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Lord Strathclyde: My Lords, the noble Lord, Lord Cledwyn of Penrhos, was the Leader of the Opposition when I joined this House in 1986. Much to my surprise, it was not long before he came over to speak to me and to welcome me to this House. I was astonished, but I should not have been, because friendliness and caring for others were two of his greatest strengths.
Lord Cledwyn held a distinguished record of service in another place, representing for 28 years the constituency of Anglesey. He also played a substantial role in the Cabinet as Secretary of State for Wales and then as Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food.
Latterly, he served on many voluntary bodies and served on the Political Honours Scrutiny Committee, one of our most important bodies. Naturally, as time went by, he became older and a little frailer, but it would have been foolish to assume that he lacked vigour. He had great intelligence and a capacity for hard work and was admired by the whole House. He was of course delighted with the victory of the Labour Party in the general election of 1997, because he was always an intensely loyal Labour man. Nothing I say should suggest otherwise. However, one could not help feeling that some of the Labour Party's repackaging had slightly passed him by.
When I became Leader of the Opposition, one of the first things I did was to talk to him. His approach was wise, sensible and pragmatic. I told him how much I had admired his leadership in opposition and, although I think that he was a little surprised at the compliment, he sat down and offered me all kinds of advice. I remember in particular, when I was a young and inexperienced Minister in the early 1990s, how Lord Cledwyn played a great role at Question Time in this House. I shall never forget that terrifying feeling, watching him lumber to his feet to offer a penetrating inquiry which would point out the sheer inadequacy of the ministerial answer. But in doing so, he always kept his humour and perspective.
He will be remembered with affection by this House. Furthermore, Wales has lost a favoured ambassador, a great son and a champion. Woe betide a Minister who had not done his homework on the effects of legislation in Wales. Lord Cledwyn was a fighter and, while his decline has been sad to witness, he kept on coming here out of a duty to Parliament after a lifetime of service to the Labour Party. On behalf of the Opposition I, too, offer my sincerest condolences to Lady Cledwyn and the rest of the family at this very sad time.
Lord Rodgers of Quarry Bank: My Lords, perhaps I may again associate these Benches with the views which have already been expressed about Cledwyn Hughes. I first met him in 1955 on a trip to Austria. He was extremely kindly and solicitous towards a much younger man. In my experience, that generosity of spirit continued all through the vicissitudes of the intervening years. I certainly always found him good company here. I listened to his advice, took it and indeed asked for it from time to time.
Lord Cledwyn did not always have an easy political life. He was a mainstream figure, but I remember that in the early 1970s, when he was a very consistent European at a point when his party held to a far less steady course, he did find himself in a minority and, I believe, suffered for that when no place was made available for him in the 1974 government. Despite that, he was never bitter. He had a shrewd sense of politics and a mischievous sense of humour. I do not
Cledwyn Hughes and I became junior Ministers on the same day in 1964. We entered the Cabinet together two years later. We were both subsequently fired by the same Prime Minister. In my view, Cledwyn Hughes was massively underestimated, both as a Minister and as an extremely effective and, when the need arose, tough parliamentarian and politician.
Soon after his appointment as Minister of State for Commonwealth Relations, the government were faced with the first of many problems in the Commonwealth at that time; namely, the break-up of the Malaysian Federation, with the possibility of an extremely dangerous confrontation between the Malaysian Prime Minister, Abdul Rahman, and Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. Cledwyn's boss was one Arthur Bottomley, who will be remembered by some, although we grow fewer in number. Arthur Bottomley was an obsessive globetrotter. As always he was, when this particular problem arose, out of the country. With the tact and timing that was always a feature of Cledwyn, although not often recognised, he realised that this left the door wide open for him to act on the Minister's behalf.
His success was such that when the Rhodesian crisis erupted, he had already developed a role which made him a significant player in the behind-the-scenes negotiations, as well as opening a direct line to the Prime Minister, Harold Wilson.
I witnessed an extraordinary example of how close was that relationship on the night of the Aberfan disaster. For those of us who were there, it was an horrendous experience. The disaster resulted in the deaths of 118 children and 28 adults. I was the Minister responsible for the coal industry and Cledwyn was the Secretary of State for Wales. The Prime Minister arrived late in the evening and immediately called a meeting of the officers in charge of the various organisations: the police, the mining authorities and the Army, among others. The Prime Minister opened the meeting with a statement which he had clearly thought out in advance. I hope that noble Lords will bear with me if I quote from Harold Wilson's biography since, in my view, this statement has no precedent:
Sadly, however, close relations with Prime Ministers frequently end in tears. Cledwyn was finally removed from office for voting against the government on an issue on which I think he was completely wrong, but in which he believed totally. Typically, he moved on immediately to fulfil a highly successful role as a skilled politician and parliamentarian.
In common with most of us, I suspect that Cledwyn will not figure prominently in the history books. But in this House we know that, when the fashionable gladiators have had their moment of glory, this stable and successful Parliament--in the future as it has in the past--depends on the contribution of quite a small group of special parliamentarians, of which Cledwyn Hughes was undoubtedly one.
The Lord Bishop of Lichfield: My Lords, from these Benches I must add my own tribute to Lord Cledwyn. It so happens that I also have Welsh blood in my veins. I always warmed deeply to the clarity and detail with which Lord Cledwyn spoke on behalf of his native heath. When I heard him speak, I remember that he had a wonderful stillness and a clear way of disentangling heated argument. Perhaps it was his maturity and experience which enabled him to stand up and disentangle fruitless antagonisms and to find a way through.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Baroness Scotland of Asthal): My Lords, Her Majesty's Government strongly support the efforts of UNICEF and Save the Children Fund (UK) to work with the Government of Sudan to eradicate the practice of abduction of women and children and to return those abducted to their families. We also support the efforts which have been made by the New Sudan Council of Churches. Our ambassador visits the affected areas to drive home the message of our concern to those dealing with the issues on the spot.
Abduction is a central issue in the EU/Sudan political dialogue and we also raise it regularly at the highest levels in our bilateral contacts with the Government of Sudan. Through the European Union, we give financial support to this difficult and sensitive work.
Baroness Cox: My Lords, I thank the Minister for that Answer. Does she accept that the Government of Sudan have been widely condemned by the United Nations and by many human rights organisations for complicity in slavery? Does she further accept that the measures to which she referred are widely deemed inadequate in terms of the numbers freed compared with the thousands who have been captured and enslaved with the complicity of the Sudanese Government? Can the Minister explain why Her Majesty's Government continue to do business with that regime--even to the point of inviting its Foreign Minister here against the spirit of UN Security Council sanctions--instead of, here in the land of William Wilberforce, taking a lead in the international community to achieve the abolition of slavery in Sudan?
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