can certainly make a case that by exposing the number of people
who are abusing the system, you are helping those people who are in genuine
need of asylum.
Q288 Earl of Onslow: I think it is terribly easy, if I may say
so, for people like you and me, who, by our own efforts, live extremely
comfortable and decent and good lives - some of these people are oppressed
beyond peradventure when they arrive here, and those we have got to
protect. I think that would be agreed
by everybody. How do you stop the
particular question degenerating into -----
Mr Hill: The way you do that is to clean up the asylum system so that it is
the genuine people who get in, and the people who are not genuine that are
excluded. At the moment that palpably
does not happen because a very large proportion of people who come under the
aegis of asylum are not genuine asylum seekers. No real attempt is made to separate them and no attempt is ever
made, or very rarely made, to deport those who fail the test. I believe only a quarter of those whose
cases are rejected ever get to be deported from the country, so the whole thing
is in disrepute and discredited. It is
very difficult. It is obvious why
people have a dim view of asylum seeking in general, because in general it is a
very, very poor system. To go back to
the other business, you are quite right that the reporting of individual cases
might have an unfortunate effect of giving people a generally negative
impression, but I also believe that readers are capable of telling the
difference between a story that is about a lot of people and a story that is
about an individual. We have to give
them credit for that. I certainly do not
believe that readers of the Daily Express are prejudiced against
foreigners in general. I recently
helped a woman who has got a very small charity that helps people in
Malawi. We carried one article in the Daily
Express, and my readers sent in £20,000 to this woman, just a very small
individual charity. I do think that
this shows that my readers are not by nature prejudiced against other people;
they are perfectly willing to help other people, but what they want is for the
system to be fair and genuine, and it is not; and that is what you have to sort
out.
Q289 Earl of Onslow: I am very pleased that you acknowledge that
there is a possibility of the one story damning everybody else, and that is the
sort of thing we as a Committee have been trying to dig for and look for, and
see if in some way the tension on the individuals can be lowered but on the
Government can be heightened. In other
words, the failure of the system which I think everybody admits, from the Home
Secretary downwards, is something that has to be put right - I would agree with
you - but one has not therefore got to attack the individuals unless they are
self-evidently crooks who ought to be banged up, and that is a different thing
altogether.
Mr Hill: Agreed.
Q290 Chairman: Can I put a
couple of your headlines to you to do with your point about terrorism? I do not think anyone would accuse me of
being soft on terrorist issues, and indeed I have been quoted in both your
newspapers on the issue of Muslim extremism, but there are two headlines in the
Daily Express: "Bombers are all
spongeing asylum seekers." That gives
the impression -----
Mr Hill: May I interrupt you? That
is a court case that is going on right now and I think it would be very, very
wrong of us to comment on that case, because I certainly would not want to be
responsible for prejudicing anybody's trial, and I am not prepared to discuss
it.
Q291 Chairman: We will not go
on with that. Another one says
separately: "One in four terrorists are
suspected asylum seekers." I do not
know whether or not that is the same story, but clearly they could not both be
accurate, could they?
Mr Hill: Well, I do not know if it is the same story.
Q292 Chairman: You have two
separate headlines. Without going into
detail, by definition, looking at them, they are mutually exclusive.
Mr Hill: The first one I am assured was a headline specifically about that
case.
Q293 Chairman: That is the
current case.
Mr Hill: That is the one that we do not want to discuss.
Q294 Chairman: Fair enough!
Mr Hill: I do not think we should discuss it because if this is a public
hearing -----
Q295 Chairman: That is fine, if
it is sub judice.
Mr Hill: The other one, as far as I know, was a more general story. I do not know.
Chairman: The point I was going to make was the impression given by the
headlines, but we will not discuss it.
Q296 Dr Harris: I need to declare my interest in that I buy the Daily Mail
every day and read it. It does not win
me any sympathy from Mr Hill, and I suspect not even from Mr Esser; but I
am one of your readers.
Mr Hill: I am sure he is very
grateful!
Q297 Dr Harris: I do want to raise some of the questions about the headlines. Firstly, how do you know who is a genuine
asylum seeker? How do your readers know
when you refer to genuine asylum seekers and the collection of terms you used,
fairly enough, for non-genuine - "bogus", "failed"?
Mr Esser: Failed.
Q298 Dr Harris: Or bogus or non-genuine or mere economic migrants - how do your
readers distinguish between those two when they see an asylum seeker family
move in down the street?
Mr Esser: With boring regularity we repeat the phrase that we welcome genuine
asylum seekers and that this country has a tradition of doing so and granting
asylum to those who need it.
Mr Esser: With boring regularity we
repeat the case that we welcome genuine asylum seekers and that this country
has a tradition of doing so and of granting asylum to those who need it. We must have said that at least 100
times. Beyond that, you read the
stories. This Committee tends to talk
only about headlines. Headlines are
written usually in the space of about five minutes, five minutes after the
newspaper is supposed to have gone to bed, by people who pick out something
which is supposed to attract readers to read the story. Headlines should not be considered on their
own.
Q299 Dr Harris: I accept that point but I do want my question
pursued. How do you know what is
genuine? When you use a term like, "We
welcome genuine asylum seekers" who are you referring to in a way that they can
be identified?
Mr Esser: Those that succeed in
getting asylum.
Q300 Dr Harris: They are refugees, are they not, because they
have asylum? Everyone, pre-getting
refugee status, is an asylum seeker.
Mr Esser: Correct.
Q301 Dr Harris: I am not talking about refugees now; I am
talking about asylum seekers who are genuine and asylum seekers who are
not. How do you distinguish between the
two?
Mr Esser: That is a decision that
comes eventually after they have been here rather a long time, waiting for the
so-called system which does not work. The
majority of stories we write about people who are not genuine asylum seekers
stem from the courts, from these people having committed some form of crime.
Q302 Dr Harris: Are children ever bogus asylum seekers? That is, the children who come with their
parents who make a claim and are therefore dependent. Are they ever bogus or
non-genuine, or are they a third category and it is not their fault?
Mr Esser: We would never describe a
child as a bogus, failed or genuine asylum seeker. We do not do that as far as I know. If we have done that, it is a mistake. We do make mistakes occasionally, not as many as many other
newspapers but we do.
Q303 Dr Harris: I was not going to cite a case because it is
the one that was referred to as sub
judice. The point I am trying to
make is that there are people who make asylum claims who are just
unsuccessful. They have a good
case. Zimbabweans, for example, which
your newspapers have supported from time to time, are not getting asylum but
you have not, I believe rightly, accused them of being bogus or economic
migrants. They have just been
unsuccessful in persuading the authorities that they have a genuine fear of a
risk of persecution on their return.
There are genuine ones who get refugee status. There might be genuine ones who do not but they are not trying to
pull a fast one. Then there are people
somewhere in between and there are people who are clearly trying to kid the
system, who are pretending. It is quite
complicated. The problem I would like
your reaction to is: if there are asylum seekers in the area and your readers
see headlines that say, "Most asylum seekers are not genuine. We support genuine asylum seekers", what are
they supposed to think about the people down the road who have moved in when
they do not know the details of their case?
Do you accept it is a problem?
Mr Esser: It is a problem. It would be wrong to assume that the only
information people get is from newspapers.
They get information from all sorts of areas and in the case you mention
probably from the neighbours. It is
perhaps better to get your information from a newspaper which has tried to be
responsible and fair than from gossip.
It should not be underestimated that a lot of people get their knowledge
from their next door neighbours, the people down the street, the people in the
local shop or the people on the market stall.
That can be and is quite often much more inaccurate and pejorative than
the information they may get from their newspaper.
Q304 Dr Harris: Mr Hill, in your very helpful memorandum,
which we are grateful for because it does set out your position at some length,
you talk about your paper's longstanding campaign of hatred against the
BNP. That is on record. If the BNP go around saying that gypsies are
going to leech on us, would you resent it and react to that and say, "That is
outrageous, typical BNP quasi-racism or racism"?
Mr Hill: I do my very best not to
give any publicity to the BNP or anything they say because I believe the more
oxygen they get in that way the worse things are. I tend not to give them a platform in The Daily Express unless I am obliged to.
Q305 Dr Harris: The reason I ask that 1n is that on 20
January 2004 a headline in The Daily
Express says, "Gypsy invasion will add to our problems ... and theirs" and
the first line says: "The Roma gypsies of Eastern Europe are heading to Britain
to leech on us." It may be there is
evidence for that. I am not arguing
about the accuracy. I am arguing about
how that might be perceived because that is one of the issues we have. We are not saying you should not be allowed
to write your views; it is just a question of the tone. Do you understand that that might be used by
an extremist to fight a political campaign on racial grounds against gypsies?
Mr Hill: It is possible, yes.
Q306 Dr Harris: You say in the same article, "The neo-Nazi
BNP is no doubt rubbing its hands in glee at the thought of the political
capital it can make out of smouldering resentment."
Mr Hill: If the government were to
address the issue responsibly and sensibly, this would not happen so it would
not become an issue. The fact of the
matter is that the government has failed to address these matters. The government said that there would be only
between 5,000 and 13,000 arrivals from Eastern Europe. There were 600,000. It is not just the government; it is the
political elite simply wilfully failing to address these matters, so yes, the
language does get to be rather emotive but it is quite understandable because
of the wilful refusal of government to ----
Q307 Dr Harris: I am trying to meet you half way. Would you accept that there is a risk of
using language like "Gypsies are heading to Britain to leech on us", even if
they did not come, that the damage might be done to people here perceived as
leeches who did? You add to that
ingredient because your readers would not rush out and hate people on their
own. If you add the fact that there are
extremists seeking to take advantage of that sort of language for those people
who are willing to act on that sort of language, do you accept there is an
issue around language like that?
Mr Hill: I cannot tailor the
newspaper on the basis that some extremist might take one word or a number of
words from it any more than I can tailor the headlines to meet with your
approval. I can only do what I see as
being the right thing at the time for that particular newspaper in response to
that particular situation. I cannot
keep thinking: goodness me, I cannot say this in case the BNP seize on it. I cannot run a newspaper like that.
Dr Harris: I could have said that there
are people out there who might have their views reinforced by what you say
without the intervention of a third party like the BNP. Would you still accept that there is not a
need to be careful in language like that, particularly when there are 1.6
million gypsies here, which was another of your headlines?
Q308 Chairman: It was a Sun
headline.
Mr Hill: I do not edit The Sun.
Q309 Dr Harris: You say that you were challenged in your
interview with The Independent about
some of your reporting on this. The
quote is: "Of course it is a legitimate story..." - this was about rural areas being made a misery by gypsies - "he
insists, as were, he believes, Express reports
that as many as 1.6 million gypsies were on the way from Eastern Europe
following the enlargement of the European Union. It may not have happened, but it was a genuine fear at the time,
he argues."
Mr Hill: It was a fear at the time.
Q310 Dr Harris: If there was a genuine fear of black people
or Jews, is that sufficient in itself to justify reporting in emotive language,
which is what you are quite good at, those sorts of fears, or do you think
there is a clear category distinction that can be made between blacks and Jews
on the one hand and gypsies and asylum seekers on the other?
Mr Hill: I do not think anybody would
want a huge influx of any particular people, whether they be Jews, Moslems,
Eskimos or anything else, because what we are talking about is the effect on
the resources of our country and on its culture. If there are huge, sudden influxes of people it will have a
negative effect on our own culture and on our resources, housing, health and
all the other things.
Q311 Dr Harris: Even if they are nurses coming to prop up our
health service? That would be a
positive effect of an influx of people.
Mr Hill: That would never happen
because the government would never do anything so sensible.
Q312 Dr Harris: I would love to take you up on HIV and TV but
I would like to deal with this question of crime because it is something that
you helpfully put in your memorandum.
Is it your view, your opinion or your evidence based view that in terms
of things like motoring offences asylum seekers used correctly as people
claiming asylum, not refugees and not illegal immigrants, are more likely than
the general population of the same age to commit serious motoring offences?
Mr Hill: I would not put it that way,
but I think there has been a large number of cases that we have seen of asylum
seekers and illegal immigrants committing serious motoring offences like
driving without insurance in particular.
We shall never know the numbers because the government does not keep a
check on the number of asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who are involved
in crime at all. No statistics are
kept.
Q313 Dr Harris: If there are half a million people in this
category there are bound to be some people with serious motoring offences. There are bound to be some people who save
other people's lives in acts of great heroism and charity.
Mr Hill: I have not come across
them. I would report it if I had.
Q314 Dr Harris: Is it enough to say that because there are
instances it is reasonable to say that they are asylum seekers doing it? I would like to draw the same analogy with
drawing attention to the race of someone who commits or is alleged to have
committed an offence. Do you see any
parallel between those situations?
Mr Hill: Yes. I think it is perfectly legitimate to draw
attention to it. If you have a
situation, which I think is admitted, that there are huge numbers of illegal
immigrants and enormous numbers of people seeking asylum without justification,
I think it is perfectly reasonable to draw attention to this, yes.
Q315 Dr Harris: Even if it is not relevant in the individual
case?
Mr Hill: How do you mean?
Q316 Dr Harris: If the fact that they were an asylum seeker
was not relevant to their offence or the race of someone might not be relevant
to the offence they are accused of, if it is genuinely considered not
appropriate to say the race of someone in a court case, unless it is relevant.
Mr Hill: Unless it is relevant, yes.
Q317 Dr Harris: Would you say that this has been a useful
exchange or has it stifled debate?
Mr Hill: I welcome it, which is why I
agreed to come here.
Chairman: Something like 40 per cent
of the nurses and 25 per cent of the doctors in the NHS were not born in the
UK.
Q318 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: You talked about how the
policy of multiculturalism has failed.
Mr Hill: Yes.
Q319 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: What do you mean by "the policy
of multiculturalism"?
Mr Hill: Multiculturalism as opposed
to multiracialism. I am perfectly in
favour of a multiracial Britain. It has
added enormously to our culture.
Multiculturalism, as I understand it, is that policy of encouraging
people to form groups of their own interest or religion and not in any way to
want to assimilate into the society into which they have joined. People like Trevor Philips and various
others have now accepted that this is a failed and discredited policy because
it leads to separatism, discord and ghettoisation. I am absolutely against that.
Multiracialism I am absolutely in favour of.
Q320 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I understand what you say
and I agree with you but I want to get this absolutely clear. Looking at the common ground, because I
think it is a useful thing to do, we both agree do we not that the right policy
is one which seeks equality of opportunity on individual merit?
Mr Hill: Yes.
Q321 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Which respects cultural
diversity in the sense that we do not seek to turn everybody into the
stereotyped view of an Englishman, whatever that is. We expect diversity in our nation.
Mr Hill: And welcome it.
Q322 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Provided that diversity is
not bought at a price of oppression or that people seek to impose their own
views in a way that violates basic rights and freedoms. For example, stopping you from expressing
your views because they are not politically correct or stopping Salman Rushdie
from publishing a novel or anything of that kind. Broadly speaking as I hear you, is that what you mean when you
oppose what you call a policy of multiculturalism?
Mr Hill: Yes. I am absolutely in favour of the enormous,
rich diversity that we have in our country.
Q323 Earl of Onslow: You said 600,000 people were coming in from
Eastern Europe. We accept that
figure. Is that not a completely
different issue from asylum seeking?
That is a policy which has arisen from treaty obligations which we have
agreed. When you say that, it clouds if
anything the asylum and the refugee debate from outside. I lay aside whether it was right or wrong
but if you take those two and merge them you help the muddle rather than
separating the issue into getting the asylum issue sorted out. If any of us can sort that out everybody
benefits. Would you like to comment?
Mr Hill: If the number of asylum
seekers were reasonable, I would agree with you. Particularly in the early part of this new century, there has
been such a vast number of people claiming asylum. Goodness knows how many that is.
It has become part of a wider question of all kinds of immigration. If you were talking of relatively small
numbers of asylum seekers it would not be an issue at all. It is the scale of it.
Q324 Earl of Onslow: I accept it is the scale. If I remember rightly, the Prime Minister
was asked at the last general election how many there were. He categorically refused to answer because
he did not know. We desperately badly
want racial peace in this country. We
want harmony if we can possibly have it, so we can go on insulting each other
in the normal, bog standard, British way which we have all grown to love. If you lump two problems into one and make
them worse that tends, to my way of thinking, towards not concentrating on the really
serious problem which is the asylum problem rather than the immigration figures
from Eastern Europe.
Mr Hill: It is all a problem. That is the point, because of the enormous
scale. If immigration was at a
reasonable level and if asylum seeking was at a reasonable level, I certainly
would not have a quibble against it at all.
The fact of the matter is that it is uncontrolled. Both of these processes seem to have no control
whatsoever exercised over them by the authorities or by the government and that
is what is wrong with this. That is why
they tend to be lumped together.
Mr Travis: I did not recognise at all
the volume that Mr Hill describes. It
must be news to him that the number of asylum seekers claiming asylum in this
country has more than halved in the last three or four years and I think in the
last year the figures show 25,000 claimed asylum, the lowest level since about
the early 1990s.
Mr Hill: I did talk about the first
years of the century.
Mr Travis: I am talking about the year
2000, which is the first year of this century.
Those numbers have fallen. I am
glad to hear though that Mr Hill does foresee a point in the future when he is
willing to support refugees coming to this country in that he said if we could
show that people were genuine refugees coming to this country he would support
them coming here and would maybe write more positively about them.
Mr Hill: Provided it is a reasonable
number, yes.
Mr Travis: I am glad to tell you that
this day has arrived. We have, for example,
the United Nations High Commission Refugees Resettlement Programme under which
up to 1,000 refugees nominated by the UNHCR are amongst the twice displaced
people, perhaps the most oppressed, vulnerable refugees currently on the
planet. Unfortunately, due to the
atmosphere of hostility to them in this country, no more than four or five
local authorities have been prepared to put up their hands and say they are
willing to take as many as 60 or 70 in major towns of 250,000 or 300,000.
Mr Hill: Most local authorities have
been so inundated with other asylum seekers and other immigrants that they are
incapable and do not have the resources to cope with any more. That is in itself an enormous problem.
Mr Travis: I am disappointed to hear
that.
Q325 Baroness Stern: We have talked a lot about negative
coverage. I want to ask you a question
about positive coverage, about human stories, stories of people seeking asylum,
some of them with horrendous stories who are living very difficult lives. There was a story about that in The Guardian on 18 December and in the
Scottish press we see a lot of very positive stories about asylum seekers who
are not allowed to work so they do very good things instead, they win awards
and they help people. In your view,
would it be a good idea if there were more stories like this? If you do think it would be a good idea, do
you think someone is failing to communicate with you that there are such
stories and could something be done to rectify that?
Mr Hill: There are a lot of Scottish
asylum seekers in Parliament and we are always pretty positive about them.
Q326 Chairman: That is quite flippant. Baroness Stern is asking you a serious
question.
Mr Hill: I know. I am sorry.
I could not resist.
Q327 Baroness Stern: Could I have an answer to the slightly
broader conception of asylum seekers?
Mr Hill: You are very welcome to call
me and if you get any of those stories I will look at them and I am quite
willing to publish them.
Absolutely. You tell me.
Q328 Baroness Stern: Nobody ever puts any your way? None of the organisations or groups? Nobody has ever put such stories your way?
Mr Hill: I do not recall it anyway.
Q329 Chairman: You would be prepared to publish them if they
did?
Mr Hill: If they were interesting,
yes. We publish many positive things
about people who have come to this country and many great success stories.
Mr Esser: We would welcome such
stories and indeed we have published some.
It would be a very good idea if those organisations who exist to help
asylum seekers told us about them instead of writing letters of complaint,
often on spurious matters. They could
forget the arguments about terminology in the odd headline and tell us some
good, positive stories. The Daily Mail is full of positive
stories. We like positive stories.
Mr Travis: We find no shortage of
stories about asylum seekers being presented to The Guardian. We sometimes
suggest that they should maybe go and tell their stories to The Daily Express and The Daily Mail.
Q330 Chairman: Would you publish any negative stories about
asylum seekers?
Mr Travis: Yes, we certainly do. We report court cases which involve
individuals but perhaps we do not necessarily draw the same inferences from
them as the gentlemen to my right here.
Q331 Baroness Stern: Would you say, "I think it is time that we
had a bit of balance so let us go and explore this story that is clearly
positive"; or would you need somebody to really come to you and say, "Come
on. The time has come"?
Mr Hill: The nature of news is that
it tends not to be very positive. If
you remember, there was a man called Martin Lewis - and still is, for all I
know - who wanted the newspapers to be filled with good news but I am afraid
the world is not like that. Good news
to some extent is no news. Nothing
happened today. That was fine but there
is not really anything in that, is there?
Q332 Baroness Stern: There are so many negative stories that it
might be really newsworthy and surprising to your readers if there was a nice,
positive one.
Mr Hill: You are always welcome to
telephone me if you hear of such a story and I shall consider it.
Mr Esser: It is interesting that, as
has been demonstrated today, there are very differing newspapers. There are ten national newspapers and we are
all obviously in competition with each other, particularly The Guardian. Despite this
very broad approach, none of the newspapers finds a huge fund of positive
stories. It would be a very good idea
if the agencies put their minds to it.
It is called positive PR, I think.
Q333 Nia Griffith: We have heard from the CRE, Oxfam and Liberty
that the local, regional press is a lot more positive in their portrayal of
asylum seekers. Have you noticed in any
way a difference between national and local press?
Mr Toulmin: I am aware of the fact that
various regional newspapers have been singled out for particular praise through
receiving awards for their coverage of asylum seekers and issues to do with
immigration. The complaints trend that
we see does tend to concern national newspapers. The regional, local press is a very large part of what the PCC's
remit extends to and we would be in a position to see if there was a general
concern about the regional press. In
any case, the numbers of specific complaints about the national press,
considering how many articles are published - Alan said at the beginning that
there were 2,500 articles about asylum seekers in the national press only last
year - go to show that the number of complaints does not reveal a huge
groundswell of concern about them from people against the national press, given
that they can complain about issues to do with accuracy, privacy, intrusion,
discrimination about individuals and so on.
Q334 Nia Griffith: In terms of looking at things like the
local, regional press, can you suggest any reasons why they are so positive in
their coverage?
Mr Toulmin: That is a matter for
individual editors, I suppose. The type
of content does vary obviously from regional, local press and national
press. They would probably stay close
to their readers. If they write a story
about an asylum seeker, there is quite a high likelihood that their readers
will know who this person is, for instance, so there might be a degree more of
relevance than in the national audience.
Q335 Chairman: Do you think there is a problem, talking
about asylum seekers, that that effectively reads across to the legal migrants
who may be here with a work permit or even second and third generation migrant
families, in the way that people may not be able to distinguish between an
asylum seeker family, an asylum seeker individual or a failed asylum seeker or
indeed somebody else who perhaps has a dark skin?
Mr Hill: Why are we talking about
people with dark skin? We are not
talking about people with dark skin in particular. I am certainly not talking about people with different coloured
skin. I do not believe it does have an
effect, no. There are established
groups in this country who have been here for generations and people are
perfectly happy about that.
Q336 Chairman: Some organisations like the CRE, the National
Union of Journalists, Oxfam and the PCC have published guidelines to try and
promote the accurate reporting and unbiased reporting of asylum seekers and
refugee issues with correct terminology, distinguishing between asylum seekers,
refugees, illegal immigrants and migrant workers. How do you ensure they are put into effect?
Mr Hill: It is quite difficult, I
agree, and perhaps we should make more effort to do so. I would go along with that.
Q337 Chairman: Have any of your journalists complained to
you that they feel they have been asked to write stories that they do not think
are appropriate?
Mr Hill: No.
Q338 Chairman: Mr Esser?
Mr Esser: Certainly not.
Q339 Chairman: The reason I raise that is that I had a phone
call last week from a member of the editorial staff, not on one of your papers
but another tabloid, who said he wanted to speak to me off the record rather
than the other way round, which was a novel experience.
Mr Hill: There is no such thing as
off the record. Do be careful.
Q340 Chairman: I know that.
I am going to respect it from his point of view anyway. He was complaining to me that he felt
sometimes he was under pressure and other journalists had complained to him as
a member of the editorial staff that they were under pressure to report on
these sorts of stories negatively, using language and terminology that they
felt was not appropriate.
Mr Hill: I would never put any of my
journalists under pressure to write something they did not want to write.
Q341 Chairman: Mr Esser, how do you ensure that the
guidelines are put into effect?
Mr Esser: We attempt to ensure that
the guidelines are followed by constantly reminding our people what the
guidelines are. The senior editors who
oversee the copy and so on are very well aware of it, as of course is the
editor. Inevitably the odd slip gets in
the paper because people are working under huge pressures of time, but
generally speaking we do keep to the guidelines. We are proud of our record of doing so and that is certainly
always our intention. I echo Peter's
view on our journalists. No journalist
on The Daily Mail is ever told to
write a story in a particular way.
Q342 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Mr Toulmin, I am a very
strong believer in self-regulation and the work of the PCC, as I think you
know. I think you also know that in the
Human Rights Act special importance is given to self-regulation in section
12. When I look at your code of
practice however, it seems to me to be something that needs further
consideration. I would like to draw
your attention to what I have in mind.
Nothing I am saying now is to suggest changes in the law; I am talking
about self-regulation and the role of the PCC.
In paragraph 12 of your code, you talk about discrimination. The PCC says that the press must avoid
prejudicial or pejorative reference to an individual's race, colour, religion,
gender, sexual orientation et cetera.
It does not talk about groups; it talks about a particular individual. Would it not be a good idea for the PCC to
consider the kind of thing that the Earl of Onslow was talking about, the
demonising of whole groups of people because of their group categorisation and
stereotyping, as well as attacking an individual because they are black or an
asylum seeker and so on? Would it not
be better to widen the code in that respect and then give some rather more
practical guidance in consultation with the editors - we have heard three
editors today - about exactly how in practice to avoid the risk of unnecessary
attacks upon whole groups of people because of their group characteristics?
Mr Toulmin: Without getting into a great
lecture about the structure of the PCC, it is probably worth pointing out that
the PCC itself is an independent body to which the press has submitted, so that
is self-regulation in a way. The PCC
itself does not write the code. There
is a separate committee of editors that writes the code of practice. They charge the independent PCC with
enforcing it. It is a very timely
suggestion because representations are currently being invited by that
committee to make suggestions about how the code might be improved. That committee has considered the point
about clause 12 and whether it should extend to groups of people many times
before. The code at its heart is meant
to be a document that protects individuals against the overweening freedom of
the press that you described at the beginning of your remarks. The PCC is a manifestation of the press
recognising that freedom must be limited.
When it comes to the issue of clause 12 and discrimination that
committee - and I would be delighted to be here if you could make a suggestion
about how to get over this difficulty - has not come up with a form of words
that protects their right to freedom of expression, including the rights to
make jokes about groups of people, for instance, whilst at the same time
addressing the issue with which you are concerned. It has been said that one person's insult in this context is
another person's joke and so on. You
would be expecting the Commission to be making rather subjective judgments,
sometimes on matters of taste, fairness and so on about groups when the
philosophical basis of this document is about protecting named individuals
where I think we have some considerable success. You raise a point that is made frequently. I am not saying that we have a satisfactory
answer to it because I do not think we do necessarily, but there is this
process whereby suggestions can be made to that body that reviews the code on
an annual basis.
Q343 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I do not quite understand
the problem about clause 12 as you describe it. I agree it is not for you to decide but it is for the editors
when they look at this again. Is it not
an extraordinary idea that you limit the focus to prejudice against me as an
individual, because I am a Jew, rather than prejudice against me as one of
200,000 Jews? Surely newspapers need to
be given concrete, practical guidance that they ought not to stigmatise, for
example, Jews on the basis of group characteristics unnecessarily. No editor here would disagree with what I
have said. No one would say, "We see it
as our responsibility and right to stigmatise Jews in this country on the basis
of group characteristics." While you
are thinking about the answer to that, look at what you say in the public
interest at the bottom. Your definition
of the public interest is extraordinarily narrow if you look at it. It does not recognise, as for example does
the European Human Rights Convention or the Human Rights Act or any body of
principle that I know, that there are other public interest considerations to
be weighed in the balance in responsible reporting and editorialising other
than the very narrow list there. Is
that something that might be reconsidered in the context of the discussion we
are having today, the definition of the public interest?
Mr Toulmin: On that point, it is often
misunderstood what that box relates to.
It is not an exhaustive list. It
says "includes but is not confined to" that following list. The public interest could include a broad
range of issues upon which the Commission as an independent body would make a
common sense decision. If there are
specific issues that you have in mind where there is a glaring omission of
something that is in human rights legislation, I think we should hear about it
in any context, this context or any other.
If I may come back to discrimination to deal with your example and
others, we have had some success in dealing with this issue in recent years and
reducing therefore the number of complaints about discrimination by taking
complaints and talking to suitable groups of people, interest groups and so on,
coaching them about how the code can be used.
One of the things we have seen is that those types of objections about
groups are generally better dealt with under clause one, accuracy, which
applies to groups of people obviously because it does not refer to an
individual. People can complain to us
if there is a general point of inaccuracy which we find is an effective way of
dealing with the types of complaints that people would initially think may
amount to discrimination. It is the
reporting base that they consider to be unfair because it is based on or the
article relies on something that is either inaccurate or misleading.
Q344 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Are you saying that if a
newspaper indulged in over broad racial stereotyping, for example, that would
fall within clause one?
Mr Toulmin: I believe it may well do,
yes, but I also believe there is a certain piece of legislation that would
apply if you are racially discriminated against.
Q345 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I am talking about speech,
not discrimination. I am talking about
the abuse of free speech through racial stereotyping. Do you think that falls within clause one rather than clause 12?
Mr Toulmin: There is a very strong
chance that it would.
Q346 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Would it not be a good idea
to spell it out because it is such a serious issue and an important part of the
public interest that there should not be unnecessary racial stereotyping of
groups of people in a pejorative sense?
Mr Toulmin: In addition to this code,
there is an entire book which brings together our own rulings under it, which
is available not just to the industry but more broadly, which goes into some of
those details. More broadly than that,
there is a whole load of reasons themselves.
If there is an example of the PCC not being able to deal with an issue
because of the code, there is a procedure by which the code can be changed. If you have particular examples in mind, we
would be very pleased to see them, to see where the problem lies.
Q347 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I do not think you have the
drift of what I am searching for. I am
talking about the very busy editor, sub-editor or journalist who needs guidance
from you by self-regulation, not by the heavy hand of law. What I am suggesting to you is not that they
go through your case law or some large book but that in the code or some
practical guidance there are the principles that I am sure you know the late,
lamented Hugo Young brilliantly described about 30 years ago in his seminal
document. Should not some of that be
translated into half a page so that there can be guidance on it?
Mr Toulmin: It would be based on particular
examples of where the press was having difficulty. If they exist, we will look into it but if you are saying should
that emerge from a vacuum and there are not any specific examples it would be
more difficult to make a case. Of
course we are prepared to look at anything.
Q348 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Do you think that the PCC's
compliance mechanisms are sufficient to deal with the kinds of problems this
Committee is concerned with or would you welcome something a little more strong
and effective?
Mr Toulmin: The discussion has shown the
difficulty in separating out the treatment of individuals and the broader
public policy issues. On the issue of
the treatment of individuals, the PCC does have its structure which is
flexible, its code which is accessible and its work it does with groups of
people, telling them how to complain, getting decent resolutions quickly with
no charge and so on, which can change practice of newspapers and there are many
examples more broadly in the industry.
There is a record of achievement there.
That is not to say that we are n any way perfect. We do listen to
recommendations and suggestions from any group and any individual. I am sure the Committee would have some.
Q349 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: Is there any code of practice
that you are aware of that covers these issues, not yours but from newspapers
or media organisations, which we should know about, which you would commend as
being particularly good in this area?
Mr Toulmin: There are various pressure
groups that work with the media on asylum, refugees and there is a media
project as well. There is the work done
by the Commission for Racial Equality.
There is a lot of interest in this area and a log of dialogue. Doubtless you have had submissions from all
of those people.
Q350 Chairman: The code of practice is published after
discussion by a committee of editors?
Mr Toulmin: Yes.
Q351 Chairman: Is the same process applied to the PCC
guidance notes as well?
Mr Toulmin: The position with regard to
guidance notes is slightly different because they usually arise when the PCC
itself on the back of trends in complaints or indeed representations from
particular interest groups shows some issue where the code could require some
amplification. The Commission will be
proactive in drawing together the terms of that but, because it talks about the
code and there is a separate committee that deals with the review of the code,
those guidance notes do have to be notified to that committee to ensure that
what we are saying is compliant, but it is our initiative.
Q352 Chairman: Notified to them for approval or just
notified to them?
Mr Toulmin: It is notified to them. They do not veto it. What we say has to be compliant with the
code so technically I suppose, if it ever arose as an issue and we said
something wildly at odds with clause one, they could come back and say, "That
is not what we meant when we phrased this" but that has not ever arisen because
we strive to get the point over.
Q353 Chairman: Mr Hill, you are a member of the PCC?
Mr Hill: I am.
Q354 Chairman: Are you a member of the committee that does
this?
Mr Hill: No.
Q355 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: In the letter written about
the editors' code of practice committee what was ruled out was the very
question I was asking you, which was whether the code should deal with
discrimination and prejudice against ethnic groups rather than only
individuals. The view taken by the
editors in their wisdom was that it should not deal with groups because that
violates free speech. When you were
saying that the committee was covered at least by clause one, that is not
apparently the view of the editors. I
am mentioning this now because this Committee might come to the conclusion that
the view expressed by the editors here is too narrow and therefore it needs to
be dealt with, not necessarily today, but speaking for myself I personally
would like this issue to be dealt with, perhaps in writing afterwards because
on the face of it what is said here is rather surprising.
Mr Toulmin: I am not suggesting that my
answer would address all your concerns.
It is certainly not the same thing as changing the code on
discrimination to make it applicable to groups as well as individuals. We found a lot of the concerns that were
brought to us from people who initially phrased their complaint in terms of
being discriminatory about groups of people can make a successful complaint on
clause one because the thing they are taking exception to is based on something
that is either misleading or distorting.
I am certainly not suggesting that that equates with what you were
suggesting before.
Q356 Baroness Stern: Could you tell us how often, say, last year
you wrote to editors to remind them of your guidance on refugees and asylum
seekers and could you give us one or two examples of the sort of thing that
prompted to you to write to them and remind them?
Mr Toulmin: Thank you for that because
that gives me an opportunity to draw attention to an area of our work that is
proactive. There is this note which you
have seen. Lord Lester thinks it is
narrow and there may be scope to look at it under review as well. We commission an agency to scan the whole of
the British press, not just the national but the regional and local as well,
looking at this phrase. Last year there
were 14 examples in the whole of the press out of however many hundreds of
thousands of articles there were. Some
of them were quoting Members of Parliament in debate and editors felt a bit
cross that we had written to them when that was the situation. On other occasions, because we require a
response from an editor to justify their use of this phrase, it is a very
simple mistake. Perhaps a new
journalist has come in or a trainee does not realise that it exists and
therefore as a result they must reissue the guidance and so on. The answer to your question is 14. In each case we had a reply from the editor
- I have a list if you want to know who
they were - and an undertaking about what action would be taken to make sure
that the terms of the note would be complied with.
Chairman: It would be helpful if you
could let us have the list.
Q357 Dr Harris: Is the term "illegal asylum seeker"?
Mr Toulmin: That is right.
Q358 Dr Harris: It would not pick up the use of the term
"refugee" instead of asylum seeker incorrectly?
Mr Toulmin: No, it would not, but we do
ask the agency to scan for "illegal asylum seeker" which was the phrase that
caused particular consternation. There
was some work done by the Liberal Democrats, the Shadow Secretary of State,
that initially brought that particular problem to our attention, that that
phrase was still being used.
Q359 Chairman: What about interchangeability of other groups
like "asylum seekers"?
Mr Toulmin: That would require a
judgment by the person doing the scanning, to know whether it was incorrect. It might be a little more complicated. Because "illegal asylum seeker" is always
going to be wrong, we scan for that.
Q360 Dr Harris: It is always going to be inaccurate but the
term "illegal asylum seeker" does not create the problems of classification,
because that makes people think there are illegal asylum seekers whereas if you
call asylum seekers illegal immigrants that is far worse in terms of the effect
it has on people's opinions. That is
where there is merit in going further to be proactive and look at this.
Mr Toulmin: There may be all sorts of
areas we can look into. If you just did
a scan for "illegal immigrant" you would get a large number of cases where it
was legitimately used. Then there would
have to be a value judgment by someone to decide where it was illegitimately
used. That might present some
difficulties. One of the things we do
when we go about the country and host open days and so on with all sorts of
different interest groups is to tell people how to complain and what they can
complain about. If there was a very
straightforward issue where there was confusion on that basis they could
complain.
Q361 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: You said in your written
evidence to us that the current system of regulation works well and that it has
not been necessary to issue rulings about asylum seeker complaints for some
time. I wonder whether you could
reconsider that statement in the light of the discussion today, because on the
face of it that seems to me to be - I am sorry to put it like this - a bit
complacent.
Mr Toulmin: I do not think it was meant
to be complacent. It was just a
statement of the fact that the complaints we have had before us have not
required the Commission's sanction of a published, critical note of
adjudication. Most of our work is
conducted in the area of conciliation.
The PCC primarily is a dispute resolution service, about undertakings,
future conduct, corrections, apologies, tagging internal records, retraining of
journalists who have been errant and so on.
I am not suggesting that we have not had complaints that have raised
possible breaches of the code since then.
The point is that they have been satisfactorily resolved directly after
our intervention. We have not had
anything on the scale of the two examples we sent you since. If there is a major complaint to us, we will
adjudicate on it. It is not a policy
decision not to but we are bound by the types of complaints that we get.
Q362 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: That is the point, is it
not? I am asking you about the systemic
problem and a systemic solution. The
systemic problem is damaging, misleading newspaper reporting in some sections
which may damage community relations.
The PCC obviously has to have a view about that as the voluntary
regulator. You are saying it is
entirely on the basis of the individual complaint but does not the PCC have
some general view about systemic problems that need to be tackled, for example,
by the code?
Mr Toulmin: The specific complaints we
get are the basis on which we were set up, to deal with complaints from
individuals and their representatives.
That is our main work. Then
there are various proactive things we can do that we have discussed. Beyond that you start to get into the area
of monitoring. We could have a grand,
monitoring body looking at not just coverage of asylum seekers but absolutely
everything you fancy. That would be an
enormous bureaucracy and very expensive.
You are shaking your head.
Q363 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I am not suggesting that at
all.
Mr Toulmin: There is work we do at the
grass roots level before the complaints are even necessary and hopefully we
have prevented them. There is work we
do to raise the profile of the code and the requirements of it within the
industry and then there are the responses that we make to specific
complaints. Then there is a wide range
of responses that we can make to those.
There is obviously a further degree of involvement that you think we
should have.
Q364 Lord Lester of Herne Hill: I am sorry to interrupt but
you are misunderstanding me. I am not
suggesting any of that. It is simply
that your code reflects what the PCC and the editors think are practical
problems requiring attention in the code.
All I am putting to you is the need to reflect on whether the code
itself and your system might deal with the systemic problem if you recognise
that there is such a problem. Do you
recognise that there is a systemic problem that needs your attention?
Mr Toulmin: We would have a very clear
view based on a large number or a volume of complaints with which we could not
deal, which would have left us in an unsatisfactory position. I cannot say with any honesty that that is
currently the case. In any case, the
code of practice is written and reviewed by a separate committee. We, the PCC, can make suggestions to it but
we are not responsible for writing it.
If there are examples of newspaper articles or the practices of
journalists in gathering information for those articles which somehow people
wish to object to, that it has fallen through the net somehow, obviously we
need to see the cases.
Q365 Nia Griffith: In 2003 the committee reviewing the
International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial
Discrimination expressed concerns about the increasing prejudice against asylum
seekers and immigrants in the UK media and they also mentioned the lack of
effectiveness of the PCC in dealing with the issue. They recommended that the government should consider how the PCC
could be made more effective and suggested that the industry should be
empowered to hear complaints by groups like the CRE and other interested
organisations. What steps have been
taken in response to that comment?
Mr Toulmin: Since the whole process
regarding this guidance note and the monitoring of that, compliance with that
has been taken. I must declare an
interest. A member of the CRE, Colin
Harris, the director of strategy of the CRE, is a member of the Press Complaints
Commission as well, which illustrates in part the fact that there is ongoing
dialogue with bodies who represent and have an interest in this area; and also
slightly different bodies, not just concerned with asylum seekers such as the
National AIDS Trust when discussing issues to do with HIV and AIDS and so on
have had some very constructive dialogue with us. If that recommendation was made towards the government, that
would be a matter for the government to respond to but since then - and
obviously that is some time ago, three and a half years ago and it predates my
time as director of the PCC, although I was there before - there is a
reasonable record of dialogue. It is
not just dialogue; it is what we can do to train and coach people and their
representatives about how best to use the code. Hopefully we do not get any complaints at all if people know how
to deal with journalists immediately and know what their rights are under the
code. In an ideal world, we would not
have to deal with any possible breaches of it.
Q366 Dr Harris: On the issue of your redress, there is this
famous story in The Sun called "Swan
Bake" which started off: "Callous asylum seekers are barbecuing the Queen's
swans ... East European poachers lure the protected Royal birds into baited traps
...". It turns out there was no evidence
that that was the issue. The question
is whether there is adequate redress or reinformation to the public because a
clarification was made some months later on page 41 of one of its issues,
acknowledging that conjecture had been confused with fact. I would be surprised if that was the phrase
they used. If they settle out of court
before you make a ruling, there is nothing to stop them giving far less
prominence to the correction of fact under point one of your code than the
actual story itself. Therefore, it does
not achieve anything in terms of redressing the balance of information.
Mr Toulmin: I am the first to admit that
the example as you describe it does not make us look particularly good. There is a number of factors there. Yes, that was a prominent story that was
corrected or clarified further back in the newspaper. It was before my time as director. As I recall it, we had taken a complaint from a pressure group. In other words, not from the people directly concerned. It was very difficult to engage with them in our normal
procedures, investigation and resolution.
Eventually the complaint was dealt with on the basis that there had been
an offer to publish something. The
newspaper published it unilaterally afterwards. That is not a very good indication of the work we do on prominent
apologies and corrections which far more regularly - in about 80 per cent of
cases - are published around the scene of the crime, if you like, either on the
same page or further forward than the original. Yes, you can quote those two pages and say that makes the PCC
look rather feeble but I do not think it is indicative of what we do in
general. More to the point, I do not
think it was ever accepted by the newspaper that the story was wrong. What they were saying to us was that they had
relied on a police source. The police
source would not go on the record and therefore they were left in a position
where they had to publish some sort of follow up. They never accepted that the
story was invented.
Q367 Dr Harris: That was not my point. My point was about the place. Finally, to come back to Mr Hill and Mr
Esser again, it is said that the sort of headlines we have been discussing,
with or without unfortunate sub-editing - and you have kindly accepted that
that can happen in a busy paper and I accept that - if it was accepted that
there was this pattern that had an impact on the public image or the public's
view of asylum seekers such that genuine asylum seekers and refugees were
suffering as a result - and research could be done to show a few people, a
significant number of people, some of the stories, asking questions before and
after, to see if it affected their opinion or if the BNP were using them in a
leaflet some of the headlines which exist - would you in that case argue that
something ought to exist in the code, for example, that would ensure that
genuine asylum seekers, as you call them, and refugees were given some further
protection within the code; or do you think it is just a good practice point?
Mr Esser: It is a good practice point. I do not think you need to have that in the
code. What the PCC has done is to
introduce a greater sense of responsibility in the press, in all ten national
newspapers and all the Sunday newspapers and the local papers too. It has done a very good job. I do not accept that newspapers,
particularly The Daily Mail,
deliberately go out to be provocative.
We try not to be but if it was shown to us that it is destructive to
community relations we would certainly think hard and long about the
construction of our headlines. However,
our readers read the paper; they do not just read the headlines.
Q368 Dr Harris: I know I do.
Mr Hill, anything to add?
Mr Hill: In relation to the PCC code,
we have to be very careful not to try to impose a level of political correctness
in terms of expression on the newspapers.
I would not like to see any kind of reworking of the code which made it
difficult for people to use the kind of robust language that the newspapers in
this country have a right to use and indeed, in many cases, a duty to use,
because it is the newspapers in particular rather than television for instance
that raise the issues that need to be discussed by our society. Quite often we do need to use strong and
robust language. I for one would not
like to think that I had to be limited.
I do try to exercise responsibility and I know that my journalists do as
well, but there are times when strong language is called for. Most people nowadays are very careful to
avoid racial stereotyping. As a recent
controversy has shown, people are very much against racial prejudice in our
country. There has been a huge amount
of good education in our country. I
think the newspapers have helped that as well as anybody else. We have to be able to raise the issues. We have to be free to discuss them and if
necessary in robust terms. That is very
important indeed. Yes, we must be responsible, I agree, but we must be free to
cite individual cases. If that has a
bad effect, I am afraid it cannot be avoided because there are a lot of those
cases. We cannot ignore them. It is very important to establish that the
press is a free press, albeit a responsible one.
Q369 Chairman: Would any of you like to make a short,
closing remark?
Mr Travis: On the final PCC point, my
chairman does sit on the PCC committee of editors. His view would also be that he would be very reluctant to see an
extension of clause 12 to cover groups as well. In matters of freedom of expression, we have to be extremely
cautious. There are remedies available to
deal with this problem. Perhaps the PCC
could be rather more vigorous as a regulator rather than as a mediator in these
cases.
Chairman: Thank you for your
evidence. It has been a very
interesting exchange from both our points of view.