Select Committee on European Union Written Evidence


Memorandum by Emily Grundy, Professor of Demographic Gerontology, Centre for Population Studies, London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine

  This Directive has implications for the insurance and pensions industry who currently take into account the generally longer life expectancy of women than men in pricing their products. The evidence supplied here relates to possible changes in the extent of gender differentials in mortality in the future.

1.  GENDER DIFFERENCES IN MORTALITY; CURRENT PATTERNS IN EUROPE AND THE USA

  Currently women live longer than men in virtually all populations, the exceptions being a few in which the status of women is very low. However the extent of this differential varies considerably. In Russia, Latvia and a number of other Eastern European countries female life expectancy at birth exceeds that of men by a decade, partly reflecting the heavy toll of excess alcohol consumption among men (Velkoff and Kinsella 1993). The gap between men and women in Southern Europe is less marked, possibly because nutritional and lifestyle factors may protect men from risks which some of their peers elsewhere are exposed to. Further life expectancy at age 65 is also consistently higher for women than for men, with women generally enjoying at least three or four years of additional life. (see Figures 1 and 2).

2.  COHORT INDICATORS OF GENDER DIFFERENCES IN SURVIVAL TO LATER LIFE

  The period indicators shown in these Figures are based on current rates of mortality. Examining the fate of particular cohorts highlights the divergent destinies of boys and girls born in the late 19th and early 20th centuries even more strikingly. This is illustrated in Table 1, which shows survivorship to age 80 for men and women born between 1861 and 1921 in England and Wales. Of those born in 1861, a mere 10 per cent of boys and 16 per cent of girls lived to age 80. Among those born 50 years later in 1911, 23 per cent of males and 41 per cent of females reached this age while nearly half the women (but only 29 per cent of the men) born in 1921 became octogenarians. The trends underlying these variations by gender are complex and still not fully understood. They include not only substantial improvements in survival through infancy and adulthood, but also large changes in the relative survival chances of adult men and women.

3.  CHANGES IN GENDER DIFFERENTIALS IN LIFE EXPECTANCY OVER TIME

  The tendency for mortality decline to be associated with a greater gender divergence in life expectancy is illustrated in Table 2. Between 1900-01 and the early 1970s the gap between male and female life expectancy at birth increased from less than one year to more than five years in Japan and from less than four to over seven years in France. In both these countries this difference increased further in the last part of the 20th century, although in France (and Sweden) this peaked in the mid 1990s. In the UK and the USA, by contrast, the sex differential in life expectancy at birth has narrowed slightly since 1970-71. In both these countries the gender difference in further life expectancy at age 65 was also greatest in the early 1970s, but in the other countries shown in Table 2 (and elsewhere) this gender difference has continued to increase.

4.  EXPLANATIONS FOR GENDER DIFFERENCES IN MORTALITY

  Reasons for the widening gap between male and female mortality during most, or all, of the twentieth century have been reviewed by Waldron (1986; 1993) and Verbrugge (1989) and include, in the early phases of the mortality transition, declines in causes of death specifically or predominantly affecting women (such as maternal mortality, cancer of the uterus and respiratory tuberculosis) and possibly changes in the intra household allocation of resources by gender. Gender differences in health related behaviour, particularly smoking, in exposure to occupational hazards and perhaps the greater susceptibility of men to stresses associated with socio-economic change have been suggested as important reasons for the widening gap between male and female mortality for much of the 20th century. In particular the 20th century epidemic of coronary heart disease affected only men in most industrialised countries. In England and Wales, for example, the sex ratio of age standardised mortality from coronary heart disease remained close to 1.5 during the 1920s, 30s and 40s but then rose rapidly peaking at 3.5 in 1971 (Lawlor et al 2001). One hypothesised explanation, apart from differences in stress and in smoking already referred to, is possible gender variation in both consumption of red meat ("preferentially" allocated to the male breadwinner) and biological response to dietary fat (Lawlor et al 2001).

  Changes in the relative propensity of men and women to smoke are undoubtedly an important factor in the recent slight narrowing of the sex differential in mortality in England and Wales and the USA (and some other western populations). Figure 3 shows the ratio of male to female death rates from neoplasms for periods during the 20th century for groups aged 55-9 to 80 and over. This ratio rose until the mid century in younger groups, until 1971-75 in the 70-74 year old age group and until the late 1980s in the 75-79 year old age group but then began to fall as cohorts with less sex divergent smoking exposures reach the relevant age group. This pattern is clearly indicative of an interaction between gender and cohort effects. Similarly, Manton (2000) has demonstrated that differences in male and female cohort mortality rates underlie many of the period changes for heart disease, stroke and lung cancer mortality evident in the USA between 1962 and 1995.

5.  FUTURE PROSPECTS IN THE UK

  As seen here, the extent of the gender gap in life expectancy, both at birth and at age 65, has been diminishing in recent decades in countries of the UK. It would seem very probable that this trend will continue, reflecting the much smaller differences between women and men in smoking behaviour in cohorts now entering age groups most at risk of smoking related diseases; the reduction in the proportion of men with health decrements consequent on work related risks (eg coal mining; exposure to asbestos etc) and the general lessening of differences in the lifestyles of women and men. This assumption—of a continuation of the narrowing of gender differentials immortality—is reflected in official projections. However, it would seem very unlikely that the female advantage will disappear, both because there appears to be biological advantages associated with being female and because there are reasons to suppose that female mortality may continue to decline. Firstly the mortality of older women in the UK is rather high in comparison with that of women in France and Italy, for example, suggesting a room for improvement, and secondly current cohorts of older women include large proportions with characteristics generally associated with high mortality risk (eg low education).

June 2004

Table 1:  Survival to age 80 by birth cohort, England and Wales


Year of birth
% surviving to age 80

Men
Women
1861
10
16
1881
14
25
1901
17
34
1911
23
41
1921
29
47

Source: Data from Government Actuary's Department.


Table 2:  Trends in life expectancy at birth and at age 65 by gender, selected developed countries


Year and country
Life expectancy (years)
At birth
At age 65
M
F
Difference
M
F
Difference

1900-01
England & Wales
44.8
48.7
3.9
10.1
11.1
1.1
France
43.2
46.9
3.8
10.0
10.9
0.9
Japan
44.0
44.9
0.9
10.1
11.4
1.2
Sweden
50.8
53.6
2.9
12.1
13.0
0.9
USA
46.4
49.0
2.6
11.4
12.0
0.7
1950-01
England & Wales
65.3
70.3
5.0
10.8
13.4
2.6
France
63.4
69.2
5.8
12.2
14.6
2.4
Japan
57.6
60.9
3.3
10.9
13.0
2.1
Sweden
69.8
72.4
2.6
13.5
14.3
0.8
USA
65.6
71.1
5.5
12.8
15.1
2.3
1970-01
England & Wales
68.8
75.0
6.2
11.9
15.8
3.9
France
68.4
75.8
7.4
13.0
16.8
3.7
Japan
69.3
74.7
5.4
12.5
15.4
2.8
Sweden
72.2
77.2
5.0
14.3
16.9
2.6
USA
67.2
74.9
7.7
13.1
17.1
4.0
1995
England & Wales
74.4
79.6
5.2
14.8
18.4
3.6
France
73.9
81.9
8.0
16.1
20.6
4.5
Japan
76.4
82.8
6.4
16.5
20.9
4.4
Sweden
76.2
81.5
5.3
16.0
19.7
3.7
USA
72.4
79.3
6.9
15.3
19.2
3.8
2000-2/5
England & Wales
75.9
80.6
4.7
16.0
19.1
3.1
France
75.2
82.8
7.6
16.3
21.2
4.9
Japan
77.8
85.0
7.2
17.4
22.6
5.2
Sweden
77.6
82.6
5.0
16.7
20.5
3.8
USA
74.6
80.4
5.8
15.6
19.2
3.6

Sources: Data from Government Actuary's Department (E&W), Berkeley Mortality Data Base (http://demog.berkeley.edu/wilmoth/mortality); Ministry of Health and Welfare (Japan), Statistics and Information Department, 18th life tables, Tokyo, 1998; United Nations 2002.

Figure 1: Sex differentials in life expectancy at birth, selected European countries, 1995-2000







  REFERENCES:

  Lawlor, D A, Ebrahim, S and Davey Smith, G (2001) "Sex matters: secular and geographical trends in sex differences in coronary heart disease mortality". British Medical Journal, 323, 541-545.

  Manton, K G (2000). "Gender differences in the cross-sectional and cohort age dependence of cause-specific mortality: the United States, 1962 to 1995". Journal of Gender Specific Medicine, 3, 47-54.

  Velkoff, V and Kinsella, K (1993), Aging in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union, US Bureau of the Census, Washington DC.

  Verbrugge, L M (1979) "Marital status and health". Journal of Marriage and the Family, 41, 267-285.

  Verbrugge, L M (1989) "Gender, aging and health", in K S Markides (ed), Aging and health, Sage Publications, Newbury Park (Ca), pp 23-78.

  Waldron, I (1986) "What do we know about sex differences in mortality?" Population Bulletin, no 18. New York: United Nations.

  Waldron, I (1993) "Recent trends in sex mortality ratios for adults in developed, countries". Social Science & Medicine, 36, 451-62.



 
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