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Lord Williams of Mostyn: My Lords, my noble friend is quite right. If one wants to attack bad

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governance and corruption in Africa perhaps one should occasionally look at the beam in the eye closer to home. He has a vast experience of South Africa and knows as well as I do that the first free elections took place only in 1994, which was barely eight years ago. He is right to challenge those who are mean- hearted and mean-spirited. When one considers that extraordinary achievement, he is right to challenge those who are mean-hearted and mean-spirited.

My noble friend has made a soundly-based point about Angola. Too often the countries of Africa have been used as the playthings and the client states of other states which have behaved ignobly. The other evening I had the pleasure of speaking to the Ambassador of Angola who represents his government's view that there is a vast amount to do, and that, although the war has recently ceased, they are intent on further progress.

Let us consider the example of Mozambique on which the Prime Minister reported in his Statement. There has been a terrible, remorseless civil war for many years and tragedies and catastrophes due to the weather and floods. Those are significant factors and we should not overlook them.

Lord Blaker: My Lords, is it not extraordinary that neither in the two press conferences given by the Prime Minister nor in the two documents specifically about Africa published by the conference was Zimbabwe mentioned, though four other African countries which have had troubles were mentioned by name? Is not the situation in Zimbabwe going from disastrous to catastrophic, whether in the realms of human rights, the rule of law or now starvation? Would not this have been a good opportunity for the G8 governments to have impressed on the African leaders who were present the importance of their making clear to Mr Mugabe the importance of his abiding by the African statement,

    "good governance and human rights as necessary preconditions for Africa's recovery?

Is not the reality that Mr Mugabe will take this conference as a licence to carry on exactly as he wishes?

Lord Williams of Mostyn: My Lords, I bow to no one in my respect for the noble Lord, Lord Blaker, in his concerns, about which I have often spoken in this House. I do not believe that Mr Mugabe regards himself as being in need of any sort of licence. He has determined upon his activities, which have been roundly condemned in every section of this House and by the British Government on many occasions. References are made to the need for humanitarian concerns and respect for human rights to be put at the forefront of the NePAD partnership.

It is true that there is no specific reference to Zimbabwe in the Statement which I read out. But time after time in this House, to my knowledge and that of the noble Lord, my noble friends Lady Amos and Lady Symons have repeated the Government's view on Zimbabwe. There comes a time when one may need

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to focus on other things, particularly as there has been constant reporting on Zimbabwe in this House virtually on a weekly basis.

Lord Alton of Liverpool: My Lords, I welcome what the Leader of the House and the Statement on the summit said about tackling endemic poverty in Africa. The figure he announced today, which was announced previously, of 6 billion dollars additional funding is to be welcomed. Can he set out to the House precisely how that will be linked to anti- corruption measures and whether we will retaliate directly against governments by reducing aid programmes if there is corruption in those countries?

The noble and learned Lord said that he dislikes the way in which African countries have been used as playthings and client states. Does he agree that the sale of arms, particularly to places like Liberia, Angola, Mozambique, Rwanda and the Sudan, has inflamed conflict in those areas over the years and debased the countries which simply continue to sell arms without any concerns for the consequences? Indeed, in the sale of sophisticated air traffic control systems to countries like Tanzania we have played a part in not tackling the root problems of poverty but rather selling devices which will be of no real use to the people of those countries.

The Statement made reference to the WTO Doha round. I particular welcome what the Leader of the House said today about the emphasis that will be placed upon trade. Does he agree that the best way in which to help African countries pull themselves out of this systemic and endemic policy is by encouraging fair and free trade with African countries?

Lord Williams of Mostyn: My Lords, I agree with what the noble Lord, Lord Alton, said in his concluding remarks; that is the way forward. We are trying to offer not simply financial assistance, but also technical and resource assistance, in which we have significance expertise fortunately, to build an appropriate infrastructure whereby our colleague countries in Africa can develop investment and fair trade themselves. It is 6 billion dollars a year so it is a substantial figure. We shall have to work in partnership with the African countries, recognising a number of matters. First, that they are sovereign nations; secondly, that we are entitled, in all decency and with all due thought, to wish their co-operation. A nation which is providing assistance is entitled morally to say that these are conditions for the assistance. It is not a case of punitive sanctions or punishment; it is a case of a co-operative venture. After all, NePAD stands for a new development and the "P" is for "partnership".

Lord Brooke of Sutton Mandeville: My Lords, in relation to the contribution by the United Kingdom to the plan for Africa, can the Minister say whether what I understood to be the incremental element in the British contribution comes from a rearrangement of the spending plans of the Department for International Development, from a reserve within that

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department, or from outside that department altogether and thus from the contingency reserve of the Treasury?

Lord Williams of Mostyn: My Lords, I can answer the noble Lord with the assistance, I say readily, of my noble friend Lady Amos who was present at the summit—and I like that benefit. In 1997 the aid budget to which the noble Lord referred was 332 million. It is rising to 632 million. By the year 2006 it will be 1 billion. So it is not simply a case of rearranging the cheques; it is a significant advance.

The Earl of Caithness: My Lords, does the Leader of the House agree that the Statement is intended not just to update Members of Parliament in both Houses but is also a Statement to the rest of the world as to how the Prime Minister saw the summit? If he agrees that that is the point of the Statement, on reflection does he consider that it might have been better for the Prime Minister to have included a serious attack on Mr Mugabe and other African leaders who have failed to follow the excellent standards that NePAD wishes? Indeed, the noble and learned Lord said that an impartial judiciary is an essential to any government. That is certainly not the case in Zimbabwe and a good many of other African countries. The Statement gives the impression that the whole of Africa will benefit, whether or not the countries comply with the good governance criteria. Does the Minister feel, therefore, that it might have been better to have set out that position a little more clearly?

Lord Williams of Mostyn: My Lords, no. I know that one of the unfortunate aspects of this procedure is that the Statement is not available to many noble Lords ahead of time or indeed at all. But I remind the noble Earl that copies of all the documents agreed at the summit have been placed in the House Libraries. In the nature of things, particularly as we have other important business today, this is simply a summary of what was agreed. One of the documents in the Library is the G8 Africa Action Plan.

I take up the noble Earl's point. The New Partnership for Africa's Development offers something different. African leaders have personally directed its creation and implementation. They have formally undertaken to hold each other accountable for its achievement. They have emphasised good governance and human rights as necessary preconditions for Africa's recovery. That deals fairly and squarely with the noble Earl's question as to whether or not they receive the money for not doing anything. It is clearly present in paragraph 4 of the action plan, which states:

    "this will lead us to focus our efforts on countries that demonstrate a political and financial commitment to good governance and the rule of law, investing in their people, and pursuing policies that spur economic growth and alleviate poverty".

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Many would think that that was particularly directed at, among others, Mr Mugabe and Zimbabwe, and I would be one of them.

Lord Thomson of Monifieth: My Lords, is the noble and learned Lord aware that there will be a wide welcome for the emphasis on education in the Africa plan? Does he agree that while the goal of universal primary education is of course a totally worthy one and deserves every support, educational aid needs a wider concept? Education and good governance will be extremely important in making a success of the partnership plan. Does he also that the ultimate test will be that the educational element should be an increasing element and should be seen in the widest possible context?

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