Select Committee on European Union Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40 - 60)

THURSDAY 29 MARCH 2007

MS SUSAN ANDERSON AND MR TOM MORAN

  Q40  Lord Wade of Chorlton: Could you explain that a little bit further? You are of the view that it has not had an impact on productivity? Do you think productivity is related very much to labour law generally or not?

  Ms Anderson: Clearly if you have employees feeling that they are secure in their jobs, if you have them having all the skills they need so they can progress, then that gives you security in the labour market. Certainly if you feel that you have protection, for example, against unfair dismissal, protection against unfair discrimination, that is going to make you a happier, more productive employee. We have looked to see, especially in respect of the national minimum wage, if there has been an impact on productivity; we can see an impact on employee satisfaction, it is hard to see—government has failed to see—any impact that you can assign to any rights in terms of an impact in productivity.

  Q41  Lord Wade of Chorlton: How do you think European labour law has affected our competition with other parts of the world, particularly in the Far East as we are now competing on a very different level?

  Ms Anderson: We have seen a lot of legislation. The UK legislation has tended to be to go with the flow of where employers are going around labour market flexibility, around those sorts of issues. When we see some of the legislation that has come from Europe, for example, the principles can often look very simple but when we have actually seen them implemented—such things as the Working Time Directive where we have a lot of red tape and bureaucracy and possibly uniquely in the UK—then they have had a detrimental impact and they certainly had detrimental impact in terms of the reputation of the UK to do business where our flexible labour market has always been seen as a source of strength. We asked our members as part of doing this report on labour market regulation and they do feel that it is having a negative impact, that the cumulative impact, the steady flow of regulation. According to our survey not surprisingly three quarters of employers said that they were spending more time on administrative compliance and particularly the smaller firms felt it was taking valuable senior management time. Around two-thirds of them said that more and more senior management time was being taken with the administration of new rights, for example implementing the new age discrimination legislation required a lot of time to absorb this new legislation without necessarily companies having to make too many changes to what they were doing in terms of their workforce practices.

  Q42  Lord Wade of Chorlton: You are of the view that the SME sector is more seriously affected by legislation generally than the larger companies?

  Ms Anderson: I would not say that is necessarily true. What you tend to find with the large firms is that they implement to the nth degree. They have HR practitioners which the smaller firms do not so if new legislation comes in they will crawl all over it, they will get the employment lawyers in, they look at every aspect of their policies to make sure that inadvertently they are not falling foul of the new legislation; they will follow the progress of the regulations as they go through; they will get worried because the employment lawyers may be telling them that this is all going wrong, that they are going to have to do X, Y and Z whereas we are busy beavering away at CBI trying to ensure that the regulations do come in a common sense way so I get worried so they will start to maybe thinking about over-implementing. Smaller firms, on the other hand, do not worry about the legislation until just before it comes in. They will then take a more practical approach and say, "Let's think about what we're doing. Are we being ageist?" and they will not have all the complicated occupational benefits for example that a large employer will have. If they are paying redundancy pay they will tend to pay the minimum amount of redundancy pay as specified in the legislation. They will not have an occupational redundancy pay scheme but they may have to think about changing because it does not meet the requirements of the legislation. I do not think you can make a very easy small/large firm split but undoubtedly what I would say is that in the smaller firm, because you do not have those HR experts and the guidance is not always very accessible or indeed very simple (although I do acknowledge that DTI are making strong moves to try to sympathise) you can get employment lawyers who tend to worry you too much and you do get the problem that you have the senior executives who should be busy spending their time growing the company engaging with the workforce, spending their time worrying about legislation which really distracts them from the things that would probably be a more valuable use of their time. Certainly more simple guidance is part of the solution for those smaller firms.

  Q43  Lord Wade of Chorlton: I have one more question on productivity. We have seen in the UK that poor productivity is probably the worst issue we have in growth creation. Germany has higher productivity than we do and yet they have tighter labour laws. Would that be true?

  Ms Anderson: They do not have higher productivity because they have more employment law; they have higher productivity because they have a higher skilled workforce.

  Lord Wade of Chorlton: I wanted you to say that. We can only use what you say, not what we think.

  Q44  Earl of Dundee: Do you agree with the claim that the United Kingdom gold plates European Union directives in general and therefore would be likely to do so with any EU directive on labour law?

  Mr Moran: The CBI has done quite a lot of work on this both as part of our Better Regulation work and also as part of the Davidson Review into implementation of the EU directives into UK. This work was done last year and again we would be happy to send you a copy of our evidence for that. The short answer is yes, but I think the more nuanced answer is that that often comes with the best intentions and the general impression we get from our members in dealing with the various implementation processes is that the UK crawls all over the legislation to make sure it has got it absolutely right, to make sure it is compliant, whereas other EU Member States simply do not report the same kinds of problems and seem to get along fine without going through the same fairly arduous process that we go through. I think there were two key messages we got when looking at our work on the Davidson Review on this specific process. One is that it often takes a very long time by the time you have gone through the various consultation processes to implement things into UK law in the equality regulations that come out of the EU. The Equal Treatment Directive in 2000 is a good example of that; the age regulations of last year was something that was poured over for a very long time, caused a lot of problems in consultation process, potential impact on pensions, on retirement schemes, on redundancy schemes, on the benefits offered to staff. We were all going through this process, it was all full and frank, but we were simply not having the same story reported back to us from other EU Member States who were, of course, bound to implement exactly the same directives. I think the Working Time Directive is another one where again we see the UK making sure that it has done its homework properly, but that does lead to a lot of very complicated and often quite bureaucratic regulation in the UK which does impact on the amount of time that employers have to spend making sure they are compliant with it. One example would be that some EU Member States have interpreted the 48 hour limit on working hours per week as applying per contract rather than per worker so you have people in some Member States happily working potentially two jobs each of 48 hours per week which of course the UK does not do, quite rightly. That is one example of where the UK often goes well beyond where it may strictly have to if it is implementing the directives.

  Q45  Earl of Dundee: A generous interpretation would claim that the UK does its homework very thoroughly; a less generous one might allege that it holds things up through scrutinising too much. So here in the UK we may be too thorough. Other European states may not be thorough enough. In which specific ways then should these separate camps and approaches make adjustments?

  Mr Moran: It is not so much relaxed or unrelaxed; the UK in general has a better regulation agenda which we fully support and it is something that is slowly being absorbed into the Commission's mentality. Obviously they have these principles of transparency, proportionality, accountability, consistency and targeting to make sure that where regulation is necessary it is no more than is necessary.

  Q46  Earl of Dundee: Do you think that flexicurity suffers in the UK, because we are too good at our homework?

  Ms Anderson: I think there is a certain truth in that. I know you have spent a lot of time looking at the Working Time Directive and it is one of those areas where the principle seems quite clear, you are protecting vulnerable workers from having to work excessive hours that could be detrimental to their health. However, if you actually look at the Directive it is clear what some Member States thought they were signing up to and it is equally clear what we thought we were signing up to, but clearly we were not signing up to the same thing. For example, when we discussed it before, this definition of autonomous workers, these are the people who do not need so much level of protection. In some Member States you define an autonomous worker by the level of your pay or whether your hours are actually measured. Typically those people who are working set hours and are paid overtime, let us protect them because they tend to be the lower paid people, whereas the people who just do the hours needed to do the job do not need so much protection. Everybody thinks they are clear what they are signing up to because some of these directives have very broad principles, but when they come down to the legislation and because, for example, the EU directive talks about autonomous workers being clergymen and senior executives, we think, "Hang on, if that is autonomous workers, they are right up here in terms of their seniority within a firm", but clearly that is not what other Member States have said. Other Member States have said that it is about protecting vulnerable people so they will not have a very small group of people who are autonomous. The principles seem fine until you start to look at the detail; whether this is an argument for more detailed regulation I am not sure. I think it is an argument about being clearer. Again, if we look at Working Time and the whole SIMAP Jaeger case—what is on-call time, what is not on-call time—it was clear that every state in Europe apart from the UK thought that doctors who were in a hospital who were on-call felt that these people were somehow not working and therefore their time did not count. However, in the UK we were pretty clear that somebody who is on-call, on the employer's premises, that is their working time, particularly if they are called up regularly. It is a fascinating study: how can different Member States see things so differently? I think the other key difference from other European states is the fact that they do so much through collective agreements and not through individual agreements. In the UK, even when we have collective agreements an individual still has the right to take a case to employment tribunal so we tend to find that this much more rights-based approach leads more individuals to say that it is not clear or, to take a case of discrimination going through with lots of big payouts, this creates a whole climate of challenge because individuals think that their particular rights have not been observed or that they can see an opportunity, because of lack of clarity, to take forward a tribunal claim. This makes us very risk averse in the UK which is why our members call in the employment lawyers and why we have everybody crawling over the regulations to try to get them identified and specified to the nth degree. When we have something clear-cut like the national minimum wage or the right to request flexible working, these have worked well and they have not given rise to massive amounts of tribunal claims because they are clear and precise and in a way that some of EU legislation just is not. I think if we can get the EU to back off our view, going back to this Green Paper, is to say that we have the minimum rights now, we do not need more European legislation. What we need and what our counterparts in other European states are saying: we want more of what you have around flexibility, we do not want more legislation, in fact we want less. Our view is that the Commission has finished the legislation of part of it, what they now need to do is do that exchange of good practice, look at what countries are doing around active labour markets. That is the way of the future, not more legislation.

  Q47  Baroness Gale: The UK has this gold plated approach, is that beneficial to the UK in terms of the rest of Europe and in terms of the business and the employees? Do we benefit to a greater degree by adopting such an approach?

  Ms Anderson: I do not think we benefit at all. I think we end up with confusion. We have smaller firms tearing their hair out because of the Working Time Directive. Age discrimination is a case in point. Other Member States say that they have something in their constitution that says there is no age discrimination. We have actually reached not a bad place but it took an awful long time to get there on age discrimination. Even at the eleventh hour we had problems, for example, with our pension schemes. We set off with the right intentions and then we have some unintended consequences. What happened on pensions was that clearly if you close your defined benefits schemes to new members of staff it is indirect age discrimination because new members of staff tend to be younger people. Some of the civil servants had the bright idea that it was indirect discrimination and therefore it must be outlawed. The upshot of this, they thought, was that those closed defined benefit schemes would have to be opened to let in the younger members of staff. However, that was not likely to be the result; the result would have been that the defined benefit schemes would have been closed to everybody which would have led older workers to have particular levels of disadvantage. We managed to persuade them that that would have been the consequence and then consequently they amended the legislation to allow DB schemes to remain closed to new entrants. We had to fight that particular battle twice, once with the DTI and then about a year later with the Department of Work and Pensions. It is never over until it is over and it takes a lot of effort to get these things right. Eventually we do get them right, but had that gone the wrong way—and it was not an approach they were taking in Ireland, for example—we would have seriously gold plated and come a real cropper.

  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: I would like you talk a little bit about how you see the balance between all this legislation and things we heard from other witnesses about better training and other advantages that would actually help our productivity. I am still stuck on Lord Dundee's paradox which is that if we are gold plating our issues and we have less than Germany has—Germany has greater productivity—how do we get to the point where we have the kind of flexibility that we want and yet we still achieve the security for workers and the productivity? That is what we are trying to seek. How does Europe get those things into perspective? If people are achieving things in different ways, what are the variables that are actually going to help us to get to that position? I was also interested in you talking about your report. You quoted £37 billion and I wondered how much you measured social productivity as against profit? Is that to do with profit as against workers being in a better position to continue to work and a workforce being improved by having workers in it because we can get more people from the lower levels going up through the workforce? I wondered if you had looked at that, although it is not necessarily a CBI issue. The third thing which comes out of what I have been listening to is how much do you think the over implementation of legislation in this country is due to the standard of leadership in management, which is a CBI issue? It seemed to me that the senior managers should not be spending their time away from their strategic management issues in order to implement, particularly if they have good HR staff. Is that a leadership delegation issue rather than an issue of real diversion?

  Ms Anderson: On the final point, we were talking about smaller firms there. Where you have a company employing 20 people the managing director is the HR director, the company secretary, the finance director. You do not have an HR department.

  Q48  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: You were talking about SMEs.

  Ms Anderson: Yes.

  Q49  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: Not large firms.

  Ms Anderson: No. Education and skills are top of the business agenda. Skills are really important at the moment. When I am talking about the age discrimination legislation, that is done by the HR department who have obviously sent something up at some point to the board. The distraction of time is for the smaller firms who do not have HR experts and probably cannot afford an employment lawyer either. Tom will talk about flexicurity because I think it is a very interesting development in the EU and there is a lot of interest from the European Commission. It is one of those concepts that is really growing apace, but I have to say that a lot of people are using it as a peg to hang on either a lot of security or a lot of flexibility. There is an interesting debate there. On the skills point, it is the skills that are key if we are going to look at where we stand in relation to our European counterparts. It is in the area of skills that we are weaker than many of our European competitors. So, for example, if we look at basic skills we still have 20 per cent of the workforce with poor basic skills. That compares to about seven to nine per cent in Germany and France. We do well compared to them in terms of degree levels; around 27 per cent of the workforce in the UK now has a degree level qualification and that compares pretty well with France and Germany, they have about 25 or 26 per cent. At higher skills we are doing really well; with basic skills we have problems but we are addressing them with government initiatives both for the unemployed and for those in work which are designed to raise those levels of literacy and numeracy. They are really working. Then we have another issue around the intermediate skills where, to be frank, we have a lot of people who are skilled but without a qualification. For employers it is more important to have competent people than those who have a piece of paper which says you have qualifications. It is important for individuals and certainly if you want labour mobility having more people with qualifications would be an important aspect and that is something we are turning our attention to now, to try to transform the qualification system. Competence and qualifications are not necessarily the same thing. If you compare our best firms and our high performing sectors, they compare just as well with the best of Germany and France. It is some of that underperforming tail where we tend to lag, but if you look at our pharmaceutical companies, if you look at our car manufacturers, they are just as productive, in fact some of them are more productive. I do not think we need lash ourselves too much, but certainly it is going to be the skills that we need to focus on; that is not an area of competence for the EU (and God forbid that it should be). We all have our own particular problems to address at the national level. Other Member States are concerned about their education systems as indeed sometimes we are.

  Q50  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: If we are talking about flexicurity, the alternative to more legislation is actually this imperative of encouraging the Member States to improve skills, education and training.

  Ms Anderson: Legislation does not do it. The best security you can have is the security of knowing that if you lose your job you will get another job either because you have the skills that you need or because you have a labour market that is growing and that we are creating jobs. That is the best security that anybody can have and I think that is the whole ethos of this flexicurity approach. May be Tom can add a bit on flexibility.

  Mr Moran: Yes, and perhaps I can give a bit of background about how we, as the CBI, and through BUSINESSEUROPE have been involved in this. It kind of first popped up—I do not know whether it is in the Oxford English Dictionary just yet—and is certainly being used a lot as a phrase. I think it is a way to get things in perspective. We have these priorities: a flexible labour market, the need for adequate social security, active labour market policies to encourage people back into the labour market and Lifelong Learning is something that has been added. It used to be the flexicurity triangle so presumably it is now the flexicurity quadrilateral now or something similar. It is a combination of what the Member States and the EU quite rightly see as priorities. We welcomed it and our members have welcomed it on that basis because clearly they are key issues and things which we all need to draw our attention towards. I think it is fair to say that we see the UK as strong in the flexible labour market aspect but, as Susan was saying, we do have particular issues with skills which we are working very hard to try to address and it something that will hopefully improve our productivity in the future. I think the records do show that you do get employment security from knowing that you can get a job and whether you measure it by the UK's national statistics or whether you judge it by the EU's Eurostat markings, we have the third or fourth highest employment rate in the EU; we are one of only four Member States meeting the Lisbon target of 70 per cent employment. That is the target for 2010 so we are obviously well above the pace that needs to be set there although obviously we need to do more. I think, delving down a bit more into where flexicurity is going, it is clear from the various models that you have Denmark and also the Netherlands which is actually a very different system and derives its flexibility from a lot of part time work (they have the highest incidence of part time work in the EU). What we would like to see is more work on this but very much respecting the principle of subsidiarity amongst the Member States. We think the UK is a very good model but we would not seek to impose it on other countries or tell them they should adopt it. It would not be appropriate given the diversity and the detail of labour markets and social models. As something to focus efforts it is very useful but we do need to recognise the differences of social and labour market systems amongst the EU and make sure that they can work to the best advantage within the encouragement offered by flexicurity.

  Chairman: Thank you very much; I am really sorry to have to leave you now. It has been very interesting so far. I am sure it will continue to be so under Lady Greengross's chairmanship.
  (In the absence of the Chairman, Baroness Greengross was called to the Chair)

  Q51  Baroness Neuberger: You have largely covered my next question because as to the question about policy actions relating to education and skills formation I think you have made it very clear that that is where you think the action needs to be. Given that the Green Paper does describe this segmentation—the insiders and the outsiders—given that you clearly feel it is education and skills training, do you think, as we heard last week from Professor Shackleton and Mr Meager, that social security needs to be added into that? What do you feel needs to be done legislation-wise, if anything at all, to deal with the insiders/outsiders question?

  Ms Anderson: I think one of the interesting things about the Commission's Green Paper is that it talks about insiders and outsiders and we are pretty clear that the outsiders are those people who are trapped outside the labour market and unable to get in because so many Member States have restrictive employment protection legislation. We do not consider part time workers or fixed term workers or agency temps as somehow outsiders or vulnerable workers or people who need extra levels of protection.

  Q52  Baroness Neuberger: They can be; it depends what kind of temporary workers they are.

  Ms Anderson: I do not see that then need additional levels of protection. They have the same employment rights as anybody else in the UK so they have rights in the protection of long working hours, they have holidays, they have national minimum wage, they have protection against unfair discrimination. Going back to what we have been saying, if you want another job as a fixed term person you must make sure that your skills are right and for many people fixed term work can be a way to break into a new career. There are problems if people are abused; if people do not get the national minimum wage or they do not get their 20 days' holiday, that is abuse and is against the law. There are people who are vulnerable. Migrant workers, for example, whose lack of knowledge of the employment rights in the UK are clearly vulnerable. If they do not have the language skills then they are vulnerable to abuse, but abuse is unacceptable, the law is the law and we do not want good employers undercut by abusive employers who do not pay the national minimum wage or, for example, who make unreasonable deductions for things like accommodation from migrant workers who happen to be working on a farm or whatever. There is abuse there and where there is abuse it must be dealt with. However, we do not think there is anything abusive about a fixed term contract or working as an agency temp. Many agency temps prefer to work as agency temps. They get much more than their colleagues who are working on permanent contracts and they are very happy with that and many of them do not want to be full time permanent members of staff. Similarly, the vast majority of people who are working on a part time basis are there because they want to work on a part-time basis. Personally I think it is rather insulting to suggest that somehow they are vulnerable or atypical and need levels of protection. I just do not buy into them being on the periphery of the labour market. I think we accept that there are people who are abused and we are quite clear that that is not acceptable and the best way to prevent that is by having simple legislation that everyone can understand with very clear rights.

  Q53  Baroness Neuberger: I think it is fairly clear that you do not really think there needs to be much more in the way of labour law around that. I was particularly interested in the question of social security. One of the suggestions that was beginning to come up last week was that if you really wanted to deal with temporary workers who work for a bit and then have a patch when they are not working, one of the things you want to do is to make the social security system possibly be quite generous for a very short time.

  Ms Anderson: There is an issue around people on incapacity benefit who, for example, fear taking a job that may not lead to a long period in the labour market because they may have issues around health. I think there is an issue around incapacity benefit but I do not think there is a real issue around needing higher levels of unemployment benefit.

  Q54  Baroness Gale: I would like to ask a particular question relating to what you have just said. Are you linking in the people who are on temporary contract—not agency workers but temporary contract—which can go on and on as a temporary contract? I know someone in my family had a contract for four years and was not paid any sickness benefit or holiday pay (he could take the holiday but not get paid) and this is in recent times. I am wondering whether temporary contracts are all right up to a point.

  Ms Anderson: After a certain period there is not much point being on a fixed term contract because you end up with all the rights of a permanent member of staff so if you constantly roll these contracts on you end up with the same levels of redundancy pay as somebody who has not been on a fixed term contract. If people are not getting their sick pay or their holiday pay, that is against the law. This is a case where they should be taking the employer to an employment tribunal.

  Q55  Baroness Gale: You wonder how they can be getting away with it with all this legislation in place.

  Ms Anderson: Yes, you do wonder how they get away with it. There are some issues around people on fixed term contracts wanting to take the holiday at the end of the contract. It was called rolled up holiday pay. It was quite clear they still had the holiday pay but they would take it at the end of the contract so at the end of the 12 months they would still have another month when they were paid on the basis that that was holiday pay. I guess that was not happening to your acquaintance. It is unlawful, it should not be allowed and he should be taking the employer straight to an employment lawyer. ACAS, for example, can intervene.

  Q56  Baroness Gale: Moving on to temporary agency workers, I wondered what your view was on the need for the proposed EU Directive on minimum standards for temporary workers. Who should be regarded as the employer of the temporary agency worker, should it be the agency or the client employer?

  Ms Anderson: It is quite clear that the employment relationship should be with agency and not the user of the agency temp because it is the agency that has the responsibility for the holiday pay, making sure the person is paid the national minimum wage, statutory sick pay, protection against dismissal. All those things are the responsibility of the agency. Users of agency temps would expect that the employer obeys the law. You should not have to write that into the contract because everybody should obey the law. The responsibility lies with the agency and not with the user of the agency temp. Do we think there is a need for a directive? We can accept there should be a directive. We do not have a problem having a directive. What we do not like are some of the earlier drafts of the directive and one of the ones that is floating around at the moment suggests that the agency temp ought to get the same pay as the user company's employees after only six weeks. That to us does not seem a sensible provision because they will not have the experience, the skills and the competence necessarily of the permanent worker employee in the user company. Often they do so there are many agencies who are paid the same if not more because they come in as a temporary secretary, for example, and are often paid a lot more because they are only there for a short period and you want somebody who can just pick up the ropes really quickly. In other areas that is not the case. Going back to the earlier question about gold plating, everybody else would happily sign up to equal rights after six weeks but if we look at some Member States they put all their agency temps on the trainee rate and therefore they get the trainee rate and not the rate of the worker they are working alongside so they say they have implemented the directive but actually they have not implemented the directive because it is not equal pay for people working alongside each other doing the same job. We would not do that. I think there are problems with the directives. There are countries which sign up to a principle but in reality they are not providing equal pay. We do get cross when these things are passed off as an acceptance when really there is no reality.

  Q57  Baroness Howarth of Breckland: I want to talk about mobility now and to look at what the advantages or disadvantages might be in the introduction of EU legislation that ensured uniformity of employment rights for workers regardless of the Member States in which they are working. I think I have already got the drift of what you are likely to say in the answer to this, but what do you see as the implications of EU enlargement for labour law?

  Mr Moran: In addition to what you quite rightly guessed I might say about the already very comprehensive number of employment rights that people do enjoy as EU citizens and EU workers, I think there is a lot of work that needs to be done, particularly in the newer Member States, simply around implementation and enforcement and that sort of thing that we all recognise is an issue. To be honest, it is not just an issue with employment law because these countries have had a very turbulent recent past, they are entering the EU, they have to implement all the legislation and that is a tremendous undertaking by their public legislators. BUSINESSEUROPE, with the ETUC, is doing a lot of work funded by the Commission and also with the respective secretariats in building what is known as capacity building firstly in terms of making sure that employers' organisations and trade unions are able to consult with government effectively but also making sure that they are aware of how you do implement EU law because we all know it is a very tricky subject and one where there is a great need for expertise to make sure that there is—this is what we are all aiming for—a level playing field across the EU to make sure firstly that all workers have access to equal rights but also workers in different Member States or companies in different Member States are, as I said, operating on a level playing field and no one country is able to undercut another. That is where we see the priority in making sure that all workers and employers are able to access and use the same rights.

  Q58  Baroness Greengross: It falls to me to ask you the last question. I am going to ask you to be very, very brief and perhaps follow up, if you have not made all the points you would like to, in writing afterwards. My question is about the legal status of employee versus self-employed people and whether there is anything else that you would like to tell us about looking forward with regard to the infamous Working Time Directive.

  Ms Anderson: We do not think we need more legislation in the UK or at the European level on definitions of worker, employee or indeed of self-employed. I think these are well-known at the UK level. There are always some anomalies around the edges but they get sorted out pretty quickly. I do not think we need legislation to tell us at a national level or at an EU level what the distinctions are. In terms of the Working Time Directive, it is an on-going debate. We have been very pleased by the way that the UK Government has supported the principle of maintaining the opt-out. It is interesting how many other Member States have come to back us on that because they too see the flexibility of having the opt-out. What I would leave you with is, do we think there should be scope for simplifying the UK regulations or simply simplifying the guidance on the Working Time Directive? I think that is something we have set ourselves as a challenge and we very much want to work with the DTI and TUC to see whether we cannot strip away some of that excess baggage, particularly around this whole definition of who is autonomous and who is not. What we want to do is very clear: protect vulnerable people, ensure that they get their rights, but remove all the red tape and bureaucracy that goes around because a lot of the guidance is just so complicated. That is what we intend to do.

  Q59  Baroness Greengross: I think that was very clear but if there are additional points you want to write to us about that would be very interesting for us. Could I thank you both very much; that was extremely interesting.

  Ms Anderson: Thank you very much. We will send you a copy of our formal response to the Green Paper and the BUSINESSEUROPE response as well. We will leave the report with you.

  Q60  Baroness Greengross: Anything on the Working Time Directive would be very interesting.

  Ms Anderson: We do come up with some suggestions in here, but that is very much work in progress but we will keep you posted on that as well.

  Baroness Greengross: Thank you very much.






 
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