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Baroness Miller of Hendon: My Lords, the principle of regulatory independence was reaffirmed by Parliament in the Gas Act 1995. Parliament had

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an opportunity then to impose an energy efficiency levy on the gas industry in passing that Act and chose not to do so. That is the position.

Lord Dubs: My Lords, if, as the Minister just said, the gas regulator does not wish to introduce schemes, which are so effective on the electricity side, because of the lack of a statutory basis for so doing, what view do the Government have about what is clearly a request from the gas regulator for such legislation?

Baroness Miller of Hendon: My Lords, the Government believe, and I think that the regulators themselves believe, that competition will stimulate both industries to come forward with energy conservation programmes for equipment and also for promoting better use of energy by the consumers. That is the position. I think it was the noble Lord, Lord Ezra, who suggested that the electricity position was different. But the fact remains that the Director General of Electricity Supply himself imposed and agreed to only a very small levy of, I believe, £1 a year per consumer. At the end of the day, both the regulators believe that the best energy conservation methods will come about when the markets are open to competition. We on this side of the House believe that competition is very much the best way of achieving the aims that everybody wants.

Gun Controls, Europe

3 p.m.

Lord Monson asked Her Majesty's Government:

    Whether they consider that legally-held pistols constitute a statistically serious threat to the safety of British subjects travelling to, or living and working in, continental Europe.

The Minister of State, Home Office (Baroness Blatch): My Lords, we do not have sufficient statistical information on which to base such a judgment.

Lord Monson: My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness for her reply. Will she concede that the Government's case and, for that matter, the case of the Opposition Front Bench for the Firearms (Amendment) Bill must logically rest on one of two assumptions? Either the British people are inherently more irresponsible and prone to violence than their continental counterparts--which fact would justify gun controls being much stricter here than over there--or, alternatively, the British are essentially little different from the continentals, in which case Her Majesty's Government must feel that the continental gun laws are dangerously lax and liberal. If that is the case, should not the Foreign Office advise British subjects of the risks of travelling to the Continent?

Baroness Blatch: My Lords, this is a sovereign Parliament and the issue before this Government concerned what was appropriate for this country in

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response to the Dunblane and Hungerford massacres, and also in response to a comprehensive report from Lord Cullen. That is what Parliament considered. It came to the conclusion that there were compelling grounds for stringently restricting the use and availability of handguns. It is not uncommon for the Foreign Office to take the view that British subjects leaving this country to travel abroad need to be warned of specific dangers. However, to produce for people leaving this country a general advertising campaign about the dangers of guns in other countries is not something we are contemplating.

Lord Molloy: My Lords, does not the noble Baroness agree that there are tens of thousands of accidents in this country and on the Continent which cause death and which can in no way be contained or examined by those who own official pistols? I wish that all those who drive cars, lorries and trucks would behave in the same responsible way as those who own pistols. They should not be condemned because of the behaviour of one maniac a few months ago.

Baroness Blatch: My Lords, I understand the point that the noble Lord is making. However, this was the subject under discussion at all stages of the Firearms (Amendment) Bill. This House came to a conclusion, as did the other place. We are only hours away from having Royal Assent for a Bill that has been properly debated in Parliament as a real response to the report of Lord Cullen.

Lord Stoddart of Swindon: My Lords, is the noble Baroness aware that, at a rally of 15,000 people in Trafalgar Square last Sunday, grave disappointment was expressed that this House did not insist on the amendments that it had made to the Bill? Is she further aware that they are disappointed also that, instead of following and implementing the recommendations in the Cullen Report, the Government virtually ignored the report? They introduced into the Bill their own recommendations, which were completely unsatisfactory, unfair and obnoxious in a democratic society.

Baroness Blatch: My Lords, I am aware of the demonstration that took place on Sunday. As I admitted at a number of stages of the Bill, I am conscious of the disappointment of those people who shoot for pleasure and for sport in relation to the impact of the Bill. But again I must remind the House that Parliament considered the matter seriously and took the view that it did. The noble Lord is an assiduous and consistent fighter against the Bill and was present at its final stages.

We considered all the recommendations of the Cullen Report; we accepted all of them and, in relation to recommendation 24--to which I believe the noble Lord specifically refers--concerning disassembly, the noble Lord, Lord Stoddart, will know

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that, while that was a preferred option of Lord Cullen,he nevertheless suggested that it might well pose practical problems. We considered that view. On balance--it was a finely balanced argument--we considered that we could give a better assurance of public safety if we took the view that guns could be owned, but only used in the secure circumstances of a properly controlled gun club.

Lord McIntosh of Haringey: My Lords, does not the Minister find it curious, as I do, that noble Lords such as the noble Lord, Lord Monson, and my noble friend Lord Stoddart, who are, to use the euphemism, long-established Euro-sceptics, should be asking questions whose only conceivable outcome could be harmonisation of gun control legislation in Europe?

Baroness Blatch: My Lords, I do not want to be dragged into that argument. This is a remarkable House and what I find so remarkable about it is that everybody has the right to pose these questions and we, as Ministers, have a duty to respond to them.

Lord Monkswell: My Lords, bearing in mind that members of the British public are comfortable with an unarmed police force and that when travelling to the Continent they can be seriously disturbed to see police forces in those countries armed with side arms, have the Government taken any steps to persuade our continental partners that they should have unarmed rather than armed police forces?

Baroness Blatch: My Lords, perhaps I may make the point again. The whole issue of gun control in any country, given that we are all sovereign nations, must be a matter for each government. We have taken the view that we needed to respond to the recommendations of Lord Cullen. We considered them in the light of gun controls in this country. It is not for us to decide what those controls should be in any of our European neighbour countries.

Lord Monson: My Lords, does not the noble Baroness agree that I referred to continental Europe and not the EU? In other words, I included Norway and Switzerland. Norway, Switzerland, France, Germany, Austria, Denmark, Belgium and Holland all allow people to own full bore pistols and to keep them at their homes.

Baroness Blatch: My Lords, what the noble Lord says is a matter of fact.

City of Westminster Bill [H.L.]

3.7 p.m.

On Question, Bill read a second time, and committed to an Unopposed Bill Committee.

Girobank plc (Transfer) Bill [H.L.]

On Question, Bill read a second time, and committed to the Examiners.

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Criminal Evidence (Amendment) Bill

Lord Taylor of Warwick: My Lords, I understand that no amendments have been set down to this Bill and that no noble Lord has indicated a wish to move a manuscript amendment or to speak in Committee. Therefore, unless any noble Lord objects, I beg to move that the order of commitment be discharged.

Moved, That the order of commitment be discharged.--(Lord Taylor of Warwick.)

On Question, Motion agreed to.

Police (Insurance of Voluntary Assistants) Bill [H.L.]

Read a third time; an amendment (privilege) made; Bill passed, and sent to the Commons.

Local Government (Gaelic Names) (Scotland) Bill

Read a third time.

Lord Gray: My Lords, I beg to move that the Bill do now pass. This Bill will be well received in Scotland, particularly in the Highlands and Islands. I am grateful to noble Lords who have taken an interest in it. I wish to thank my noble friend and kinsman Lord Lindsay and his Scottish Office team for the assistance we received. I commend the Bill to the House.

Moved, That the Bill do now pass.--(Lord Gray.)

On Question, Bill passed.

Education Bill

3.9 p.m.

The Minister of State, Department for Education and Employment (Lord Henley): My Lords, I beg to move that the House do now resolve itself into Committee on this Bill.

Moved, That the House do now resolve itself into Committee.--(Lord Henley.)

On Question, Motion agreed to.

House in Committee accordingly.

[The CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES in the Chair.]

Clause 1 [Relaxation of controls on changes relating to selective admissions]:


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