Banking StandardsWritten evidence from the Bank of England
Concentration in Banking Services and Stability
1. The concentration in the UK banking industry in the run up to the crisis was unhealthy for financial stability.1 A bank’s abrupt closure has a bigger impact on current and prospective customers, and so on the economy, where there are few or no competitors to move into the space left behind. Remedies exist, but will come slowly given the current degree of concentration.
Concentration and the Effects of Bank Failure
2. The UK’s economic recovery has probably been impeded by some of the banks worst hit by the crisis being those previously most important to business lending: the businesses making up Lloyds Banking Group and Royal Bank of Scotland Group accounted for over 40% of the stock of lending to UK firms at end-2007.
3. Also, there were more banks and building societies active in the UK mortgage market. Many failed, and were closed, taken over or merged.2 Together those lenders accounted for almost 20% of the stock of mortgage lending at end-2007.
4. The costs of bank failure in the UK have been felt through credit conditions rather than a breakdown of the payments system. That is partly because deposit insurance ensures some continuity in the provision of deposit and payments services. Up to a £85,000 limit, depositors are guaranteed by the Financial Services Compensation Scheme, with payout in most cases now assured within seven days.3 Alternatively, under the Special Resolution Regime created by the 2009 Banking Act, another bank can assume the insured deposit liabilities of a failed bank. In that case, depositors find themselves banking with a different bank but services are maintained.
5. There are no corresponding guarantees on the lending side. Small and medium-sized companies, without access to the capital markets and with bespoke borrowing requirements, may find it slow or difficult to arrange new credit facilities elsewhere—as might some households. Nevertheless, resolution regimes can sometimes help to preserve lending capacity, depending on the type of resolution strategy employed and the particular circumstances of the case:
(1)
(2)
(3)
6. Effective resolution can, therefore, reduce the consequences for the economy of bank failure in a concentrated industry; and some, such a bail-in, avoid increasing industry concentrations.
7. Another possible approach is to try to make a virtue of industry concentration. For example, some countries—for example, Australia and Canada5—are sometimes characterised as shielding their main domestic commercial banks from competition, so that domestic banking remains sufficiently profitable to reduce the temptation to launch out into risky variants of international wholesale banking. This strategy implicitly accepts concentrations, and seeks to reduce the probability of failure rather than to reduce the consequences for the economy of failure nevertheless occurring.
Other Possible Responses: Reducing Concentrations
8. Another approach would be to seek to reduce concentrations, and so to reduce the costs of failure. That can be attempted in a variety of ways.
9. One approach, which has been used elsewhere, is to prevent concentrations via an explicit cap on the market share that banks can accumulate through acquisitions. For example, the United States bans acquisitions that would result in a bank controlling more than 10% of the country’s insured deposits. (The rule does not prevent banks from crossing the 10% line organically.) The same broad approach could, in principle, be related to a bank’s share of loan markets, or to GDP etc.
10. In a recent discussion of size limits of this broad kind, Governor Tarullo of the US Federal Reserve Board concluded that, given the paucity of empirical work on economies of scale and scope in banking, policymakers are not in a position to decide what a sensible size limit might be.6
11. A different approach would be to reduce barriers to entry, including by streamlining the process through which new banks can be set up and reducing the financial requirements on new banks. At the Commission’s hearing in November,7 Paul Tucker said that the prudential supervisor can authorise banks more readily if there are lower barriers to exit. In other words, good resolution regimes can be used to help reduce barriers to entry. As described above, with rapid payout by the deposit insurer for smaller banks and a resolution regime to transfer or recapitalise the banking business of larger deposit-takers, the impact of the failure of a new bank on the financial system becomes more manageable. Where the prospective costs of failure are manageable, the board of the Prudential Regulation Authority (PRA) should feel comfortable in ensuring that line supervisors are less cautious about granting licences to new banks. Even so, a minimum solvency standard at the point of entry is warranted to avoid an excessive incidence of bank failure—not least because of the cost to surviving banks. The Bank/PRA plans to adopt this broad approach.
14 January 2013
1 See, for example, Tucker, P M W (2012), “Property Booms, Stability and Policy”.
2 Amongst banks, Alliance & Leicester, Bradford & Bingley and Northern Rock no longer exist in their previous form. Amongst building societies, Barnsley, Britannia, Catholic, Chelsea, Chesham, Cheshire, Dumfermline, Norwich & Peterborough, Scarborough and Stroud & Swindon have all merged with other societies or closed since the crisis began.
3 See Financial Services Compensation Scheme, Protecting your money, which states that “in most cases for deposits, FSCS aims to pay compensation within seven days of a bank, building society or credit union failing. [The FSCS] will pay any remaining claims, which are likely to be more complex, within 20 working days”.
4 One type of resolution strategy employing bailin was described in Resolving Globally Active, Systemically Important, Financial Institutions, a joint paper by the Federal Deposit Insurance and the Bank of England
5 See, for example, IMF (2012), Global Financial Stability Report, October 2012
6 See, for example, Tarullo, D (2012), “Industry structure and systemic risk regulation”
7 The point had also been set out in an earlier speech. See Tucker, P M W (2012), “Competition, the pressure for returns, and stability”.