Draft House of Lords Reform Bill - Draft House of Lords Reform Bill Joint Committee Contents



Lord Goodhart QC

ELECTION OF MEMBERS

Those who object to the election of members to the House of Lords—whether 100 per cent, 80 per cent or some other figure—face a problem which has hardly been mentioned in debates, let alone argued. This problem is the allocation of seats to political parties.

The allocation of seats is, and for a long time has been, a matter for the Queen, acting on the recommendation of the Prime Minister. Until 1997, this was very much under the control of the Prime Minister. Mrs. Thatcher was notorious for her reluctance to appoint anyone other than Conservatives.

On winning the election in 1997, Tony Blair announced that the two main parties should have broadly equal numbers of members of the Lords, while the third party should have a "proportionate" share (a statement of some uncertainty). That principle has been accepted by the subsequent prime ministers, but there is absolutely nothing to prevent a future prime minister from going back to pre-1997 practices and giving priority to the appointment of members of the government party. This will be more tempting because of the increase in the political activity of the House since the House of Lords Act 1999 was enacted.

I believe, therefore, that it would be unacceptable to continue with the present system.

This does not, however, mean that all or any of the political members of the Lords must be elected. It would be possible to link the allocation of new political seats to the voting (not to the number of seats won) at the previous general election, either in the UK as a whole or, preferably, in each of the regions used for Euro elections. The allocation would therefore be determined by voting by the people, but the choice of the individual new members would be decided by the separate political parties, not by the people.

This seems to me to be a reasonable alternative to the system proposed in the draft Reform Bill, and one which will be more acceptable to the present membership of the Lords. It also reduces the argument that the Lords will become a challenge to the Commons, since the individual members will not have been elected by the voters.

TERMINATION OF SERVICE

It has long been my belief that membership of the Lords should have a time limit. A term of 15 years seems reasonable. The present right to life membership is a hold-over from the time of hereditary peers, who were entitled as of right to membership, and there is now no constitutional reason why life membership should be retained. Time limits are desirable for a number of reasons. These include:

i)  Membership of the Lords is usually awarded to men and women who have either finished, or are well-advanced in their main careers. This gives them valuable knowledge and experience, but these have "use by" dates, and have reduced value as time goes on.

ii)  By contrast, membership of the Lords is occasionally awarded to younger people. As matters now stand, a person aged 35 at the date of appointment could remain for 50 years or more, which is excessive.

iii)  The need for reducing the membership of the Lords makes it desirable to reduce this length of service.

There is, of course, the question of limit to the service of present members. Serving members were, of course, removed in 1999 in large quantities. I do not think existing members should retain office for life, but I think that existing members should be entitled to remain until they have achieved 15 years of service, and probably longer in a few cases. (The actual date of departure should be the end of the session in which 15 years is reached).

I see no reason for the limitation of service of members appointed under Clause 21 of the Bill to less than 15 years in full. Why not allow replacement appointments to continue for 15 years, irrespective of general elections?

BISHOPS

The Church of England is of course the established church of England, though not of Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland. But why on earth should establishment give Anglican Bishops and Archbishops a special right to vote in the House of Lords? Religious faith should not give members of any particular faith a right which is not extended to other people. If there continue to be appointments of cross-benchers, appointments could continue to allow individuals who are, or have been, office-holders in major faiths to be nominated for service in the House of Lords.

15 September 2011


 
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