Select Committee on European Union Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1 - 19)

WEDNESDAY 4 FEBRUARY 2004

MR MARTIN STANIFORTH, MS JULIE CARNEY AND MS SUSAN SMITH

  Q1  Chairman: May I welcome you to this session of the Social and Consumer Affairs Sub-Committee of the Select Committee on the European Union. Thank you very much for coming along. We are glad that we have people here from the DTI and from the Department of Health because obviously there are consequences directly affecting the DTI and also consequences of the ECJ judgments in particular for the Department of Health. This session is open to the public and is being webcast and can be broadcast, which is the practice now for sub-committees. It means, of course, that asides can sometimes be heard, so please bear that in mind. There will be a verbatim transcript, of which you will be sent a copy, and you can of course check it for accuracy and let us have it back. As we are trying to move quite fast in this inquiry we would like to have it back within seven days. Similarly, if there are any further questions that we leave with you for an answer, if you could deal with those within seven days that would help us very much. We are a bit short of time because, as you know, the Commission has set a deadline of March for consultation on this issue. I will invite members of the committee to put questions to you, but would you like to make any comments first?

  Ms Carney: Yes, just to put the Commission communication in perspective and to explain that the Working Time Directive was implemented in the UK under the Working Time Regulations in 1998. It provides for an average 48-hour weekly working time limit, night work limits, health assessments for night workers and entitlements to weekly, daily and in-work rest breaks and four weeks' paid annual leave. The 48-hourly week limit is averaged over a 17-week reference period but under the directive that 17-week reference period can be extended to 52 weeks by a collective or work-based agreement. The directive and regulations do not apply to anyone who is genuinely self-employed and the 48-hour weekly limit does not apply to autonomous workers. As described in the directive, these are people where the duration of working time is not measured or pre-determined or can be determined by the worker themselves. The examples they give in the directive are managing executives or other persons with autonomous decision-taking powers, family workers and workers officiating at religious ceremonies in churches and religious communities. Any worker can also opt out of the weekly working time limit providing they agree this with their employer and record this in writing. If they do so, they can still change their mind and give notice if they decide they do want to enforce their right to refuse to work for 48 hours. The employer and worker agree how much notice should be given. The maximum allowable is three months. If there is not a notice period then the minimum the worker can give is seven days' notice. Under Article 18 of the Working Time Directive there is a requirement on the Council of Ministers, on the basis of a Commission proposal accompanied by an appraisal report, to re-examine the opt-out provision and decide what action to take by 23 November 2003. That was the deadline. The Commission have missed that by a little bit, but that is essentially the communication they have put out now. It was a pre-arranged review of parts of the directive. They have also taken the opportunity to raise the issue of the implications of the recent ECJ judgments and Martin might want to say something about those.

  Mr Staniforth: Yes indeed. Our central concern from the Department of Health perspective is the implications of the two judgments, the SiMAP and Jaeger judgments. We have been supporting the NHS in preparing for the extension of the Working Time Directive to cover junior doctors for some time, but these judgments have significantly affected the way in which the directive is interpreted, in particular by defining all time spent resident on call in a hospital or other place of work as working time rather than non-working time and in requiring compensatory rest for broken periods of rest to be taken immediately rather than within a reasonable time. This has, as our paper to you has explained, made it more difficult for the Health Service to achieve full compliance by 1 August this year when the directive applies to doctors in training and I know it also has some implications for other sectors of the economy. We are aware that other Member States share our concerns at the implications of these two judgments for their health services and we are discussing with them the extent of their concern and the scope for working jointly to seek an appropriate amendment to the directive to change the impact of the two judgments. At this stage that is all I want to say by way of introduction.

  Q2  Chairman: Thank you very much. Ms Smith, do you want to add anything?

  Ms Smith: No, thank you.

  Q3  Chairman: We will want to explore some of these points because we have a lot to learn. We have taken on board two points. One is that the Commission document has a lot about the UK's opt-out, pages and pages of it, and the second is that the consequences of the two ECJ judgments are obviously fairly important. What is your judgment about how important is the flexibility which is given by the opt-out for British competitiveness and have you quantified that in comparison with other factors? We are going to have employers and employees' representatives coming and no doubt they will take a view too, but I would like to have a first comment from you on that point.

  Ms Carney: Flexible labour markets are key to a successful economy and we see the flexibility that the UK opt-out gives to both employers and employees as an important factor in a flexible market and therefore British competitiveness. While the UK has more employees working above average working hours it also has more working below average hours. We have got a wider range of working hours than most other Member States. This flexibility makes it easier for both employees and employers to match working hours to their needs. As a point of reference, working hours in the UK were going up through the nineties. They peaked in 1997 and that upward trend was reversed in 1998, when the Working Time Directive came in. The Government also launched its Work/Life Balance campaign in 2000 and the proportion of full-time employees who work more than 48 hours a week has fallen from 23.5 per cent in 1998 to 20.4 per cent in spring 2003, so we are making progress. The average weekly hours have also fallen in the UK over that period. We believe it is important that people have a choice, both individuals and employers, on how to balance work to suit business needs and individuals' needs. The Treasury analysis shows that while there is broad agreement about the impact of institutional practice, such as employment protection legislation, tax and benefit incentives to work, and labour market policy or the role played by unions, opinion is more divided regarding the quantity of importance of each, so we have not attempted an assessment to quantify precisely the flexibility given specifically by the opt-out compared with other factors that affect labour market flexibility. The Treasury's study also shows that since 1997 the UK labour market has become more flexible. This is due to a number of factors, including the introduction of employment legislation in such a way that it has not acted to reduce labour market flexibility, and that was the approach taken in implementing the Working Time Regulations in the UK. The directive gives absolute protection to workers who do not want to work more than 48 hours a week but it also allows workers who want to work more than 48 hours to do so and we think that choice is the right approach. We have undertaken some research looking at business reasons for the use of long hours working. In November 2003 the DTI published research called The Business Context to Long Hours Working which, among other things, looks at the business reasons for long hours working. That report noted that the main reason cited by employers for sustaining long hours working was to meet a deadline or cope with a backlog of work. However, the report also indicated that some of the hours could be avoidable because employers were giving extra hours to workers because they wanted the overtime; and the research highlighted the difficulties that firms could face in reducing overtime hours when employees want to work those hours and have relied upon overtime pay to boost their earnings.

  Q4  Lord Harrison: I would like to dwell on the question of flexibility. In your first answer you implied that flexibility applied both to the employer and to the employee. Would you agree with me that the exercise of flexibility on behalf of the employer who would like the employee typically to come in a certain number of hours and so on may well conflict with the desire of the employee to match what is an ambition of the Commission to bring a greater ability to the employee to exercise flexibility in favour of home and family matters? Do you see those as possibly in conflict? Are they reconcilable and, if we take the second area, in other words, giving flexibility to the employee to manage his or her own affairs in such a way as to benefit the family, do you see that as providing a competitive edge for the industry in which the employee finds himself or herself?

  Ms Carney: The Government's Work/Life Balance campaign is very much aimed at promoting flexibility and the business benefits of organisations offering flexibility to their employees. We see that as potentially a win-win situation and we do not see that there has to be conflict between employers and workers about the hours they work. We have introduced new legislation allowing parents of children aged up to six and disabled children up to 18 the right to request flexible working. Flexibility is the key issue. The Working Time Directive is a health and safety measure and it only looked at the maximum limit and for most people that is not the point, because most people are not working anything like 48 hours, so the question of flexibility for most people is not dealt with through the Working Time Directive. We have other legislation and other campaigns in the UK, in other words UK-specific legislation, which provides that for workers in the UK.

  Q5  Lord Colwyn: I am in a much better mood than I was before you came in because, having worked between 16 and 17 hours yesterday in three different jobs I now think that I am probably autonomous and it is not going to apply to me at all and so I am very pleased about that. I wonder if you could clear up something? The MEPs have called for an end to what they call the loophole that allows British firms to break the working time limit as laid down by the laws and abuse the existing deal. I also read that there was a cliff-hanger vote where it was 19 to 15 with three abstentions and the committee called upon the European Commission to take Britain to court for widespread and systematic abuse of the directive and, given the recognition by the Commission of widespread systematic abuse, they insisted that the Commission institute an infringement process against the UK Government. If all that happens and we lose our opt-out what are going to be the economic and social consequences?

  Ms Carney: It is a big "if" for a start because the Commission consultation document does not propose the removal of the opt-out, although it does spend quite a lot of time debating how it has been used or abused in the UK. It is difficult to say exactly what would happen, but we can give you the scale of the impact in terms of the numbers of people it will affect. Currently 20 per cent, as I mentioned earlier, of full-time workers report through the labour force survey that they usually work more than 48 hours a week. That equates to 3.7 million workers. Some of those might be autonomous workers, some of them might not be covered. If you asked on two consecutive quarters, which replicates the 17-week reference period, this drops to 2.5 million workers, and if you asked every year over the four quarters the figure drops again to 1.7 million, so they are the numbers of people involved. Of those who work over 48 hours a week the indications are that they are split into roughly three equal groups of those who are paid overtime rates to do so, those who work long hours as part of their normal contractual hours, and the third group are those who are working those hours without overtime, who may possibly be autonomous workers but may not be. We know there would be a substantial impact on the UK, both economically as businesses lose flexibility and try to grapple with this, and socially as all those workers would not be able to work those patterns and a large proportion of them would therefore not earn extra money for doing so.

  Q6  Lord Harrison: I am sorry, Chairman, but on the competitiveness issue I really go back to the flexibility. Surely it is the case that there can be an employer who requires an employee to be working because of a high period of activity in a particular industry such that the reference points are overturned but the employee on his or her part may well not want to work for a sustained period. I think your original answer may not be accurate and the two forms of flexibility can come into conflict.

  Ms Carney: The point is that under the law the individual worker has the right to refuse to work more than 48 hours on average over the reference period.

  Ms Smith: The regulations do contain provisions whereby, by collective agreement, the reference period can be extended, so if, for example, in your example you have an employer who has a very busy period and a less busy period, he might well by collective agreement with his workforce decide to have an extended reference period so that employees can work longer during the busy period and to that extent yes, that is clearly different from the individual opt-out, but it is part of the nature of collective agreements that once the agreement is agreed collectively then it applies to both the employer and the workforce in general.

  Q7  Lord Harrison: I was trying to establish that there was a conflict there. In a sense your follow-up to my example demonstrates that.

  Ms Smith: Any individual, when they are working within an organisation, has to work within both the structure laid down by the employer and also the structure laid down by collective agreements.

  Q8  Chairman: Obviously, Ms Smith is right about that although, of course, one feature of Europe as a whole is that we have much fewer collective agreements, in particular in the private sector, compared with other countries.

  Ms Smith: Yes.

  Chairman: That is one of the main points that has been made in the Commission documentation. Overall the pattern will probably be quite important when we come to further negotiations.

  Q9  Baroness Massey of Darwen: Do you have any estimate of the scale of abuse of the regulation in the UK and what might be done to prevent it?

  Ms Carney: It depends what you mean by "abuse". It is clear that if you are talking about the 48-hour limit overall the vast majority of employers in the UK are complying with this because the vast majority of people are not working sustained long hours and they are not doing night work or shift work.

  Q10  Lord Colwyn: How do you know that?

  Ms Carney: We know that from the labour force survey. We know that, as I said, 3.7 million are reporting that they work longer than 48 hours, so 80 per cent of people are not working more than 48 hours. It depends what you mean by "abuse". You are in breach of the directive and the regulations if you coerce people to work longer than 48 hours, or if you coerce them into signing an opt-out. According to the Barnard Report, which the Commission drew on in its paper, there is some anecdotal evidence suggesting that in some instances there has been pressure on individuals to sign an opt-out from an employer. However, the report indicates that in most cases there was not. The process of obtaining an opt-out for new employees was sometimes part of the recruitment or induction procedure in case study organisations that the report looked at, but the report concludes that it is difficult to say whether this provided evidence of responsible employers just doing the paperwork, or whether it suggested indirect pressure was being applied to employees to sign the opt-out. The TUC suggested in a press release that almost a quarter of employees who worked over 48 hours were forced to sign opt-outs. This is based on responses to an omnibus survey published in August 2003 which indicated that nine per cent of workers said they did not really have a choice if they wanted to keep their job and another 15 per cent said they were told to sign when they started a job. It is quite difficult to get underneath that and know exactly what is happening.

  Q11  Baroness Greengross: When you have something like an agricultural group of people, labourers working in a large farming industry, for example, they might work for a lot of hours for a very short period and then after the harvest or whatever, or, let us say, in Italy when the olives or the grapes have been harvested, there is a great period of rest. How is that calculated? Is it based on a six-monthly period or if you go over the 48 hours in one week is that already against the regulation?

  Ms Carney: It is back to the reference period. The default reference period is 17 weeks. Many other Member States use collective agreements to extend that, and, as Susan said, a classic example would be a sectoral industry where there are seasonal variations like agriculture. They only introduced the directive in Italy in April of last year, so I am not quite sure what Italian agricultural workers are doing.

  Baroness Greengross: I can imagine!

  Q12  Baroness Greengross: We are having difficulty hearing you with the acoustics in this room, so I apologise if I ask you something that you might have just answered. It is clear that the evidential base on which this is formulated is terribly important, particularly if the Commission are going to make comments on what we are doing in the UK based on this. We were interested in the Barnard Report and I have to say I have never seen this. It is unpublished so I assume that is why I have never seen it. We wondered what the Department's view was of the report and why it has not been published.

  Ms Carney: It is a Commission report. They were not obliged to publish it but we understand they are making it available to anyone who asks, so we can provide the details to the Clerk and probably get you copies of it. We have seen the report and basically the researchers sought views of key stakeholders—the CBI, the TUC, government officials—on the use of   the opt-out in the UK as well as interviewing human   resources managers from 13 case study organisations. The report looked closely at whether the UK could operate equally well by using collective and workforce agreements instead of the opt-out or by using unmeasured working time provisions (autonomous workers provisions), but found no clear evidence that this would work. We think it is a well-balanced report. It represents all the views put to   the researchers from the stakeholders. The Commission press conference, when they released their report, represented the report as being very critical of the UK. We think it is actually more balanced than that when you read the report and there were press and public comments by the authors of the report who made that point themselves.

  Q13  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: If it appears that it is critical of the UK because I assume that is the way the media has reported it and that will have had an effect on how people interpret it. How do you think your Department and whoever else can make an impact on that so that it is evidentially based rather than based on basic assumptions, which is what you are really saying?

  Ms Carney: We are going to be talking to stakeholders and drawing on the report ourselves in our response to the Commission's communication, so we will try to marshal the evidence ourselves in response.

  Q14  Baroness Brigstocke: When was it published and what years was it referring to? I understand there is quite a switch between the earlier years up to about 2000 when work was increasing, but there has been a static year in 2003. Was this written before 2003 or after or during the year?

  Ms Carney: I think most of the field work was done in 2002. It was published and presented to the Commission in December 2002.

  Q15  Baroness Brigstocke: When will we hear what has been happening in 2003, particularly if it is a year where there has not been a great switch in practices?

  Ms Carney: I do not think we would see it as especially out of date. There were no significant changes in 2003 and we are carrying on collecting evidence, but we have not noticed any changes in the continuing trend. The reduction in long hours worked in the UK carried on in 2003.

  Q16  Chairman: I am slightly concerned about the Commission document not just because it aims at the United Kingdom quite a bit, but on one or two key points it is incorrect or out of date because it is specific in the Commission document that one of the wicked things that has happened is that the weekly working time has increased over the last decade. That is not the point, is it? The question is what has happened since we had the Working Time Directive. It looks rather sloppy, if I may say so. You say in the DTI Memorandum that although the regulations are the subject of infraction proceedings, these are on different aspects of the regulations. You also say that there are technically good arguments to support the amendments which we made in the UK. Could you deal with those points because we do not know exactly at this stage what the infraction proceedings relate to and whether they are relevant or not relevant to our inquiry.

  Ms Smith: The infraction proceedings mentioned in paragraph 14 of the Explanatory Memorandum have no relevance to the opt-out provision or the SiMAP/Jaeger rulings. Four issues were raised in the infraction proceedings. Two of those issues challenge the 13 week qualifying period for paid leave and the calculation of night workers' hours and they have resulted in the Working Time regulations being amended. Because the infraction proceedings have a very protracted timescale, they have been going on for a couple of years. There are two other outstanding points but because they are still being considered as part of the proceedings we would rather not discuss exactly which regulations are under consideration. Suffice it to say that one of them concerns another regulation entirely and the final outstanding point is on some guidance which was issued with the regulations so it is not on the regulations themselves at all. We apologise if paragraph 14 is perhaps a bit confusing, but the reference to the infraction proceedings was included in the Explanatory Memorandum to demonstrate that although the Commission has infracted the UK on some aspects of the regulations it has not done so on the areas which the Commission focused on and which they were critical of. Our point there is only a narrow one. If the points which have been focused on substantially did not follow the Directive, there would have been ample opportunity, bearing in mind the regulations were dated from 1998, to infract us. In the intervening period of some five or six years, the legal part of the Commission has not infracted us, although the policy part of the Commission has expressed dissatisfaction with how the Directive has been implemented on the opt-out point. The second part of your question related to our statement concerning the amendments which were made in 1999 and our saying, "We feel that technically there  are good arguments to support the amendments . . .". The Working Time Regulations 1999 amended the original 1998 Regulations so that while an employer is required to keep a record of those employees who have agreed to opt out of the 48 hour week, the employer is not then required to keep a record of the hours which are worked by those workers who have opted out. This reflects the strict wording of Article 18 of the Working Time Directive, which is why we have said "technically". Article 18(1) (b) (i) states that a Member State shall have the option not to apply Article 6, which is the 48 hour week, provided it takes necessary measures to ensure that the employer keeps up to date records of all the workers who carry out such work. That is basically what our regulations provide. When the Regulations were made in 1999, in the regulatory impact assessment produced in support of the Regulations, a saving of £13 million per annum was identified in connection with the record keeping, by making the change to the requirement for records.

  Chairman: As a long time worker in the European Union I have noted that you followed meticulously the text which is favourable for Britain and as we know the European Commission is going a bit beyond it, I can see the basis for the argument.

  Q17  Lord Harrison: Ms Smith in her first reply talked of four infractions, two of which have been removed on the 13 week holiday complement and on out-workers, but who has withdrawn? Have the Commission withdrawn their infraction proceedings against us or have we altered to conform with them?

  Ms Smith: We have amended our regulations.

  Q18  Lord Harrison: On the other two, you implied that you had some difficulty telling us the area of concern of the supposed infraction. I do not understand that. I can understand you might have a negotiating position on such proceedings but surely the Committee can have divulged to it the area that is covered in the disagreement between the UK Government and the Commission.

  Ms Smith: Certainly. To date, the correspondence relating to the infraction proceedings has been between the UK Government and the Commission because we have got to the stage of the Commission sending us a Reasoned Opinion and us responding. The matter is not before the European Court at the moment. We can provide in writing information concerning the issues which are under dispute.

  Lord Harrison: We would welcome that but I must say I am surprised that the area where the dispute lies cannot be made public in this Committee.

  Q19  Chairman: We normally have the mise en demeure and then we have the reasoned opinion which goes to the Court. On these cases, are we at the stage where we have received the Reasoned Opinion?

  Ms Smith: We have received the Reasoned Opinion and we have been to the Law Officers who have said we can defend it. We have put in our defence and we are waiting for the case to be listed before the ECJ.

  Chairman: We know the reporting requirements were modified but can we move on to why?


 
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