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Lord Stoddart of Swindon: My Lords, it is always argued that the European Union brings peace, friendship, harmony and co-operation in Europe. However, recent events, especially the recent summit, show a completely different picture—a quarrelsome, petty-minded, self-interested, divided Europe, uncertain about its future but still determined to press on with its drive for greater integration and a centralised superstate.
That is the warped vision of the political and bureaucratic elites about whom we have heard from unusual quarters this afternoon. It is their vision, but it has been shown not to be the view of the people of Europe, when they have been given the opportunity to have a say. There might have been all sorts of reasons—we have heard some of them in the debate today—why individuals voted "no" to the constitution in the French and Dutch referendums, but they voted decisively against the constitution. Let us have no doubt about that. The collective voice decided that the constitutional treaty was not the way forward and must be set aside in favour of a different approach.
Many speakers, including the noble Lord, Lord Blackwell, who has just spoken, believe that that is so and that that is what the French and the Dutch people intended. As the Foreign Secretary said on the "Today" programme on Saturday, when referring to the referendums in France and the Netherlands,
"You cannot tell the citizens that they were in error. You have to listen to their voices. It is called democracy".
So why will we not accept it? Why is it that the noble Baroness the Lord President—even yesterday, I think—made some excuses for why they voted "No"?
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The Foreign Secretary understands that when the people say "no" they mean "no" and that that is called democracy. That sensible view is not shared by others. Giscard d'Estaing framed the constitution. His reaction to the vote was:
"It was a mistake to send out the constitution to every French voter. It is not possible for anyone to understand the full text".
He drafted it, so he should know; but what an insult to the intelligence of the French people and how out of touch with reality is the man. Is he not aware, after such a long period in politics and government, that a constitution to govern the people must be couched in terms that they can understand? If they have a constitution that they cannot understand, how on earth can they agree to be governed by it? The treaty should be in simple terms, not dressed up in high-flown rhetoric, designed to obscure and deceive, as is the one rejected by the French and Dutch people. I am so glad that they did that.
Before the French referendum, I saw the noble Lord, Lord Pearson, and I bet him £5 that the French would say "yes". I have never been so pleased to lose a bet, and I have paid him his £5. I do not know what he has done with it, but I hope he put it to good use.
Lord Pearson of Rannoch: My Lords, the document in question is with the framers as we speak.
Lord Stoddart of Swindon: My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for his intervention.
Giscard, of course, piled arrogance on arrogance by implying that the French people would have to vote again. Last week, Mr Juncker, who is the president of the European Council—at least, he is until the end of this month—said:
Mr Juncker said that after the French had voted 55 per cent against it and the Dutch had voted 62 per cent against it. What sort of people are they? The mind boggles at such arrogance.
Pro-Europeans are always going on about the peoples of Europe, but when the people speak and the message is not to the liking of the governing elite they become hysterical, telling the people that they are wrong and very naughty. Either they want them to vote again or they ignore the people's voice and make moves to circumvent their will by deceit and stealth. Such are the crooked autocrats that this country is associated with and governed by. Unfortunately, that anti-democratic blight infects our politics and government in the United Kingdom.
We must have an assurance today that none of the new items in the constitutional treaty will be brought in by the back door. If that is attempted, there will be an explosion of anger that will damage our political life, as it would circumvent the wish of the British people to have their say on the future of the European Union and break the Government's promise that there would be a referendum before the constitution was ratified and implemented.
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The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have said that there must be a fundamental review of the future direction of the European Union. Such a review is long overdue, and some of us have been calling for it for a long time. The European Union has been travelling in the wrong direction for far too long, and the train that we have always been told Britain was missing has now run into the buffers of the people's will. That train was taking us to a destination that Her Majesty's Government have always denied, but continental leaders like Chirac and Schroeder know that the ultimate destination was always meant to be a centralised European superstate—a country called Europe.
That is not the destination desired by the British people, who, in recent opinion polls, say that they simply want a free rade area and voluntary co-operation among nations on matters of concern to them all. Recent statements from senior European leaders are in direct contradiction to that view. I shall quote what a couple have said. Hans Martin Bury is the German Minister for Europe. In an article in Die Welt on 25 February, he said:
Miguel Angel Moratinos, the Spanish Foreign Minister, said:
There can be no doubt about what those words mean; they mean the death of the nation state and the construction of a single European state.
Do Her Majesty's Government agree with those sentiments? If they do not, why do they not flatly repudiate them? They have not done so thus far. Perhaps the noble Baroness—our Leader—will repudiate them this afternoon. Then we will know where the Government stand. I trust that the fundamental review to be undertaken will be wide-ranging and will embrace all the organisations and individuals who want to join the debate, not simply Europhiles.
It simply cannot be left to Blair. We have had too much of Blair this, Blair that and Blair everything. The Cabinet must assert itself and insist on being involved and giving collective advice to the people and the House of Commons, which, together with your Lordships' House, must be fully involved in the review.
I also sincerely hope that the Government will be prepared to listen to people and organisations hitherto—I add that—described as Euro-sceptic, who have so often been proved correct in their assessment of the European Union, its policies and its rampant ambition. That includes their warnings about the euro, a policy that has turned sour, so that Italy is now contemplating leaving. In Germany, in a recent phone-in of 360,000 people, 92 per cent wanted to return to the mark.
If the Government do not embrace all views, they will waste a great opportunity and fail the people of this country. I hope that the Government—and, indeed, the official Opposition—will discard the absurd notion
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that there is no alternative for Britain but to remain in the European Union, come what may. There are alternatives, sound alternatives that would benefit the United Kingdom economically, politically and socially and return the governance of our country to where it properly belongs: here in Britain, here in Parliament, by people who are elected by the people and who can be dismissed by them if they do not live up to expectations.
The Campaign for an Independent Britain, of which I am chairman, has just published a new book entitled Britain and the European Union: Alternative Futures, written by three distinguished Bradford University economists and sociologists, which sets out some alternatives to the EU for Britain. I shall be happy to send a complimentary copy of the book to any Member of the House if they would like one. They simply have to let me know.
It gives me no pleasure to see the European Union in such turmoil. That is bound to injure the interests of the nations of Europe. The project of greater and faster integration was always bound to fail. Let us make a new start and build a co-operative Europe based on the consent and support of all the people of Europe.
7.33 pm
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