Draft Bribery Bill - Joint Committee on the Draft Bribery Bill Contents


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 619 - 639)

THURSDAY 25 JUNE 2009

BARONESS SCOTLAND OF ASTHAL QC

  Q619  Chairman: Good morning, Lady Scotland. It is very nice to see you and your adviser. I wonder if I could ask you one question which is not on the list. We have had a lot of support for this Bill, but, on the other hand, we have also had a pretty substantial number of suggestions for amendment. I wonder how you see the timetable because we probably need to get this Bill on to the statute book and every day there is a new government Bill which is introduced, so I wonder how you see room for amendments, if any?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: I think the most important thing is to see whether the Bill is, in itself, in good shape. If it is in good shape and the consideration is that the amendments are narrow, then of course we know that that tends to give a Bill a better chance of getting into the parliamentary timetable. You are quite right, Chairman, the timetable is already quite full and the challenge is there, but you will also be conscious of the fact that, where there has been a Bill which is seen to be basically sound and not unduly controversial, but technical in nature, the House has, in the past, found time for it. For instance, the Bills which you are familiar with which start in our House, the House of Lords, sometimes can go off the floor of the House into the Moses Room in committee and can be dealt with more swiftly. I do not know what the specific timetable is, but I know that the way in which the usual authorities deal with this means that a Bill which is in good order and is not seen to be overly contentious can have a fair wind. I do not know whether that helps you. I did not ask specifically, before I came today, what the timetable looks like, but I do know that we have relatively little time between now and the end of the Fifth Session.

  Q620  Chairman: Yes, or indeed between now and the General Election.

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Well, you can say that, Chairman. I could not possibly comment.

  Q621  Lord Anderson of Swansea: That said and the fact of a pre-election session, a rather truncated session, is there any reason for the Government thinking that this Bill has any special priority?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Well, I do not know whether it has special priority, but this Committee will know that bribery is a matter which has been high on our agenda for some time. There was the previous Bill, and strenuous efforts were made to try and get that into the parliamentary timetable, so this has remained high on our priority list. It is certainly, because of recent events, something which has even more urgency maybe than would otherwise have been the case, but I cannot say that it has reduced in importance because it has always been something that we thought was of extreme importance. I can certainly undertake to make enquiries as to what the usual channels' view is, but I am afraid, not being one of the usual channel members, I cannot actually speak for them.

  Q622  Chairman: In the course of the list of questions, you will find that there are reflections which some people have put forward by way of amendment, and it would be very helpful if you would apply your mind to that aspect of these various matters to help us.

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: I do know, Chairman, that when draftsmen come to look at the final version of the Bill, they will find whatever comments that are made by this Committee extremely helpful, and I can certainly say, without any fear of contradiction, that the sagacity of this Committee is well understood and that the importance of looking at the nuances that you may indicate will be fully understood also.

  Chairman: Well, let us go on to the questions, and can I just remind members that they do not get on to the transcript unless you ask them.

  Q623  Lord Sheikh: Baroness Scotland, we begin with Article 5 of the OECD Convention. Do you think there is any justification for incorporating this in domestic law and perhaps to have added to it a Code for the prosecutors? As we all know, the OECD Working Group was very critical with regard to litigation and it felt that perhaps the Government did not engage in enough efforts to restrict arguments to prosecutors based on Article 5 factors. So what are your feelings about Article 5?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Well, firstly, to say that I think it is important for us to remember that the OECD has not explicitly requested that Article 5 be incorporated into UK law. However, I think they have made it clear that they wanted to see how it would be respected and addressed, and it is quite clear, that we, as you will know, incorporate it in terms of the Prosecutorial Code, it is something which is referred to by prosecutors and it is something which the DPP has already included in the guidelines. Also, there is of course every possibility that, in the guidance that I give through the Attorney General's guidelines, this is something that could be highlighted too, but it is important to remember that Article 5 has purchase not just on these issues, but generally in the work that a prosecutor will do, and we do think that putting it in the prosecutorial guidelines is the correct place for Article 5 to sit.

  Q624  Chairman: For all prosecutors?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: I think for all prosecutors because this is an important issue and it is not something which simply applies to corruption or bribery, but it is a matter of general application and that is why it is in the Prosecutorial Code, it is why it is in the guidelines, and it is why it is an issue which has been directed and looked at by Attorneys General past, and I am sure it will continue to exercise any Attorney General's mind in the future also.

  Q625  Chairman: I suppose one of the things that we need to consider is the power to withdraw prosecutions because that would also fall within the area of Article 5, would it not?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Yes. It comes really, and I know that we are going to deal with it later, in terms of consent because, if consent is given to a prosecution, then it is usual for consent to withdraw a prosecution also to be applied for. Of course we will go on later to talk about whether and who should have that consent and I see that that is in the questions that we will address later on this morning.

  Chairman: Well, then we will go on to question 2 about accountability for prosecution decisions if the power of consent is transferred away from you, as Attorney.

  Q626  Lord Mayhew of Twysden: Attorney, we come on straightaway actually to this question, do we not? It has been confirmed to us that, if the requirement for the consent of the Attorney for bribery offences is removed and is vested solely in the Directors, there will not be any parliamentary accountability, and I wonder if you could help us about that. To what extent do you, in your experience, find that parliamentary accountability is a reality, how does it work, how important is it and what would be the reaction be, do you suppose, of the House of Commons if it was found that it was no longer available from the person who actually has the decision?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: I think, firstly, it is implicit in your question that parliamentary accountability is actually very important. It is important because both in the House of Commons and in the House of Lords there are questions which Members wish to have addressed and addressed directly; they want to know what is being done in a particular case and why, and we saw that quite graphically on a number of occasions in the House over the last ten years. Accountability will remain because, for so long as the Law Officers, that is the Attorney General and the Solicitor, remain the supervisors and the superintendents of the prosecutorial authority, there is a vehicle through which that accountability can take place. I think it is also important, however, to have a purchase on consistency in the way in which these consents are to be exercised and, therefore, although it is proposed that it should be delegated to the DPP, I think it is going to be important for us to underscore the importance of that consent. At the moment, I would take those decisions myself personally. The issue would be scrutinised of course by the very able people who currently assist in the Attorney General's Office, and we have got some very senior officials who are skilled in the law in relation to this area and they will assist me, but the final consent, whether to approve or not approve, is taken by me personally or by the Solicitor General, but it is a very personal consent. These issues are very important, so one would expect that, if the matter were to be taken or consent were to be given by a Director of the DPP or otherwise, there would be an appropriate degree of seniority in taking that decision. When we come to the Constitutional Renewal Bill, there have been a number of suggestions as to which decisions the Director may choose to take himself or delegate to a person whom he has identified as having the competence of seniority to take that decision, but also we have to understand that there needs to be some flexibility in the organisation in order to enable them to deal with that matter appropriately.

  Q627  Lord Mayhew of Twysden: I think we may come next to a little more about that aspect of the matter, but I think I understood you to say that, even if the requirement for the consent were removed in this Bill, there would be a measure of accountability by virtue of the superintendence that the Attorney has of the Directors.

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Yes.

  Q628  Lord Mayhew of Twysden: But will that survive in the Constitutional Renewal Bill because I thought that the whole thrust of the OECD's Working Group's criticisms has been the involvement of the Attorney, as a member of the Government, in matters connected with prosecutions?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Well, I think it should survive. Our proposal is that the Attorney General and the Law Officers remain the people responsible for the supervision and superintendence of the prosecutorial authorities, the oversight, and it is still proposed that there should be a protocol entered into between the Directors and the Attorney so that there is clarity about that relationship and what is due by one to the other. For example, there is going to be the preservation of the duty or ability to consult the Attorney and you, Lord Mayhew, will remember that many prosecutors both in the Government Legal Service and elsewhere very much value the opportunity to come to the Attorney to seek the Attorney's independent advice and guidance in relation to complex and difficult issues, but in this instance of course, where the consent is transferred, it will be the Director's own decision and not the Attorney's decision which will count. Indeed, in looking at the papers, as I have, I have not found instances when Attorneys past, and I see that Lord Lyell sits beside you, where any Attorney in the resent past has found it necessary to direct in these issues. It has always been the case that the Directors will take their own view, but they have, in the past, been supported and assisted by the ability to consult the Attorney of the day in relation to complex and difficult matters.

  Q629  Lord Lyell of Markyate: Well, I am very grateful, and I think you are putting your finger on it, if I may say so. Accountability is extraordinarily important, that is the responsibility to Parliament and you cannot have responsibility without power. This is where you were quite right to point out that consent by the Director is one question, but, and this is my view and I believe that we agree on it, it must be subject to the statutory duty of superintendence which carries with it the power, if necessary, and I will come to that in a moment, to direct. Now, you rightly said that in recent years, and I think it goes back a good 100 years and it was something which was not terribly well understood in every aspect of Government, this has a very, very valuable creative tension because no Attorney has ever, in the past 100 years, directed, unless you take some rather loose language in Lord Shawcross's autobiography, that it is absolutely essential that the superintendence power should contain the power, if absolutely necessary, to direct. It is that meeting in difficult cases of two minds which must remain in the Constitution.

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Well, I know that that is very, very strongly felt and very strongly expressed. I also know that there is great anxiety with the proposal that we have made that the Attorney should no longer have the power to direct, but we do think that it is possible now to entrust that power quite legitimately in the Director of Public Prosecutions and/or the Director of the Services for this reason: that we understand the view, a bit like having your nuclear missile, that you will never use it, but it is a comfort to know that it is there, and we do not think that that is necessary any longer if we can replace it with an open, transparent protocol which sets out very clearly the respective roles and responsibilities of the Attorney and the Director. When I first came to review the whole role of the Law Officers and the Directors, it seemed to me that there was no clarity to the wider world. The Directors understood the way the relationship worked, the Attorney understood the way the relationship worked and those intimately connected were very clear about how the relationship worked and the rigour that there was and the independence that there was between those two roles, but I do not think that that was understood by anybody outside that small purview. Therefore, what we propose to do is to bring that clarity and transparency in the protocol, so it will clearly set out the role of the Director, clearly set out the role of the Attorney, and it will be better understood how that tension works between the two in a creative way to give real independence and rigour to the decision-making process. I do think that that is an important change, albeit I absolutely understand that it causes anxiety, but you will know, Lord Lyell, that anxiety has been expressed the other way by those who say that there should be no parliamentary or other supervision in relation to the prosecutorial authorities, that it should be wholly removed. That too would cause a difficulty in terms of what Lord Mayhew talks about in terms of accountability because how then is Parliament going to be able to hold what the prosecutorial authorities do precisely to account and interrogate it and test it in a way that does not improperly impact upon the independent exercise of discretion by the prosecutor on a day-to-day basis, on a case-by-case basis, but holds them to account in terms of the strategic direction in terms of what the public would expect prosecutors to do? That tension, we think, can help in a proper balance by the clarity that will come from the protocol that we have been able to create and would be proposing to publish or, at least, outline if the Constitutional Renewal Bill came forward.

  Q630  Lord Lyell of Markyate: I am perfectly happy with the protocol, although I do not think you have produced a draft yet.

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: No, not yet.

  Q631  Lord Lyell of Markyate: I think the draft is going to be extremely important. I am much in favour of clarity and I am glad you used that word and not "transparency", which is getting a bit demoted. However, the ultimate responsibility and power must remain in the independent Law Officers of the Crown, and that does not mean that the consent cannot come from the Directors, which I think is perfectly sensible, although question 3 will identify whether they can further delegate it, but we will come to that in a moment, but, if you remove the power of the Law Officers to direct, they then do not have power and yet they are supposed to have responsibility and the two do not add up. Unless that is left, and remember it is attacked by some people who, as you rightly say, do not really understand how it works, but it does work, it has worked for generations and it is an essential part, and I suspect you have already discovered yourself in the naturally and properly confidential dealings that you have had that it is an essential part of the relationship, but prosecution, like judging, is ultimately part of the governance of this country for which the Government of the day, although it gives it to independent people, is responsible, and that is why the Law Officers are in such a special position, as indeed is the Lord Chancellor when it comes to the appointment of the judiciary. Are we in agreement?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: We are certainly in agreement that the Law Officers' supervision of the prosecutorial authorities is essential for accountability. I think that where we may not be in agreement is in the necessity to retain the power to direct. I absolutely understand the force of the argument which is made and has been made actually by every Attorney General before me, but I do think that it is possible for us to move forward and I do think it is possible for us to say that that power to direct can now be removed, provided that we put in place a clear outline of how that will be done. Accountability, I absolutely agree with you, is so important to both Houses of Parliament, but actually incredibly important to the people of our country because, at any time anything goes wrong, people want someone to be held to account, they want someone to be able to answer for what is done, so I do think that the comprehensive review that I have undertaken enables me to say that we have a way forward, which will enable us to devolve more responsibility to the Directors, but without improperly impacting upon our power and ability to account to Parliament. I understand that that is not a position everybody is comfortable with and I understand that we will have a very robust and vigorous argument about that if and when the Bill comes forward.

  Q632  Lord Anderson of Swansea: I was a little puzzled as to how there could be greater tension between the Attorney and the Directors if the Attorney were wholly deprived of any opportunity of being a longstop, so you have tried to square that circle by saying, as I understand it, that the Attorney would give strategic direction. Would, however, that change in fact deprive Parliament of debating or intervening on particular cases, such as the BAE one?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: The thing is that Parliament has no role in terms of intervening on individual cases. Individual cases will always be the jurisdiction of the prosecutor and that is why we have independent prosecutors. Parliament sets the framework, Parliament can set the agenda, Parliament can change the law and Parliament can do a great deal, but it is not quite omnipotent when it comes to our justice system because of course it is very important to have this separation of powers, very important that, when a prosecutor makes that decision, they make that decision wholly independently of Government and wholly independently of Parliament.

  Q633  Lord Anderson of Swansea: That said, Parliament can comment—

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Yes.

  Q634  Lord Anderson of Swansea:—and review, in a sense, that decision. Would Parliament now be deprived of such comment and such review if the Attorney were limited to overall strategic direction?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: I think what we have to be clear about is that Parliament will continue to have the opportunity to ask questions. Provided of course that the Attorney and the Law Officers remain, the Law Officers would be able to be held to account for what the prosecutorial authorities did or did not do. You are absolutely right that, when it comes to the final decision, what the change that we propose would mean, if there were a difference between the view of the Law Officer and the view of the Director and those two could not be reconciled, which has never, to my knowledge, happened because we are talking about the law and, when the Law Officers look at these questions, they are looking at them as lawyers and not as politicians, if there were that difference, then the Director's view would prevail and the Attorney would have no power to override that view, even if the Attorney thought that the decision which was about to be made by the Director was wholly wrong.

  Q635  Chairman: Well, that is very clear and it plainly also answers the question that you are not in any way suggesting that we should abandon the idea of consent?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: No.

  Chairman: But at what level would the consent be given, on which Lord Sheikh has a question.

  Q636  Lord Sheikh: You also referred to delegation of power and under paragraph 2 of clause 10, we see, "The function of Director of the Serious Fraud Office may be exercised by a member of the Director's staff who is authorised by that Director," which is causing me a little bit of concern. What do you feel about this delegation of power? What is the justification and can you see any problem related with this devolution?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Well, the first thing is of course that the Director must have a reasonable degree of flexibility to organise the administration and operation in relation to these issues, so that is why it is expressed in that way. In the protocol that we are working on, we have been looking at which consents should properly be retained by the Attorney, which consents could properly be delegated and then, if delegated, which people within the Director's agency should properly be authorised to give those consents. Now, in my own view, I would anticipate that matters of this seriousness are likely either to be taken by the Director himself, which is what I currently do and the Solicitor General currently does, we take these decisions ourselves, or to be delegated to nominated and identified individuals. I would anticipate that that is the likely way in which the matter would be dealt with.

  Q637  Lord Sheikh: So you and the junior official may perhaps do the investigation, but the final work will rest with the Director? That is so, is it?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: Well, it would be a matter for the Director to decide, but I would anticipate that the Director would look at the seriousness of the issue, the importance of the decision made, the need for continuity, and that is general management in terms of the workload, and I would reasonably anticipate that the consents of this sort would be likely to be taken by the Director himself or an identified senior nominee.

  Q638  Lord Sheikh: So it is a question of workload really? Am I right in thinking that?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: It is a question of workload, but it is also a question of importance. If these consents are as important as we believe them to be, that they currently need the consent of one of the Law Officers personally, one would reasonably anticipate that these consents would be right at the top of the workload and, therefore, would be the ones which were most likely to be taken by the Director personally or by a named nominee. For instance, the Committee will know that the reason why we changed the position for the Solicitor General was that, in the past, all these decisions could only be taken by the Attorney personally and now of course the Solicitor General has, in the Attorney's absence or as directed, the opportunity to sign these consents also, so I think it would be totally reasonable for the Director to identify senior people within the agency who would carry out that function.

  Q639  Lord Lyell of Markyate: We were told by the Director and by the Director of the Serious Fraud Office that, respectively, the Crown Prosecution Service handled five or six corruption cases in the last five years and the Serious Fraud Office one. It seems to me that there is no reason at all why it should not be the Director himself or herself who takes these decisions because what you are saying is that the normal rule which applies in both services is that, once you say something is decided by the Director, it effectively means any Crown Prosecutor. Is there not a strong case here for saying that "the Director" means the Director?

  Baroness Scotland of Asthal: There is a case for saying that, but I just want the Committee to hesitate for a moment for me to assure you that in the protocol, which we are looking at, we are seeking to identify those consents which should be taken by the Director personally or by a named nominee and those decisions which could be taken more broadly. I would anticipate, looking at the way in which we worked on the protocol, that this form of consent would be taken by the Director or by a named nominee. I think it would be very difficult to say that it has to be taken by the Director and him alone because we are all mortal, not that I wish ill of our young and vigorous Director, but even he may become incapacitated and be unable to make these decisions and, therefore, it must be right that he can identify a senior nominee in his absence who would be able to take these decisions in his stead. If, by your question, Lord Lyell, you are saying that you do not believe that this decision should be taken by any Crown Prosecutor at any level, including the most junior, then certainly I would agree with that.

  Lord Lyell of Markyate: I do not think it is a practical problem.


 
previous page contents next page

House of Lords home page Parliament home page House of Commons home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2009
Prepared 28 July 2009