Legislative Scrutiny: Equality Bill - Human Rights Joint Committee Contents


Memorandum submitted by the British Humanist Association: Human Rights: Schools, Religion, Thought and Belief

THE BRITISH HUMANIST ASSOCIATION

  The British Humanist Association (BHA) is the national charity representing the interests of the large and growing population of ethically concerned non-religious people living in the UK. It exists to support and represent such people, who seek to live good lives without religious or superstitious beliefs. Humanism is a "belief", within the meaning of the ECHR, the Employment Equality (Religion or Belief) Regulations 2003 and the Equality Act 2006.

  The BHA is committed to equality, human rights and democracy, and has a long history of active engagement in work for an open and inclusive society, and an end to irrelevant discrimination of all sorts. Education has always been an important issue for the BHA and the organisation continues to campaign for an end to exemptions from equality laws for faith schools and for an RE curriculum that is objective and balanced. The BHA takes a human rights approach in its education and other campaigns work.

GUIDANCE FOR SCHOOLS ON PART 2 OF THE EQUALITY ACT 2006

  The guidance for schools on the Equality Act is striking as it gathers together all of the exceptions afforded to faith schools from the requirements of the religion and belief sections of the legislation. While these exceptions are repeatedly referred to as "limited" in the guidance, "wide-ranging" would be a more accurate description. As the guidance states, faith schools "are not subject to the provisions relating to admission and pupils' access to benefits, facilities and services".

  By granting such broad exceptions to state funded religious schools in admissions and the curriculum, and all school in the matter of collective worship, the Act has fallen well short of its aim of tackling discrimination on the grounds of religion or belief. The intention of the Act not to undermine the position of religious schools is insufficient justification for such continued discrimination and, in any case, we dispute the argument that these schools would be undermined by following the same rules as other educational institutions and public services.

  The fact that some religious schools have long existed is no reason to allow them to continue to discriminate in their admissions, any more than the long history of other forms of discrimination should be considered a suitable defence. The Human Rights Act recognises the right of parents to educate their children "in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions". However, this does not mean that any religious or belief group have the legal right to their own state funded schools, or that the right of faith schools to discriminate on religious grounds in their admissions is protected by the Act.

  By no means all schools with a religious character discriminate in their admissions. There are many religious voluntary controlled schools and academies, and some voluntary aided schools that have broadly inclusive admissions arrangements. Consequently, this discrimination cannot be considered a necessary component or prerequisite of a religious ethos. Although schools are now under a duty to promote community cohesion, this has not been applied in any meaningful way to admissions. The guidance on the duty to promote community cohesion states that "it is important that schools do not present themselves in a way that might deter parents from particular communities". We question how this injunction has been extended to admissions arrangements that effectively ban some communities from attending certain schools.

  We have sympathy with the JCHR suggestion that children of sufficient maturity should be able to withdraw themselves from collective worship. However, we are concerned that this measure would be difficult to implement. Furthermore, we believe that the opt out is itself divisive and that the priority should be the abolition of collective worship and its replacement with inclusive assemblies.

  We are also concerned that parents who choose to withdraw their children from collective worship or RE frequently find the school to be unfeeling towards the needs of the child. In one case a child of eight was set "lines" as his work to do during RE and collective worship, despite the fact that his mother had told the school that she could set him work to do if they would not give him anything appropriate. It is currently very hard for parents to challenge the poor treatment of such children withdrawn since Circular 1/94 places few requirements on schools as to providing appropriate alternatives. Schools are left the option of organising or allowing RE and collective worship according to other religious faiths or denominations (paragraphs 44.1, 44.2, 88), but are only required to remain legally responsible for children on school premises (Paragraphs 45 and 84). While it is understandable that schools should not be expected to go to undue effort or expense for the benefit of one or two pupils, it is unacceptable that children are expected to sit in silence or write lines, activities that seem more like punishments than education.

  We agree with the provisions in the Act that exempt the content of the curriculum from the remit of the Act as there will always a very small minority of families who take issue with elements of the mainstream curriculum, such as evolution or some works of literature. We also agree that local authorities should not be beholden to demands of every religious group that wishes to start its own school and therefore should be granted an exemption. Notwithstanding this, a better way to maintain fairness between religion and belief groups would be to ensure that all schools are inclusive.

  We have serious concerns about the way that many local authorities administer free and subsidised school transport. The regulations state that religious and non-religious beliefs should be treated the same with regard to the provision of free and subsidised transport, so that a non-religious family could claim free transport if all of the state schools in their locality were faith schools. This would be fair were it not for the asymmetry between the admissions and other policies of religious and non-denominational schools.

  Whereas a Catholic whose nearest schools are non-religious would have the option of attending any of these, the same may not be true for a child who is non religious or of a minority religion whose nearest schools are Catholic, or other faith schools. Not only are these schools allowed to discriminate in their admissions, but they are also able to promote religious beliefs instead of adopting a neutral position. For this reason, free and subsidised bus travel reinforces the already serious situation whereby people professing particular religious beliefs frequently have a greater choice of schools. Some families may feel that going to a school that reflects their religious beliefs is an overriding imperative, whether or not that school has good results or behaviour. Others simply find that their religious beliefs enable them to send their children to better achieving schools than their neighbours.

THE SCHOOL ADMISSIONS CODE

  The primary purpose of the School Admissions Code is to tackle practices that disadvantage the poorest or most vulnerable students in their attempts to find a suitable school place. Although the new Code clarifies and strengthens prohibitions on certain unfair practices by schools with control of their own admissions (for example, asking for voluntary donations at the time of application will be explicitly forbidden) it does not challenge the principle of religiously selective admissions arrangements. We believe that this means it fails to deal with one of the key causes of separation by social class in state schools, but although this should be a cause for concern for those who want the code to succeed on its own terms, social stratification in schools is not the issue currently before the JCHR.

  The relevance of the School Admissions Code to the topic under consideration is therefore as much about what it fails to say, as what it does say. We believe that admissions that discriminate according to the religion of the applicant are a major human rights issue, yet this discrimination is accepted by the Code. The extent of the exemptions from anti-discrimination law afforded to faith schools is clear from the Guidance for Schools on Part 2 of the Equality Act 2006. The consequences of the current system are serious for many thousands of families.

  Not only does the Draft School Admissions Code fail to tackle the issue of religious discrimination in faith school admissions, we believe that the proposal that parents should sign ethos statements could further disadvantage parents. While the code is clear in stating that no practical support for the code will be required from parents, there are certain to be religious and non-religious people who will, for example, feel uncomfortable signing a statement that they "support a Christian ethos". This is not because any of these parents would seek to undermine the ethos of the school to which they are applying. Rather, it is because signing up to support a Christian ethos seems very similar to signing up to support Christianity, which would go against their fundamental beliefs.

  It is for this reason that current guidance on home-school agreements suggests that denominational schools should "consider using" the phrase "the school will promote moral behaviour" rather than "the school will promote Christian values" to describe their ethos, so as not to exclude some families. However, the DCSF has not made clear whether the guidance on the wording of ethos statements will be stronger (ie forbidding such exclusive descriptions) or weaker (ie explicitly allowing them) than that which exists for home-school agreements.

  It is worth pointing out that oversubscribed faith schools can usually already put in place religious admissions criteria. However, religious ethos statements could also be used at voluntary controlled schools and at rural voluntary aided schools that claim to be open to the whole community. Undersubscribed faith schools bound by law to accept non-religious applicants would also be able to use religious ethos statements.

THE HUMAN RIGHTS ACT AND SCHOOL ADMISSIONS

  While there are the exemptions for faith schools in the Equality Act, the anti discriminations provisions of Article 14 (with Article 2, Protocol 1) still apply. Article 2, Protocol 1 protects the right of parents to educate their children "in conformity with their own religious and philosophical convictions". Consequently, many conviction-based criteria can be seen as a way of meeting Article 2, Protocol 1 and do not therefore breach Article 14. However, the religious admissions criteria of some faith schools are based on religious membership, not religious conviction. Although this is in accordance with the School Admissions Code, we believe it conflicts with the Human Rights Act.

  Paragraph 2.41 of the School Admissions Code states that schools with a religious character may "give higher priority in admissions to children who are members of, or who practise, their faith or denomination" and that (2.43) "it is primarily for the relevant faith provider group to determine how membership or practise is to be demonstrated". Examples of school admissions criteria that require religious membership rather than religious conviction include those that require Catholic baptism certificates or proof of Jewish matrilineal descent in place of proof of religious conviction or practise.

  Membership-based admissions criteria should therefore be open to the full force of Article 14 provisions against discrimination, without the defence that they are a means of meeting the Article 2, Protocols 1 right of parents to educate children in conformity with their own convictions. Earlier this year the BHA intervened in a case between the JFS (formally the Jews' Free School) and a family who could not get a place at the school because the admissions criteria prioritise matrilineal descent, not religious conviction. The claimant was unsuccessful but the case has gone to appeal.

SCHOOL UNIFORM GUIDELINES

  We broadly agree with the non-statutory guidance on school uniform. We agree that it is the place of individual schools to create their own school uniform policies and that this should be done in consultation with the different groups who attend the school. It is important that schools balance the need to respect the beliefs of students with the need for a uniform that protects children from social pressures to dress in a particular way (either from peers or families) and promotes cohesion within school. We feel that most schools successfully balance these requirements and we see no need for significant change to the guidance or to legislation. We have been encouraged that in those cases where school uniform rules have been challenged in court the judges involved have taken care to assess each case on its merits.

Andrew Copson





 
previous page contents

House of Lords home page Parliament home page House of Commons home page search page enquiries index

© Parliamentary copyright 2009
Prepared 12 November 2009