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Lord Northbourne: My Lords, it defeats me to understand how I can press an amendment to an amendment that does not exist.
I welcome the support of the noble Baroness, Lady Pitkeathley, on the importance of child-centredness, and that of the noble Baroness. I shall not press the amendment this afternoon, but if the noble Earl succeeds in his amendment, or perhaps redrafts it, I may come at it again to attempt to amend whatever he may have done at that time. In the mean time, I beg leave to withdraw the amendment.
Amendment No. 3, as an amendment to Amendment No. 2, by leave, withdrawn.
Earl Howe: My Lords, this has been an interesting debate and I am grateful to all who have spoken. The noble Lord, Lord Northbourne, asked me what adding the word "reasonable" would achieve. It would act as a signpost to anyone wishing to dispute a contact arrangement. The signpost would say that to challenge a contact arrangement, one would need to do so on the
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ground of reasonableness. The court, and in certain instances the Court of Appeal, would rule on what constituted a good reason and the circumstances in which the guidelines would apply.
The Government appear to believe that they can arrive at the same end point without that change. But they have omitted to see that unless we change the law in the kind of way that I propose, and have court-backed guidelines with a presumption of reasonable contact, there will be no incentive for a resident parent to reach an agreement out of court. Why? Because the resident parent knows, or will soon realise, that in the eyes of the court every case is different, and that all material contact can be brought to an end for no material reason. We have to move away from that.
The noble Baroness, Lady Howarth, challenged that interpretation. She said that in her experience non-resident parents do not have to argue for contact, but they feel as if they do. They feel it because they know that case law gives them a presumption of contact, and that is all. Many non-resident parents go back to court time after time to argue for the tiniest quantum of extra contact.
Baroness Howarth of Breckland: My Lords, I agree that many people find contact issue difficult. I believe that that is because we do not have the right kind of remedies to ensure that contact can be enforced. That is not the same as the initial contact orders being made with the paramountcy of the child in view. That is the difference.
Earl Howe: My Lords, as I made clear, I am not arguing against the paramountcy principle. In many cases there is no question of violence or risk to the child. but the non-resident parent cannot get the court to agree to extra contact. The reasons adduced are not what most people would regard as substantive.
The noble Baroness, Lady Ashton, resisted the idea that we could have a countervailing presumption to the paramountcy principle. If Ministers are really saying that, why on earth has the noble Lord, Lord Adonis, devoted considerable effort to setting out, in Grand Committee and in correspondence, the case law that clearly shows that there is already a presumption countervailing the paramountcy principle? It is a presumption of contactnot "reasonable contact", however. That presumption appears to exist perfectly happily side by side with the paramountcy principle. The courts have no difficulty operating on that basis, and the legal advice that I have received is that they should have no difficulty operating with a presumption of reasonable contact provided, as I propose, that that presumption is treated as subordinate to the paramountcy principle. Apparently, according to the Government, we can have a presumption in case law, but not in statute. I frankly find that incomprehensible.
It was said by a number of noble Lords, including the noble Earl, Lord Listowel, that they were worried that a presumption of the kind that I am proposing would increase the risk of harm to a child. That is not the experience in Florida, and nor would it have been
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with the original early interventions project, which would nip in the bud any genuine risk of violence by having an early hearing on that issue. I was pleased that the noble Baroness, Lady Howarth, agreed with me on that point. The Government really cannot dismiss out of hand the success secured by other countries that have adopted early intervention principles; the track record over more than 10 years is proven. I have read the critical passage of the HMICA report, and I have read a great deal of the rest of the report.
One reaches the conclusion that it is not the presumption of contact that is wrong but the lackif I may say this without sounding too criticalof proper procedures to evaluate allegations of violence. I am afraid that reading that report did not put me off my stride. The Minister does not accept that the courts act unreasonably; indeed, what she said carried the implication that everything that the courts did was inherently reasonable because they had to act in the child's best interest, and that every order is in the child's best interests irrespective of what it is. That is an extraordinarily Panglossian view of the world, which really does not bear close scrutiny. The Minister admits that we lack detailed statistics of what the courts actually do in contact cases, but those statistics that we do have are apparently dismissed as of no account. I emphatically cannot go along with that.
Baroness Ashton of Upholland: My Lords, I was talking not so much about statistics as about looking at what happens in the process. The noble Earl would accept that neither of us should change the law on the basis of anecdotal evidence.
Earl Howe: My Lords, we should not change the law on the basis of anecdotal evidence, strong as that is, but the point is that the Napo survey provides us with our first, revealing glimpse of the decisions being taken by courts. If the statistic that I quoted were substantially less than the figure that I gave I might not be so worried, but I was very shocked.
We need to draw this to a conclusion. The Government say that they believe in the value of a meaningful relationship between the child and both his parents, and they say that the way that the courts intervene currently does not work well, but they do not take the obvious next step, which is to change the way that the court system works. They said in the Green Paper that they would do so but instead they are tinkering at the edges of the existing system, they resist any notion of court-backed guidelines and they repeat the argument that every case is different. It is completely baffling to me why they should be arguing against themselves. There is no doubt in my mind that technical defects or notand those can be put rightthis is an issue on which it is appropriate for me to seek the opinion of the House.
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On Question, Whether the said amendment (No. 2) shall be agreed to?
Their Lordships divided: Contents, 93; Not-Contents, 151.
[Amendments Nos. 4 to 8 not moved.]
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