Legislative Scrutiny: Immigration Bill - Joint Committee on Human Rights Contents


3  Appeal rights

Background

28.  Part 2 of the Bill makes provision which significantly limits rights of appeal against immigration decisions.[19] It also requires courts and tribunals to have regard to certain public interest considerations when determining whether an immigration decision is compatible with a person's right to respect for private and family life in Article 8 ECHR.[20] These provisions engage the common law right of access to a court or tribunal, and the right to an effective remedy in relation to arguable Convention violations in Article 13 ECHR (in conjunction with Articles 2, 3, 6(1) and 8 ECHR). We wrote to the Government about four aspects of these proposals in particular which in our view raise significant human rights issues.

Removal of appeal rights

29.  Clause 11 of the Bill drastically reduces rights of appeal against immigration decisions. Under the current law, a statutory right to appeal to the Immigration and Asylum Chamber of the First Tier Tribunal exists against any of the 14 different immigration decisions listed in s. 82 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, including refusals to vary leave to enter and remain and decisions to remove and deport. There are also currently rights of appeal against decisions to reject an asylum claim or revoke refugee status in certain circumstances.[21]

30.  The Bill radically restructures rights of appeal to the Tribunal, by limiting both the range of decisions in respect of which an appeal lies to the Tribunal and the grounds that can be raised on such an appeal. Clause 11 repeals existing rights of appeal[22] and replaces them with a right of appeal to the Tribunal against three types of decision only:

(1) a refusal of an asylum or humanitarian protection claim;

(2) a refusal of a human rights claim; and

(3) a revocation of refugee status or humanitarian protection.[23]

31.  The Bill also specifies the grounds on which such statutory appeals can be brought.[24] In short, an appeal may only be brought on the ground that the decision in question is unlawful under s. 6 of the Human Rights Act, is in breach of the UK's obligations under the Refugee Convention, or is in breach of the UK's obligations to those eligible for a grant of humanitarian protection.

32.  The effect of these provisions is that there is no longer any statutory right of appeal to the Tribunal on other public law grounds, such as that the immigration authorities have acted unlawfully because they have misinterpreted or misapplied the legislation or the Immigration Rules, or have failed to have regard to the need to safeguard and promote the welfare of children in accordance with the duty in s. 55 of the 2009 Act or the Secretary of State's guidance on that duty, or otherwise acted ultra vires. The Explanatory Notes to the Bill state that, where an application is refused and there is no right of appeal, or where a person's leave is curtailed or revoked, the applicant "may be able to apply for an administrative review".[25] The Immigration Rules will set out when an applicant may seek an administrative review. We are not aware that any further information has been provided, however, about the proposed system of administrative review.

33.  The Government's ECHR Memorandum argues that removing existing rights of appeal against immigration decisions does not breach the Human Rights Act or the UK's obligations under the ECHR, because the right of access to a court under Article 6(1) ECHR does not apply to immigration decisions, and clause 11 of the Bill reflects the legal obligations to provide effective remedies under the ECHR, EU law, the Refugee Convention and the law of humanitarian protection, by ensuring that a right of appeal on these grounds remains.[26]

34.  The Government is correct that the right of access to court under Article 6(1) ECHR is not relevant to our scrutiny of the human rights compatibility of these provisions, because the European Court of Human Rights has held that Article 6(1) does not apply to immigration decisions.[27] However, the common law right of access to court is more extensive than the right under Article 6 ECHR, and has been interpreted by the courts as including the right of access to an administrative tribunal. In Saleem v Secretary of State for the Home Department, Hale LJ (as she then was) said:[28]

For an asylum seeker who is the subject of an adverse decision by the Secretary of State and who has failed to have that decision reversed by the Special Adjudicator, the right to have access to the Tribunal is a very important right. The nature of the proceedings before the Tribunal if leave to appeal is granted, is akin to proceedings before a court. The importance and the nature of the proceedings before the Tribunal are reflected by the provision in the Act that legal representation for the asylum seeker before the Tribunal is to be assured. In my judgment, the right created by section 20 of the Act is a basic or fundamental right, akin to the right of access to courts of law.

[...]

Mr Burnett QC for the Secretary of State argues that it was wrong to apply the principles in Leech and Witham to this case. They dealt with the fundamental common law right of access to a court. Before 1993 asylum seekers had no right of appeal to the immigration appellate authorities at all. It was the responsibility of the Secretary of State to ensure that this country complied with our obligations under the Geneva Convention of 1951. Nor is there a `right' to asylum in the same way that there are rights and obligations determined in the ordinary courts. It has not, at least as yet, been identified as a `civil right' for the purpose of the right to a fair trial enshrined in article 6(1) of the European Convention on Human Rights.

I am quite unable to accept that argument. There are now a large number of tribunals operating in a large number of specialist fields. Their subject matter is often just as important to the citizen as that determined in the ordinary courts. Their determinations are no less binding than those of the ordinary courts: the only difference is that tribunals have no direct powers of enforcement and, in the rare cases where this is needed, their decisions are enforced in the ordinary courts. In certain types of dispute between private persons, tribunals are established because of their perceived advantages in procedure and personnel. In disputes between citizen and state they are established because of the perceived need for independent adjudication of the merits and to reduce resort to judicial review. This was undoubtedly the motivation for grafting asylum cases onto the immigration appeals system in 1993. In this day and age a right of access to a tribunal or other adjudicative mechanism established by the state is just as important and fundamental as a right of access to the ordinary courts.

35.  The Bill's removal of rights of appeal against immigration decisions on other public law grounds potentially represents a departure from this common law right of access to a court or tribunal to challenge unlawful administrative decisions. It also requires careful scrutiny to ascertain whether it is compatible with the right to an effective remedy under the ECHR, the Refugee Convention and the law of humanitarian protection, an obligation which the Government accepts.

36.  A high proportion of appeals to the First Tier Tribunal currently succeed. On the Government's own statistics, 50% of entry clearance appeals, 49% of Managed Migration appeals and 32% of deportation appeals succeeded in 2012-13.[29] In light of the obvious and well-documented concerns about the shortcomings in the quality of initial decision-making by the UK Border Agency, we asked the Government why the proposed removal of appeal rights is compatible with the common law right of access to a court or tribunal.

37.  The Government replied that the changes made to appeal rights in Part 2 of the Bill are compatible with the common law right because access to a court or tribunal remains available to all migrants, whether by way of the appeal rights which remain even after the amendments made by the Bill, or judicial review. It says that the "new administrative review process" will correct case-working errors where a refusal decision does not trigger an appeal right, and there is nothing to prevent an individual from seeking judicial review following such an administrative review, or where administrative review is not available. The Government does not accept that the common law right of access to a court or tribunal is infringed by the appeal provisions in the Bill, because that common law right does not require access to a full merits-based review on appeal in all cases. The Government accepts that the access to a court or tribunal must offer an effective remedy against the lawfulness of the decision complained of, but it considers that judicial review provides such an effective remedy.

38.  The Government's response to our question does not consider how its reliance on the availability of judicial review as an effective remedy for those wishing to challenge the lawfulness of immigration decisions is affected by the Government's other proposals to reform both legal aid and judicial review itself. In particular, we have heard evidence in the course of our inquiry into the legal aid proposals that the proposed residence test for eligibility for legal aid will have a very significant impact on the practical availability of judicial review to challenge immigration and asylum decisions.[30] We are also currently considering the impact on effective access to judicial review of various of the Government's proposed reforms to that jurisdiction, such as the practical effect of the proposal that public funding should only be available in cases where permission is granted, subject to an exceptional discretion exercisable by the Legal Aid Agency, on which we will be reporting in due course.

39.  We are concerned that the Bill's significant limitation of appeal rights against immigration and asylum decisions is not compatible with the common law right of access to a court or tribunal in relation to unlawful immigration decisions, and the right to an effective remedy, particularly in light of the following:

  • the relatively high proportion of such appeals which currently succeed due to the well-documented shortcomings in the quality of decision-making by the UK Border Agency;
  • the importance of appeals as a means of enforcing the children duty in s. 55 of the Borders, Citzenship and Immigration Act 2009;
  • the lack of information about the proposed new system of administrative review; and
  • the likely cumulative impact of proposed changes to legal aid and judicial review on the practical effectiveness of that remedy for those seeking to challenge the lawfulness of immigration decisions on grounds other than those covered by the surviving rights of appeal.

In our view, when viewed in this broader context, limiting rights of appeal to the extent that they are restricted in the Bill constitutes a serious threat to the practical ability to access the legal system to challenge unlawful immigration and asylum decisions.

Limits on Tribunal's power to consider "new matters"

40.  This Part of the Bill would also prevent the First Tier Tribunal from considering "new matters" that have not previously been considered by the Secretary of State in the context of a human rights or protection claim, "unless the Secretary of State has given the Tribunal consent to do so".[31] A "new matter" is defined as being a ground of appeal within the amended appeal rights provided by the 2002 Act, "or any reason the appellant has for wishing to enter or remain in the UK", and a matter that the Secretary of State has not previously considered. The purpose of the provision is "to prevent appellants from raising new grounds before the Tribunal before the Secretary of State has had a chance to consider them."[32]

41.  The Government's ECHR Memorandum asserts that this provision does not breach the Human Rights Act or the UK's obligations under the Refugee Convention because "an effective remedy is provided where grounds are raised at the appropriate time". However, human rights law requires immigration decisions to be taken having regard to all relevant facts at the time of the decision (including any appeal), and we are concerned that making the Secretary of State, rather than an independent court or tribunal, the gatekeeper of whether a fresh matter has been raised at the appropriate time is arguably not compatible with the appellant's common law right of access to an independent court or tribunal and their right to an effective remedy.

42.  In view of the frequency with which fresh matters are raised in immigration cases before an appeal is finally determined, and the importance of ensuring that immigration decisions are taken having regard to all relevant facts at the time of final decision (including on appeal), we asked the Government to explain why in the Government's view it is compatible with the right of access to court, the principle of equality of arms and the rule of law for the Secretary of State to have the final say on whether a fresh matter is considered by the Tribunal. We also asked whether there are any examples from other statutory contexts of provisions which prevent a court or tribunal from considering fresh matters unless the Secretary of State has given the court or tribunal permission to do so.

43.  The Government's response agrees that there are circumstances where new evidence that supports grounds of appeal or reasons for wanting to enter or remain in the UK which have not previously been considered by the Secretary of State should be capable of being raised for the first time at the appeal, to ensure that the tribunal is able to make a decision having regard to all relevant facts and evidence before it at the time the appeal is determined. However, the Government seeks to distinguish between new evidence and new grounds or reasons for wanting to enter or remain in the UK. It says that the limitation on the matters which may be considered by the Tribunal is intended to apply only to such new grounds or reasons. The purpose of the consent provision is said to be "to balance the continuation of a one-stop appeals process, whereby all appealable decisions are resolved in a single appeal, with the position of the Secretary of State as primary decision-maker." The Secretary of State should be able to consider a claim before it is determined by the Tribunal, and the Tribunal should only be able to decide matters and grounds that the Secretary of State has not previously considered where the Secretary of State consents to it doing so.

44.  In the Government's view, the Secretary of State's power to provide or withhold consent therefore does not prevent access to the courts, offend against the principle of equality of arms or the rule of law—it is more a matter of timing: "it merely determines when the ground or reason for wishing to enter or remain in the UK is considered by the tribunal." The Government accepts that the form of the provision is unusual, but argues that the substance of what it is seeking to do is not: it is imposing boundaries on what the court can consider in dealing with proceedings before it. However, "as far as the Home Office is aware there are no other similar provisions in other statutory contexts."

45.  We recognise that this provision is permissive rather than directive (the Tribunal is not required to disregard the new matter, but may do so if the Secretary of State consents), and that it seeks to distinguish between new evidence and new grounds. Nevertheless, we remain concerned, even after considering the Minister's explanation of the purpose of the provision, about whether it is compatible with the right of access to court, the principle of equality of arms and the rule of law for the court's power to consider a new matter to depend on the "consent" of the Secretary of State. We are struck by the fact that the Government could not identify any other similar provisions in other statutory contexts, which confirms our sense that this provision crosses a line which has not previously been crossed in relation to an aspect of a tribunal's jurisdiction being dependent on the consent of the Minister who is the respondent to the appeal.

46.  New matters frequently arise on appeals and this may often not be due to any fault of the appellant: it may be because circumstances have changed, or information has become available, or more is known about the basis for the decision appealed against, or even that the appellant was not well advised at the time of lodging the appeal. Any new matter raised on an appeal must still be within the scope of the Tribunal's jurisdiction, and the Tribunal already has powers to deal with raising matters which are abuse of its process. In our view, the Tribunal itself, not the Secretary of State, should decide whether it is within its jurisdiction to consider a new matter raised on an appeal. We would expect the Tribunal, in the exercise of its inherent power to prevent abuse of its own process, to permit a new matter to be raised only if there were good reasons for not raising the matter before the Secretary of State.

47.  In view of the admitted novelty of new s. 85(5) and (6) of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002, inserted by clause 11 of the Bill, we recommend that the Government amends the Bill to achieve its purpose in a way which does not appear to make the scope of the tribunal's jurisdiction depend on the consent of one of the parties to the appeal before it, but leaves to the Tribunal the question of whether or not it may consider a new matter.

Out-of-country human rights appeals

48.  Clause 12 of the Bill empowers the Secretary of State to certify that to require an appellant who is a foreign criminal to leave the UK before their appeal is determined would not cause "serious irreversible harm", in which case the person may only appeal from outside the UK.[33]

49.  The Government's ECHR Memorandum states that this is compatible with the ECHR because the European Court of Human Rights has acknowledged that not all challenges to removal decisions need to be in-country.[34] However, as the Government's Memorandum also correctly acknowledges, in all cases there must be some suspensive means of challenging the Secretary of State's assessment that removal prior to a substantive appeal being heard would not breach a person's human rights.

50.  For this, the Government relies on the continued availability of judicial review: "this is and will continue to be achieved in the UK by adherence to the common law principles of access to justice under which those subject to a removal decision will, subject to limited exceptions, have enough time to seek legal advice and lodge an application for judicial review before removal is carried out."[35] It refers to the Court of Appeal's recent restatement of those common law principles in the case of Medical Justice v Secretary of State for the Home Department.[36] The case relied on by the Government as demonstrating the relevant common law principles was brought by an NGO, Medical Justice for Torture Victims, which would not be possible under the Government's proposed changes to the law of standing to bring judicial review challenges.

51.  We asked the Government whether judicial review will provide a practical and effective means of challenging the Secretary of State's certification that an appeal can be heard out-of-country, bearing in mind the proposed changes to the availability of legal aid, such as the proposed residence test, and the proposed changes to judicial review which will also restrict its availability.

52.  The Government replied that it believes that judicial review will provide a practical and effective means of challenging the Secretary of State's certificate. It says that the cases affected by the new certification power will primarily be human rights claims made on the basis of Article 8 ECHR. The proposed residence test will not affect the effectiveness of judicial review as a means of challenging certification, because "it is already the case that individuals seeking to appeal on the basis of Article 8 are already unable in practice to access civil legal aid." It goes on to provide a general justification for considering reforms to judicial review (to "reduce the burden unmeritorious claims place on the courts and speed up the process for persons who have proper grounds and a genuine case to put"), but it does not consider whether any specific proposals will make it more difficult in practice for judicial review to be invoked to challenge a certificate that a human rights claim can be appealed against from out of country.

53.  We are not satisfied with the Government's reliance on the continued availability of judicial review to challenge the Secretary of State's certification that a human rights appeal can be heard out of country, having regard to the unavailability of civil legal aid to bring such a claim and the proposed reforms of judicial review.

Public interest considerations in Article 8 claims

54.  Clause 14 of the Bill requires a court or tribunal to have regard to certain enumerated public interest considerations when determining whether an immigration decision is compatible with a person's right to respect for private and family life in Article 8 ECHR, including a bespoke set of such public interest considerations in cases involving foreign criminals.[37]

55.  There is nothing inherently incompatible with the Convention in Parliament spelling out in primary or subordinate legislation its detailed understanding of the requirements of relevant Convention rights in particular contexts. Indeed, such an exercise could be considered to be Parliament's fulfilment of the important obligation imposed upon it by the principle of subsidiarity: to take primary responsibility for the protection of Convention rights in national law, by providing a detailed legal framework designed to give effect to Convention rights in particular contexts. Such legislation should not, however, purport to determine in advance claims that Convention rights have been violated in particular cases, because that would be a usurpation of the judicial function to determine individual cases. The guidance provided to courts or tribunals should also accurately reflect the relevant Convention case-law, and should not be incompatible with any other international obligations.

56.  The provisions in the Bill which seek to guide courts and tribunals in their determination of Article 8 claims in immigration cases do not purport to go so far as to determine individual applications in advance or to oust the courts' jurisdiction. They merely require courts and tribunals to have regard to a list of public interest considerations when deciding whether an interference with a person's right to respect for private and family life is justified under Article 8(2) ECHR. The new statutory provision does not seek to make the prescribed public interest considerations exhaustive, or to exclude other considerations from being taken into account when determining the Article 8 compatibility question: the court or tribunal "must (in particular) have regard to" the public interest considerations listed in the provision.[38]

57.  Like the Immigration Rules which these statutory provisions replace, as interpreted by the Court of Appeal in the recent case of MF (Nigeria) v Secretary of State for the Home Department,[39] the scheme of the legislation therefore "expressly contemplates a weighing of the public interest in deportation against 'other factors'", which the Court of Appeal in that case considered "must be a reference to all other factors which are relevant to proportionality and entails an implicit requirement that they are to be taken into account." The Government's express acceptance in the case of MF that the Immigration Rules should be interpreted consistently with the Strasbourg jurisprudence on Article 8 ECHR therefore applies equally to the provisions in the Bill and on that basis we are satisfied that the provisions introduced by clause 14 of the Bill are not on their face incompatible with Article 8 ECHR.

58.  The provisions do, however, indicate the "weight" to be given to certain considerations, by providing that "little weight" should be given to a private life established by a person at a time when he is in the UK unlawfully or when his immigration status is precarious.[40] We asked the Government whether it could point to any other examples of statutory provisions in which Parliament has sought to prescribe the weight to be given by courts and tribunals to particular considerations. The Government's response says that when establishing a court or tribunal's jurisdiction, legislation can and commonly does "impose boundaries upon the powers of the court in exercising that jurisdiction", including by making provision about particular matters which a court must take into account, and it gives some specific examples of such measures, including ss. 12 and 13 of the Human Rights Act 1998.

59.  The Government says that legislation can also stop a court from taking certain matters into account at all, and it gives the example of the Government's recent amendment to the Extradition Act 2003, which requires an extradition judge to have regard only to the specified matters relating to the interests of justice. "Although the language of such legislation is not in terms of the weight which is to be given to particular matters, the effect is the same as saying that no weight is to be given to matters which may not be taken into account." The Government has not, however, provided any examples of other legislation in which a court or tribunal is required to have regard to a consideration which purports to prescribe the weight that should be given to that consideration. Liberty has questioned whether such a legislative provision is compatible with the judicial function.

60.  We recognise that legislation which defines or amends the jurisdiction of a court or tribunal necessarily prescribes the boundaries of that judicial body's jurisdiction, which determines what considerations are relevant and irrelevant. We also acknowledge that Parliament often establishes statutory presumptions to be applied by courts and tribunals when they are determining individual cases, and occasionally directs that "particular weight" is to be given to a particular consideration in a judicial weighing exercise. Nevertheless, we are uneasy about a statutory provision which purports to tell courts and tribunals that "little weight" should be given to a particular consideration in such a judicial balancing exercise. That appears to us to be a significant legislative trespass into the judicial function. We note that the Government did not provide us with any other examples of such statutory provisions, which suggests that this approach may be unprecedented. We recommend that the Bill be amended in a way which retains as relevant public interest considerations whether a private life or relationship were established at a time when the person was in the UK unlawfully or when their immigration status was precarious, but omits the direction about the weight to be given to the person's private life or relationship.

61.  We also asked the Government how tests in the Bill, such as whether "it would not be reasonable to expect the child to leave the UK"[41] and whether the effect of deportation on a partner or child would be "unduly harsh",[42] fit with the high threshold "necessity" test under Article 8 ECHR or the requirement in Article 3 UNCRC that the best interests of the child must be "a primary consideration". We also asked how confining the definition of "qualifying child" to children who are either British citizens or who have lived in the UK continuously for more than seven years[43] is compatible with the UK's obligations under the UNCRC, which are not qualified according to any such distinctions.

62.  The Government's principal response to these questions is that all of the tests identified in our letter "have regard to" or "take into account" the "children duty" in s. 55 of the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Act 2009, which requires the Secretary of State to make arrangements for ensuring that her immigration, nationality and asylum functions are discharged having regard to the need to safeguard and promote the welfare of children who are in the UK. The response says that nothing in the Bill changes that duty, and this ensures that consideration of the best interests of the child as a primary consideration will always be given on the facts of the individual case, which satisfies the requirements of both Article 3 UNCRC and Article 8 ECHR (which require the best interests of the child to be taken into account in the overall proportionality exercise).

63.  We welcome the Government's clarification of its intention that nothing in the Bill is intended to change or derogate in any way from the children duty in s. 55 of the Borders, Citizenship and Immigration Act 2009. However, the Government has not explained how in practice the provisions in the Bill are to be read alongside the s. 55 duty. Without such explanation there is a danger that front-line immigration officials administering the legal regime will be unclear about the relationship between the children duty in s. 55 and the new tests introduced by the Bill which use different and unfamiliar language. We recommend that new guidance be issued to ensure that the Government's stated intention about the unaffected status of the children duty is in fact achieved in practice. We also ask the Government to confirm that it intends that the s. 55 children duty also applies to children who are not within the Bill's definition of a "qualifying child", as we believe it should.


19   Clauses 11 and 12 and Schedule 8. Back

20   Clause 14. Back

21   Under ss. 83 and 83A Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Back

22   The Bill does not repeal the current right of appeal against a decision to refuse an application based on a right under the Community Treaties (provided for by regulations under s. 109 of the 2002 Act: see SI 2006/2003).Rights of appeal in EU cases are therefore unaffected by the Bill. Back

23   Clause 11(2), substituting a new s. 82 in the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Back

24   Clause 11(4), substituting a new s. 84 in the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Back

25   Explanatory Notes, para. 73. Back

26   ECHR Memorandum, paras 59-60. Back

27   See e.g. Maouia v France (2001) 33 EHRR 42. Back

28   [2001] WLR 443  Back

29   Home Office, Impact Assessment of Reforming Immigration Appeal Rights (15 July 2013). Back

30   http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/joint-select/human-rights-committee/inquiries/parliament-2010/the-implications-for-access-to-justice-of-the-governments-proposals-to-reform-legal-aid/  Back

31   Clause 11(5), inserting new s. 85(5) and (6) into the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Back

32   Explanatory Notes, para. 76. Back

33   Clause 12, inserting new s. 92 in Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Back

34   ECHR Memorandum, para. 63. Back

35   ECHR Memorandum, para. 65. Back

36   [2011] EWCA Civ 1710. Back

37   Clause 14, inserting a new Part 5A (sections 117A-D) into the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Back

38   New s. 117(2) of the 2002 Act. Back

39   [2013] EWCA Civ 1192 (8 October 2013) at para. 39. Back

40   New s. 117B(4) and (5). Back

41   New s. 117B(6)(b). Back

42   New s. 117C(5). Back

43   New s. 117D(1). Back


 
previous page contents next page


© Parliamentary copyright 2013
Prepared 18 December 2013