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Lord McIntosh of Haringey: Did they go to the police?
Baroness Blatch: They tried very hard indeed to identify where the threats were coming from. They were frequently anonymous. They were frequently not able to identify the people involved. In some cases they tried to go to the police and certainly in Birmingham I know that a case was pursued but it never came to anything because it was always difficult to pin down the people involved.
On one occasion, I asked the head teachers what they would have done to make things different. One reply that I received was that in another situation the school would never remain neutral. "We believed it was the best way forward for our school but we played fair by the parents. Parents contacted us, as head teachers and members of staff who supported the proposals. They asked us for our views". But in order to play fair, the head teachers said, "I must not influence you in this decision. It is something about which you must make up your own mind".
Parents are often greatly influenced by head teachers. Head teachers did not wish to influence them unduly and parents became suspicious and did not vote. I am merely saying that considerable distress was caused. If the noble Lord, Lord McIntosh, wants evidence of those incidents, he could talk to some of the head teachers, chairmen of governors and governors who went through extremely difficult times. Many members of staff in those schools did not like what was happening and made life difficult for them. Many of them changed their minds once grant-maintained status was secured.
Therefore, I am not surprised that some schools saw what was happening and did not want to go down that road because they felt that it was too difficult and controversial a road to follow. Others tried and failed. Very often they failed for what I regard as the wrong reasons.
Lord Tope: I am sure that the noble Baroness will accept that I do not, for one moment, condone the sort of behaviour which she is talking about. I accept that, sadly, in a number of cases--although, I suspect, exaggerated-- it did happen and condemn that at least as strongly as she does.
I am sure that she will accept that, equally, I could swap horror stories with her--and I do not intend to do so at this time of night--about some of the threats, intimidation and wild exaggerations that were made by some of the more extreme proponents who wished to opt-out. I am afraid that it was the divisive nature of the whole practice that caused some of the more extreme proponents on both sides to behave in ways that none of us would condone.
However, I wish to return to the so-called success of that policy. I am not arguing about whether GM schools, as schools, have been successful. I question whether the policy has been successful. The noble Baroness does not wish to swap numbers with me and I do not wish to become involved in a numbers game either. The noble
Baroness could not remember whether it was 1,000, 2,000 or even 3,000. From memory, I believe it is nearer 1,000 than 2,000 schools which have opted out. Even if we accept the suggestion that a number of others have either chosen not to do so or have lost on a ballot because of whatever fears they may have had, there are more then 24,000 schools in this country. The noble Baroness cannot be suggesting to us that more than 10,000 of those have been intimidated into not opting out.The reality is that out of 24,000 plus schools, just over 1,000 have chosen to opt out. To me, that is not the mark of a successful policy.
Baroness Blatch: I was not ignorant of the numbers. I know the numbers. I was simply saying it was irrelevant whether it was 1,000, 2,000 or 3,000. That is not the argument. I am one of those people who genuinely believes in choice. If a vast majority of the schools do not wish to go down that road, that must be for them. I support that. I support the freedom to choose. That has always been the basis of the policy.
It may only be about 1,200 schools, but about 25 per cent. of those are secondary schools. A very large proportion of secondary schools are in the grant-maintained sector. With my amendment, I am seeking to allow the parents of those schools to exercise their choice.
I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Tope, for saying that he would not condone such practices, but they were very widespread. Indeed, there are officials sitting not too far away from me tonight who know about some of those practices. They were aware of them in the department. If the noble Baroness or the noble Lord, Lord McIntosh, wishes to discuss the matter with officials, I have no doubt that they will be told about some of the difficulties, especially as regards the early schools which opted for grant-maintained status.
I can remember the chief education officer in my local authority handing round anti-GM leaflets at public meetings. I did not regard that as fair game when the schools themselves were not allowed to present their own case, particularly when the head teachers very often played it fair and were neutral in these cases. I support the principle and the policy that fairness should be applied in the first instance and that the schools which chose of their own volition to become grant-maintained schools should be afforded the opportunity to exercise the choice of whether to remain grant maintained, to become foundation schools, or, indeed, to become voluntary aided and/or community schools.
However, with the great Lib/Lab alliance which is alive and kicking both in this and another place, it is clear that I shall not make much progress on the matter. In the circumstances, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment on the understanding that I shall return to the matter.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Lord Tope moved Amendment No. 79:
The noble Lord said: In moving this amendment, I feel
that I should pronounce the end of the Lib/Lab alliance
that the noble Baroness seems to have spotted. We have
There should not be three categories of schools.
I believe that that is a view which is shared widely within
the maintained education sector. The noble Baroness,
Lady Blatch, has said that she sees many differences
between foundation schools and grant-maintained
schools, although, perhaps out of deference to the time of
night, she did not elaborate on the nature of those
significant differences. I am bound to say that they have
eluded me. The only significant difference that I can see
is that they have a different name. There is very little other
difference between the two.
It is the view of my party, and remains so, that schools
which are not voluntary aided should come within the
framework of a light-touch LEA working in partnership
with those schools. I acknowledge that not all LEAs
achieve that goal. In my view, all LEAs should achieve
that and I hope that the better parts of the Bill will enable
them to do so. That briefly restates my party's principled
objection to the concept of foundation schools.
I am moving the amendment at this stage because it
seemed to be the most appropriate place in the Bill to do
so. In the unlikely event of our amendment being
accepted, I acknowledge that there would need to be other
consequential amendments throughout the Bill. However,
I did not feel it appropriate either to trouble the Public Bill
Office or, indeed, the Committee in trying to move every
conceivable amendment to delete every reference to
foundation schools, or anything consequential upon it.
I recognised that fact but just wanted to move the
amendment, although I had hoped to do so rather earlier
in the night and at greater length. Nevertheless, I wanted
to put that on the record.
I move on to the other amendment which deals with the
new concept of foundation special schools. That is
something which, in a way, concerns me even more. We
have had a difference of view with the Government about
foundation schools ever since they proposed the concept
when in opposition. It is a different matter with
foundation special schools. In common with everyone
else, we believed that the Government did not believe in
foundation special schools. That belief was based not only
on their statements when in opposition but, more
importantly, on statements made since they have come
into office. The White Paper Excellence in Schools, issued
only last year, proposed that special schools would
become community schools, and the Green Paper
regarding excellence for all children also proposed
community status for special schools.
Therefore we had the belief--as did everyone else and
particularly those working in that sector--that that was
what the Government were proposing. All those who
were in agreement with that had nothing to say because
they agreed with the Government's stated view. If I
remember correctly, on Second Reading the Minister in
That seems to me to be rather strange. It is
inevitable that those who have some disagreement
with a proposed policy will say so, but to change the
policy without giving those who had assumed the
Government would stand by it an opportunity to
express their views seems to me to be rather less than
fair. There are many reasons--they have been stated
previously and will be stated again--why it is
particularly inappropriate for special schools to have
foundation status. One of the most important reasons
is the need for LEAs to be able to plan and to
target their special needs resources effectively. That is
difficult under any circumstances, especially as
resource demands seem to be growing enormously,
but it is even more difficult when a special school is
no longer properly within the LEA framework. It is
much more difficult to plan and to target scarce
resources so as effectively to meet the broad range of
special needs that need to be met today.
While I have no grounds for optimism that our plea
on foundation schools will fall on fertile ground,
I urge the Minister, and the Government she
represents, to adhere to their original view of only a
few months ago that they expressed for the reasons
they gave in both the White Paper and in the Green
Paper, and to reject the concept of foundation special
schools. I beg to move.
Page 18, leave out line 11.
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