Draft Bribery Bill - Joint Committee on the Draft Bribery Bill Contents


Additional memorandum submitted by Jeremy Horder (BB 06)

  Jeremy Horder, Law Commission for England and Wales.

  1.  Comparing the "improper conduct" model with the law in other jurisdictions. The Law Commission looked at the law in other jurisdictions in its Consultation Paper, "Reforming Bribery" (CP No 185, 2007), appendix B. I attach a copy below. Comparing legal language, against different legal backgrounds, is inevitably a potentially misleading business. In France, language such as "without a right" and in Germany "in violation of duty" are words used that could be compared with "improper conduct", but they are used in France and Germany exclusively for public sector bribery. In Germany, in the private sector, the word "unfairly" is used to identify transactions that, in exchange for benefits, will be regarded as involving bribery. Following the Commission's lead, the Bill tries to avoid these differing standards, as well as the problematic public/private sector distinction, by using a definition of "improper conduct" to cover both the public and the private sector. The overwhelming majority of the Law Commission's consultees favoured this "single test" approach and emphatically rejected a division between public sector and private sector bribery.

  2.  Leaving "improper" and "not legitimately due" undefined. The Commission addressed this issue in its Report at paras 3.100-3.110. Leaving key elements undefined has the attraction of simplicity, but would risk creating a situation in which the reforms would not improve on the current law. To seek to answer 2(a), one of the very problems with the current law is that courts have been at odds over what directions should be given to juries on the meaning of "corruptly", given that it is undefined. Moreover, turning to 2(b), in fairness to eg public servants and companies, some guidance on what is permitted/forbidden should be provided in law. The Commission took the view that, by defining "improper" as breach of trust, breach of impartiality, or breach of duty of good faith, at least some guidance would be provided, giving public servants, companies and juries something to go on. In the end, given that "good faith", "impartiality" and "trust" are ordinary English words, with the benefit of a common sense direction from the judge I think that a jury will perfectly well understand what is being asked of them. On "not legitimately due", it is essential that the clause 4 offence shuts out in terms any possible attempt to extend it to customary law, otherwise the clause 4 offence will simply fail to meet our international obligations. Would it really be better if the courts were left to fill in the meaning of "improper" and "legitimately due" on a case by case basis? For a start, too few bribery cases are litigated in the higher courts for such a policy to get off the ground; and in any event, this is not an appropriate area for piecemeal common law development.

  3.  The applicability of the "what a reasonable person would expect" test. Certainly, the clause 1 and 2 offences have an international application. That follows—but seeks to improve on—the current law, and the law would be grossly deficient without such an application. Two points here.

    First, your question may show that we are in danger of missing the point about the clause 4 offence. The clause 4 offence is there specifically to meet our international obligations. Whilst those obligations could be met in other ways, the creation of a specific offence using particular wording allows English courts to look to international jurisprudence on the meaning of those words as they fall to be applied. Clause 4 also constitutes a visible commitment to our international obligations, rather like the creation of the offence of "torture" in 1988. Most kinds of torture would be covered by offences under the Offences against the Person Act 1861, but the Government in 1988 decided that a specific offence should be created to demonstrate our commitment to our international obligations. All these points are set out in the Commission's Report at paras 5.61-5.70 and were supported by the overwhelming majority of consultees. When a case raising alleged bribery of an foreign public official is being considered by prosecutors, they will in effect be duty-bound to charge clause 4, in any case where, if they do not do so, the defendant may seek to exploit the "what the reasonable person might expect" provision to say that what s/he did was only to be expected in country X. It needs to be kept in mind that complying with our international obligations is not just about passing laws. It is about prosecuting them in a way that makes compliance a real prospect, not just a prospect on paper.

    Moving on from that, secondly, when a case falls outside the scope of clause 4, but still involves foreign bribery, I think that it becomes harder to justify some alternative test, such as "not legitimately due". In cases involving purely private sector bribery overseas, the "not legitimately due" concept begins to lose all meaning. More importantly, clause 4 is as it is, in relation to public officials, because we wished to avoid "gold-plating". However, a company that bribed a candidate for public office, so clause 4 was not engaged, would be taking a huge risk respecting whether the jury would be sympathetic to his or her view that it was ok, say, to boost a candidate's expenses to astronomical levels, "because that is the sort of thing that they expect in country X [and I wanted to have them in my pocket]". Sure, a jury might buy that explanation, but then again they might not. We need to have faith in juries to make the right call, given the right guidance from the bench.

  4.  Gaps in the law? To take the first point about two Boards of Directors carving up market share, the House of Lords has made it clear time and again that conspiracy to defraud should be used only exceptionally in such a situation, because it is a matter to be governed by competition law. The same is true of bribery law, which should in no circumstances ever be used in such a way that it undermines Britain's competition policy and the law that embodies that policy. Other than in unusual situations, agreements about market share are competition law matters, period. The Commission sought to explain this in its Consultation Paper, Appendix D. There is no "gap" in the law, if one is willing to look beyond bribery and consider the effect of the law governing fair competition, bribery and fraud, taken together. So far as paying voters to vote a particular way is concerned, it is hard to see why that should be regarded as bribery, as the voter is under no duty to vote at all, and if if s/he does vote, he or she is under no duty to vote only for certain reasons. So, there is no "improper conduct" in any of the three senses set out in the Bill. It would, of course, be different if it is, say, a Returning Officer who is bribed. Again, the issue is one for other legislation, namely legislation about voting and representation of the people. After all, when any sitting politician canvasses a voter, s/he is a public official offering an advantage (better local/national politics if his/her party wins the election) in exchange for something (a vote). Does that mean we should think of this as a potential case of bribery, if only we could find some impropriety? No.

    More broadly, it is a conceptual truth about law that the greater the specificity in legislation the more the potential for gaps, even though greater specificity may involve better guidance. Contrariwise, vaguer or undefined concepts may reduce the potential for gaps (although that depends how "prosecution-minded" an Appeal Court is in interpreting an offence) but they provide less by way of guidance. The Bill attempts to provide at least a degree of specificity by naming the three key concepts (trust; impartiality; good faith) under the aegis of "improper conduct", and in that way may risk some "gappiness", but in my view the risk is low and outweighed by the benefits.

  5.  The 1925 Act. As I indicated at the meeting, our agreement with the Home Office (as was) was that we would not stray into misconduct concerning Parliament/Government, and the 1925 Act was thus excluded from our remit. It may be that this Act would be made redundant by the Bill if it passed into law. If so, our Statute Law Repeal division within the Commission might be persuaded to look at it with a view to abolition. Whether it can and should be done now I could not say. It is worth perhaps saying that there may be disadvantages in making a single statute wholly and exclusively the source of bribery law, until some time has passed to see if, indeed, other legislation is now unnecessary.

  6.  6(a): The reason for the defence of "reasonable belief" is that, quite simply, companies have to do business in a huge number of very different countries around the world, and they often have to make decisions whether or not to invest etc at very short notice. Access to the relevant law is now a much simpler task than it was years ago, because there are so many good internet resources. However, it is still the case that there are no English language translations of the law for many countries, and it may be hard to know in some instances, just by reading a statute, how the words will be understood in a particular country. There will still be a need to rely on lawyers' advice in some instances, and it is in such cases that the reasonable belief test was meant to come into its own.

  6(b)  This is unrealistic. Jurisprudentially, only the highest domestic court (or supreme ruler) can be a final authority on what the law in a given jurisdiction requires. Hence, in some instances, the need to rely on lawyers who know how the court/ruler tends to see things, legally, in that jurisdiction.

  6(c)  A fuller explanation of these issues can be found in the Commission's report, at 5.91-5.11. The OECD regards the "not legitimately due" criterion as one that respects the autonomy of states in determining on what basis advantages should be received by officials. It is unlikely that corporate hospitality, in particular, will ever be "legitimately due", although some commission payments may be. As I said at the meeting, we have to rely on prosecutorial and jury common sense here. There is simply too little public interest in prosecuting firms, at great expense, for the provision of hospitality or commission payments, unless those reach levels any ordinary person would regard as totally out of order.

  6(d)  This is dealt with in appendix B of the Commission's Consultation Paper (below). In essence, several countries have a "not legitimately due" criterion, or a "without legal right" criterion, or something of that nature, in relation to bribing foreign public officials.

  7.  Negligently failing to prevent bribery: clause 5 How many countries have such an offence? This is not as straightforward a question to answer as it seems. In some—perhaps most—instances where one finds a basic offence of "failing to prevent bribery" it will, in effect, be treated as one of negligently or recklessly failing to prevent bribery, either because negligence/recklessness will be treated as an implicit element by the legislature or the courts in the country in question, or because prosecution policy so dictates. As in my answer to 1 above, it is important to stress how misleading it can be to make crude, purely text-based comparisons between the law in different jurisdictions.

  That said, there is in fact a relatively long list of countries that impose liability on the basis of what (in the obfuscating Latin that is often insisted on overseas) is regarded as, "culpa in eligendo, instuendo, et custodiendo" (basically negligent or reckless failures in hiring, training and supervising). Some such countries are listed in the Commission's report at para 6.94.

  Putting national jurisdictions on one side, the starting point in the Law Commission's report (paras 6.62-6.71) was Article 5(2) of the European Council's Framework decision (2003/568/JHA), which requires criminal liability to be imposed by member states:

    "where the lack of supervision or control by a [natural] person…has made possible the commission of [a bribery offence] for the benefit of that legal person by a [natural] person under its authority."

  In my oral evidence, I perhaps ought to have mentioned article 5(2), which has hitherto been conveniently ignored by Government for law reform purposes; but no longer, if the Government's Bill goes through. It seems self-evident that article 5(2) is aimed at negligent failures to prevent bribery by someone in the company. The "failure to prevent" offence in the Bill matches article 5's requirements. Similarly, the OECD itself has laid emphasis on negligent failures by companies that lead to bribery being committed on a company's behalf (Law Commission Report, para 6.91).

  7(a)  I cannot answer this, because this is a Government amendment to the Commission's recommendations.

  7(b)  Again, as this is a Government amendment, the issue of its consistency with what the Commission said is not a matter for me. However, in support of the Government's new position one might say that companies, unlike people, can be in several places at one time and often do not really have a true national base: they carry on business—and are managed— wherever is best from the company's viewpoint. I should stress that if that seems an obvious point that the Law Commission should have taken on board, it is important to remember that the Commission only makes recommendations for England and Wales, and must be wary of—indeed, ideally, avoid—making recommendations that extend liability to persons or entities based elsewhere. However, in support of the Commission's position, see further the point made under 7(d) below.

  7(c)  I cannot really answer this properly, as this is a Government amendment. However, in the Commission's report, we employed a common phrase—"business, trade or profession"—to describe the limits of private sector bribery, and that phrase (or something like it) is in common use in the criminal and civil law (Report, para 3.21-3.24).

  7(d)  I certainly drew the parallel with natural persons ordinarily resident, as a way of explaining the Government's amendment to the Law Commission Bill, but clearly, given the point made above that companies may have no national allegiances and may be in several places at one time (answer to 7(b) above), the analogy has limits.

  By comparison, a company's corrupt activity outside the US may be caught by US law if any element of it is routed (eg via bank payment transfers) via the US.

  However, as business organisations pointed out to us in consultation, the US is commonly regarded as a special case, when it comes to taking jurisdiction, because of its great political and legal power world-wide. If we were to start taking jurisdiction over companies based in, say, tyrannical regimes, just because those companies did business here, what would be to stop those regimes using that as a justification for doing likewise vis-à-vis British companies? The result would be that British business people would be liable to find themselves arrested and imprisoned in those regimes as soon as their plane landed, just because that regime suspected that an allegedly corrupt transaction by the business people had taken place in or been routed through their country, with all that that might entail in terms of the treatment of those people within that legal system. We did not find that an attractive prospect, but the Government feels the risk ought to be shrugged off. Certainly, the OECD would like us to extend liability in the way that Government intends to extend it. However, the OECD does not have to worry itself about "tit for tat" legislation overseas that entails British business people being held in what may be appalling prison conditions abroad, facing indefinite detention respecting dubious allegations that may quite possibly have been politically motivated in the first place.

  8.  "Adequate procedures" under Clause 5. I believe that the Bill fully meets the Woolf Committee expectations, and that there will be no negative incentive of the kind indicated. Clause 5 is set up so as to prevent directors relying on the adequate procedures when it was their own negligence that led to the commission of bribery in the first place. I find it hard to see how that could encourage directors to take a "back seat", having appointed someone to supervise, because it is the Directors' responsibility to ensure that such a person does their (supervision) job properly. In the Woolf Committee report, we find an emphasis on the risk of bribery being committed in the company's name being a regular item of Board business. The Bill provides implicit support for such an approach, in that it would no doubt be expected that the "supervisor" would have to report at the relevant board meeting (or in some other report back) to discuss that item on the agenda. Any Board that appointed someone to supervise, and then conveniently forgot all about the issue, would find themselves looking at a justified claim that they had failed to ensure truly adequate procedures were in place. Nowhere in the Bill, or in the Commission's report on which it is based, does it anywhere say expressly or impliedly to company directors, "so long as you set up some formal system for checking, you can then just sit back and relax". "Adequate" means just that: adequate. It does not mean "adequate on the face of it", or "adequate in theory", or anything of that kind. Adequacy may vary according to the nature of a company's trade, its size, and its resources, but that is pretty much it. The issue is discussed further by the Commission in its report at paras 6.105-6.113.

  9.  "Meaning of Senior Officer". This is something added by the Government to the Commission's Bill, so I can only speculate. 5(7)(a) seems to imply that "manager" goes beyond "managing director" and would cover, say, a regional manager. It is perhaps worth enquiring of Government whether the intention was to extend the notion of "senior officer" as far as it is taken in the Corporate Manslaughter etc Act 2007. In that Act, section 1(4)(c) explicitly extends "senior management" to persons who play, "significant roles" in the making of decisions and the actual management of the company. Clearly, it is not desirable for companies to have to grapple with many different understandings in law, for the purpose of different offences, of who is "in charge".

  10.  Must a "responsible person" be appointed? The adequate procedures defence is only ruled out if the negligent failure to prevent bribery is wholly or partly attributable to a senior officer. The general idea is that if directors—who have ultimate responsibility for all procedures to prevent offences being committed by employees etc—are themselves guilty of negligently failing to prevent the offence, why should they be able to rely on procedures (for which they were in theory responsible) to stop the offence occurring?

  A small company could decide that the (four, say) directors would jointly take responsibility for preventing bribery by following a procedure they have devised to that end. In such a case, a failure to follow the procedure, or sticking to it when it had clearly become outdated etc, would amount to an arguable case of negligent failure to prevent on the part of one or more of the directors, ruling out reliance on the procedure itself obviously. Neither the Commission nor Government can profitably hope to dictate to companies exactly how they arrange their internal governance arrangements. What can be said is that those arrangements must ensure that if it is senior officers who are to do the "barking" they must bark properly, but if they employ a dog to bark, there must be something in place to make sure the dog barks properly.

  11.  Directors and disqualification. I am afraid I do not know the answer to this question as a matter of strict law. However, (a) I think the answer is that it would not be possible to disqualify a director for negligent failure to prevent bribery, and (b) it might be thought inappropriate in a case of negligence. It is unclear how one incident involving negligence could make someone unfit to run a company. It would of course be a different matter if a director had consented or connived at bribery contrary to clause 8(2).

  12.  Professor Wells is an acknowledged authority in this area of law, and a long-term advocate of the "corporate culture" model, but I reject her contentions. First the "negligent failure" basis for the offence is required by the European Council Framework Decision (see above), and is employed in a number of other jurisdictions (see above). So, it seems perfectly appropriate.

  Secondly, the "corporate culture" model is in my view hopelessly vague. Evidence of a corporate culture, if such evidence can withstand challenge as "hearsay" evidence, can certainly be a piece of evidence to support an allegation of negligence (that is the role it plays in the Corporate Homicide etc Act 2007). As a substantive legal test, I do think it even gets to first base. How, for example, can a sole proprietorship, or even family business, be said to have a "corporate culture"? Yet, such businesses (micro businesses) are the overwhelming majority of businesses in the UK, no less than 96%.

  Thirdly, vicarious liability is commonly regarded as anomalous in the criminal law, and is currently confined by the legislature to such offences as selling intoxicating liquor outside hours, or driving offences under the Road Traffic Act. I do not see it suddenly being given a front-line role in relation to the commission of a stigmatic offence like bribery. It would obscure the reality that it is the employee/agent who commits bribery, the company's fault lying in failing to prevent it. In a way, it is actually nonsensical to suggest that (in virtue of vicarious liability) the company itself actually commits the bribery, but then permit the company to plead an adequate systems defence. Such a defence presupposes that the person committing the crime and the person responsible for the system are different. So, "nul point" for this suggestion, I fear.

  The only "runner" is the suggestion that there be, in effect, strict liability for the bribery, coupled with the adequate systems defence. I discussed this in response to an early question from Lord Goodhart. I think we agreed that it would make for greater simplicity. It would not be wholly inappropriate, unworkable, or anything of that sort (unlike "corporate culture" based offences). However, first, under the existing law, it would put failing to prevent bribery on the same level as failing to prevent a tin of food being contaminated during processing, but these are very different things, because supervising people is very different in nature from supervising mechanical processes. Secondly, there is stigma attached to conviction for any bribery related offence, and that fact should be reflected in a fault requirement in the offence itself, as it is with corporate manslaughter. Thirdly, the OECD and the European Council do not require strict liability, so to introduce it would be "gold-plating" unpopular with businesses, respecting whom this legislation may already be a hard sell.

June 2009



 
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