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The Duke of Montrose: My Lords, once again, I thank the Minister for taking this attitude to this issue. Certainly it is nice that people can request advice. I suppose that they have to be prepared to pay for advice in these cases. That being so, I welcome the amendment.
On Question, amendment agreed to.
Clause 12 [Power to bring criminal proceedings]:
[Amendments Nos. 83 and 84 not moved.]
Clause 13 [Incidental powers]:
[Amendments Nos. 85 and 86 not moved.]
[Amendment No. 87 not moved.]
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Baroness Farrington of Ribbleton: My Lords, I beg to move that consideration on Report be now adjourned. In moving the Motion, I suggest that the Report stage begin again not before 8.28 pm.
Moved accordingly, and, on Question, Motion agreed to.
Uganda
7.28 pm
Baroness Royall of Blaisdon: My Lords, I remind noble Lords that this is a timed debate. Each Back-Bench Member has three minutes. That is an incredibly short time but I should be enormously grateful if noble Lords would stick to their three minutes—that is, if they would finish before the Clock shows four minutes—so that the Minister has adequate time in which to reply.
Baroness Northover rose to ask Her Majesty's Government what co-ordination there is through the international community to resolve the conflict in northern Uganda.
The noble Baroness said: My Lords, I am very glad to have secured this debate on northern Uganda. I am especially grateful to all noble Lords who will be speaking tonight. As we have just heard, each of them will have a very short time; nevertheless, it shows a real commitment that so many wish to take part. The number of speakers reflects the huge expertise in this House on this part of Africa and the concern that people feel about the conflict in the region. I thank all noble Lords.
It is now 20 years since conflict began in northern Uganda, yet so little international attention seems to be directed to this problem. That is surprising for a number of reasons. The conflict threatens to destabilise countries around, such as the DRC and Sudan, as well as Uganda itself. But above all, this is a conflict that has taken a terrible toll on children. War can exact a terrible price from women and children. But what has happened in northern Uganda is quite simply on a different level. The deliberate targeting of children is utterly appalling. Whatever the roots of this conflict, there can be no justification whatsoever for the Lord's Resistance Army targeting children as it has done. I welcome the fact that the International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for the five leaders of the LRA—even if it has made negotiation with the LRA more difficult.
We know about the abduction of children and the way that children flee to towns at night in the hope of finding shelter, so that they are not stolen in the night. How can it be that we are paying so little attention? As Amnesty says:
UNICEF calculates that as many as 25,000 children have been abducted by the LRA for use as soldiers and sex workers since the conflict began. Children's rights are violated daily. The LRA also targets killings, abductions and rape at the wider civilian population.
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We know that the LRA is full of child soldiers—children who are brutalised and feel unable to return home. We know that girls are stolen for prostitution. And yet the world has turned a blind eye. That simply cannot continue. This surely must be the first proper test of what the countries agreed at the UN last September, when they said:
They agreed that collectively the UN had the responsibility to protect populations from crimes against humanity. That surely applies here. In 20 years the Ugandan Government have failed, for whatever reasons, to bring peace to the north of its country. The result is that crimes against humanity are committed there daily. Will the Minister say what role the new UN peace-building commission might play here?
Many NGOs felt that when the UK chaired the UN Security Council at the end of last year—maybe it was chairing too many things at the time—the opportunity should have been taken to pass a resolution specifically on northern Uganda. Will the Minister tell us why that did not happen, and what might have been the reaction of China and Russia to any such proposals? Nevertheless, we have UN Resolution 1653, passed in January this year on the Great Lakes region, which includes reference to northern Uganda. How will that now be taken forward?
There is the proposal from Jan Egeland, the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, that a panel of experts should be convened on northern Uganda. There is also the proposal that there should be a UN special envoy to look at the problem. The international crisis group recently gave strong endorsement to both proposals, stating that,
"the UN Security Council should recognise the LRA poses a threat to international peace and security",
and must implement both these proposals. What action are the Government taking to ensure that that is done?
Will the Minister tell us when he thinks the Secretary-General will report on these matters to the Security Council? Save the Children and Oxfam, among others, told me that this would happen in 12 days—on 27 March—so this debate was timely, but I hear from the FCO that this may not be the case. I spoke to someone earlier, as the noble Lord will be aware. I should like his comments on that.
That report needs to be made; and it needs to be strong and effective. It must not be delayed. Actions need to follow from it. Clearly there needs to be a comprehensive strategy to end the war. Those who have been indicted by the ICC must be apprehended. The Ugandan military and other forces must do more to protect civilians. There needs to be dialogue with other members of the LRA. The Ugandan Government must be clearer that they support effective amnesties for those wishing to leave the LRA. Support has to be given to those who leave to prepare them so that they can best re-enter civilian life. I look forward to hearing the Minister's comment on all these proposals.
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DfID is already helping with humanitarian relief, but more will need to be done to assist those now in the camps, and as they seek to leave those camps. They must not be marginalised if a lasting solution is to be found. I note that President Museveni stated last Tuesday that he is preparing to resettle displaced people from their camps, and that the region is now peaceful. That seemed a little surprising. Do the Government have reason to believe that the security situation in northern Uganda has improved enough for people to be moved out of camps? If so, maybe we can all go home.
This is an extremely complicated situation. The LRA has committed the most appalling atrocities. But this is a conflict which military action alone is never likely to solve. Not only do we need to see all parties seriously seeking a solution, we must make sure that the international community does not lose sight of this conflict. It is by spotlighting the plight of those in northern Uganda that we will surely encourage the action that the international community must now take. In those actions, I trust that the UK Government will take a leading role.
7.37 pm
Lord Judd: My Lords, I declare an interest as a trustee of Saferworld, which is involved in Uganda. Real appreciation and thanks are due to the noble Baroness, Lady Northover, for giving the House the opportunity to discuss this disturbing issue tonight. It is a highly complex issue. Since President Museveni came to power there have been many rebellions in Uganda. Most have been resolved, but tragically that in the north persists. Brutality and cruelty are grim realities. Ruthless people in the Lord's Resistance Army viciously exploit and manipulate the situation. But we must not allow ourselves to be so mesmerised by the horror that we fail to recognise the complexity and weaken our resolve to work for the lasting peace for which those who suffer in Uganda so desperately yearn.
Rehabilitation and counselling for those—especially the young who leave the ranks of the LRA—are priorities that we should support. Reconciliation as pursued by local leaders and the former Minister for the north, Betty Begombe, is a muscular and courageous cause that demands our imaginative and practical co-operation. It is disappointing that President Museveni is apparently so ambivalent on such imperatives himself. They are essential to peacemaking, which is indispensable if stability is to be achieved.
In the couple of minutes available, I want to put several specific questions to my noble friend. In 2005 DfID made a firm commitment to use conflict assessments in formulating all its country assistance plans. Are such assessments central to decisions about our programme in Uganda? What is DfID doing to ensure that human security considerations are prioritised in decision-making in Uganda? How is that reflected in DfID's policy towards budget and sector support? How is DfID endeavouring to ensure that the implementation by the government of Uganda of
15 Mar 2006 : Column 1284
Uganda's poverty eradication plan—especially the security and conflict provisions contained in Pillar 3 becomes a reality? Are infrastructural and economic development programmes in the North as effectively targeted on the needs of local people as they should be?
The availability of small arms fuels the conflict in the north. Are we therefore doing all that we should to encourage the government of Uganda to make small arms control a key part of their efforts to enhance development and human security? Are we, for example, urging the Ugandan Government to implement the country's national action plan on arms management and disarmament which is an urgent priority? How are we supporting the implementation of that action plan?
If development assistance to Uganda is to succeed, is it not essential to base it on a comprehensive assessment of the peace and conflict dynamics of the country? Together with that, is it not essential to address the failure of successive Ugandan governments to establish appropriate government institutions and arrangements that are sufficiently responsive, inclusive and accountable to the majority of Ugandans? Is it not the absence of those that has resulted in the underdevelopment of the north and which has exacerbated the disastrous conflict?
7.40 pm
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