Select Committee on European Union Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 119 - 139)

TUESDAY 8 MAY 2007

RT HON GEOFFREY HOON, MR ANTHONY SMITH AND MS SHAN MORGAN

  Q119  Chairman: Thank you very much indeed, Minister, for being with us this afternoon, we very much appreciate this. Before we go straight to questions, I would like to welcome also Anthony Smith and Shan Morgan, who I hope, Minister, will feel free to intervene at any point where you would like them to do so.

  Mr Hoon: All the time as far as I am concerned.

  Q120  Chairman: Fine; we will let you go and have a cup of tea while we ask them!

  Mr Hoon: I am sure they would do a lot better anyway!

  Q121  Chairman: Before we go straight to questions, let me just say that we have launched this inquiry into the Annual Policy Strategy for 2008 because it complements the work we do and which we have done for two or three years now on looking at the Annual Legislative and Work Programme, and we thought it would be important to look at the APS as well. We have already had a number of witness sessions. We have seen a couple of our MEPs, Timothy Kirkhope and Gary Titley. In Brussels last week we had a very useful discussion with Margot Wallström and also with Klaus Welle, and this has given us some good ideas about the usefulness of the APS, how it is constructed and formulated. We found, surprisingly, that there were rather different opinions as to its utility and it is interesting to us that there seems to be a lack of a clear idea of what the real objective of the Annual Policy Strategy is; some people were saying that it was a useful qualitative health check on what the Commission was thinking, others were saying that this was a forerunner, though not a very detailed forerunner, of what was going to be included in the Annual Legislative and Work Programme, but it was a little bit fuzzy as to what the purpose of it all was. If we could begin by asking you, Minister, what you feel the utility of the Annual Policy Strategy is and does it really give you, the Government, clear and coherent directions as to what the Commission is thinking for 2008?

  Mr Hoon: We welcomed the idea. I suspect the Member States some years ago probably encouraged the Commission to produce such a document. It is shorter than the draft legislative programme, it should be something that is susceptible of being discussed around the European Union, it is clearly—and I do not say this unkindly—aspirational. If I make an abstract constitutional comparison, it is more of a manifesto than a Queen's Speech and to that extent there may be an element of it that we are not 100 per cent sure will actually ever be delivered, but it is a good snapshot of where the European Commission are in terms of what they would like to say. As I say, I do not say aspirational in a critical sense, but there are ambitions set out here for the European Union in a relatively short document that we would say is useful, not least because I suspect it was the Member States originally who encouraged the European Commission to produce such a document.

  Q122  Chairman: It emerged from the debate in the European Parliament that the socialist Group was somewhat surprised by the omission of anything dealing with social policy in the Annual Policy Strategy. What are your views on that.

  Mr Hoon: I suppose I have to declare an interest as a former member of the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. The problem with a social policy element or social protocol is that it really does depend on what it consists of, and I do not think the European Parliament Socialist Group has gone very far in indicating what they in addition would like to see. I have had fairly regular debates with former colleagues in the European Parliament about this issue and my view very strongly is that the best form of social policy for most people in the European Union is called a job. The fact that we have full employment in the United Kingdom in contrast to a number of other Member States means that the social rights of citizens in the UK are rather better protected than they would have been had they been unemployed. That really is our priority, not only for the UK economy but for the European economy, which is why we believe that the Commission programme, which is much closer to a UK Government than ever before, is in the right direction because it emphasises the importance of maintaining the competitiveness of the European economy whilst at the same time delivering fairness and social justice. We are not saying the two things are mutually exclusive, we are simply saying that it is our priority for both the UK and for the European Union that they should remain competitive and should have the opportunity of securing the maximum employment opportunities for its citizens possible and that we should not take decisions that are in any way damaging to that competitiveness.

  Q123  Chairman: There are a number of voices in the European Parliament and one thinks particularly of ALDE, the Liberal Group, who were deploring the fact that precious little if anything—I believe a couple of lines—was devoted to the future of Europe. Our own view has been that the timing was wrong, there would not have been much point in saying much about the future of Europe until we get past the June summit and maybe even past the Portuguese Presidency and the IGC during that period. Would you confirm that you think it was the right way to go not to address this issue in the APS?

  Mr Hoon: It would look slightly odd for one institution, particularly the European Commission, to be setting out a particular solution to a problem that 27 countries will have to grapple with. It would not be a surprise to say that there is no agreement as yet amongst the 27 countries as to the right way forward. It may be that the result of the French presidential election clarifies one aspect of the multi-dimensional jigsaw puzzle that we have to try and put together in June, but even then it is not entirely clear that necessarily the successful candidate's views that he has set out will find favour in 26 other countries. It was perfectly sensible, indeed it would have looked rather strange for the European Commission to articulate a way forward. To say that there should be a way forward is fine, we all have that ambition, but going any further than that would have led them into difficulty.

  Chairman: Lord Tomlinson was with us in Brussels for the meetings there and would like to ask a question. Lord Tomlinson.

  Q124  Lord Tomlinson: My Lord Chairman, I would just like to ask the Minister what he thinks of the Commission's priorities for 2008 as set out in this document, bearing in mind the fact that for the majority of the priorities that they stipulate, if you look at the table on page 23 of the document there are no increased resources allocated to that. How do these priorities compare with those of the Government, because when I look at this table here: "competitiveness for growth and employment"—no increase in the allocation of resources; "cohesion for growth and employment"—no increase in the allocation of resources. Do you find it an interesting document that specifies priorities but does not attach cash to them?

  Mr Hoon: Having debated with Lord Tomlinson questions about the budget in the past I know how strongly he feels about these issues, but there is an agreement to a budget review. We are very keen that the European Union should look at its budgeted priorities and clearly the Commission has a task of fitting its policy ambitions within the envelope of the budget that will be available to it. There is every opportunity in the course of the various negotiations that will take place for a reordering, for example, of the budgetary priorities for the European Union as a whole, something that I have heard Lord Tomlinson set out at great length on many occasions, so I suspect we would not necessarily disagree in terms of that reordering. In terms of the actual policies contained here, a fair reading would say what I said earlier, that the European Commission's plans and policies are probably more consistent with those of the United Kingdom Government than at any time in history and a reading of this document certainly rightly echoes the Lisbon agenda, which we strongly supported, it echoes what we set out at Hampton Court and it contains an emphasis in a number of places on energy security, tackling climate change, on questions of immigration and security against crime and terrorism that are exactly the priorities of the Government here in the United Kingdom. To that extent we are very pleased with the way they have set it out and we are pleased with our ambitions.

  Q125  Lord Tomlinson: Would it be helpful then in a strategy document if the Commission might come up with a few ideas that they thought were less important for the future so that you could have some common view on where you might get a bit of extra resource for those issues where you are agreed there is a high priority?

  Mr Hoon: I am tempted to bite back with a question because Lord Tomlinson has a much longer political career than I have; I cannot recall a politician ever saying that something was of a lesser priority, although there is an interesting phrase towards the end of section 1, "Human resources", which I still do not understand, which talks about "identifying negative priorities". Perhaps that is what the Noble Lord is referring to, but it is important and inevitable in the kind of political world in which the Commission operates that they need to set out a range of ambitions, aspirations—as I said at the outset. The issue then—and it is a very important issue, particularly for the budget review—is whether we have a match between our policy aspirations and our budgetary ability, which I took to be the purpose of the question. Actually, I doubt whether there is much space between Lord Tomlinson and the Government on this because we want to carry on the process that has been underway for a number of years of ensuring that the resources that are available to the European Union and how they are spent matches the political priorities set out in this document and set out by the British Government. That is a process; it is wrong to suggest that there has not been a great deal of change in the way that the budget is spent, because there has, it simply has not gone as far as we think it should.

  Chairman: That was a point very strongly made by Klaus Welle and Margot Wallström and others when we met them in Brussels, that these two aspects need to be married together. Lord Blackwell.

  Q126  Lord Blackwell: I wanted to follow up and press Minister Hoon a bit, if I could, on this question of whether there are some things in this programme that the UK Government would rather were not there, in particular I guess the things which strike me coming out of this are the social reality stock-check. There are a whole list of things under the heading of "Social solidarity"—a European globalisation adjustment fund to fund workers made unemployed, clarifying the application of Community law to social services, EU-wide quality criteria for social services, initiatives to modernise European labour law regarding flexicurity, initiatives aimed at the reconciliation of family and professional life. Does the Government believe these are things the European Union ought to have in its strategy?

  Mr Hoon: Yes, and if I can amplify the point I made a moment ago in relation to a budget to Lord Tomlinson, it seems to me that if there is anything at all missing here—and it is a very comprehensive statement on a series of ambitions—it is how you do it. It is not just a question of resources, it is also a question of the political will to see through some of these programmes. If I had any criticism at all of the Lisbon agenda it is that it is an agenda and we have to maintain the political pressure on delivery. If I were being critical—which I am not but if I were—I would be concerned that both the Lisbon agenda and Hampton Court were relatively easy to agree politically in terms of the ambitions that the European Union has, but rather like any delivery it takes years if not decades to see them in action. I want to be more confident that there is the political will in all Member States to see these laudable programmes delivered on the ground in reality and in practice. Going back to Lord Tomlinson's point, that means making sure that there are sufficient and adequate resources to do so.

  Q127  Lord Marlesford: I would like, if I may, just to continue with Lord Tomlinson's point because here is a document which is meant to present how the EU is moving. You talked, Minister, about reordering budgetary priorities, and this is meant to be a strategy; it shows a totally static strategy. Even allowing for the fact that the table which Lord Tomlinson referred to at page 23 is in very broad terms, it has very broad headings, there seems to be absolutely no shift in the resources between the heads and therefore nothing really to indicate that anything is changing. The implication I would draw, and you will tell me I am wrong, I hope, is that the on-going programmes are almost impossible to shift and all they are doing at the European level, as so often governments do at a national level, is to trade off the new against the new rather than the new against the old.

  Mr Hoon: I am not going to repeat all the points I made about the budget. There is an opportunity, and a significant one, as part of the budget review to look at priorities in terms of spending; it is a continuing process that has been under way for very many years, so I do need to repeat that. Where I disagree is that this is a good snapshot today, if I can take your words, of how the EU is moving, because actually 10 years ago when this process began I doubt that this document would have anything like this in terms of the political priorities for the European Union, so the emphasis on tackling climate change, on immigration flows, on dealing with energy security, on security against crime and terrorism is very much the agenda agreed at Lisbon and continued at Hampton Court, it is very much the agenda that this Government wants to see the European Union have, but it is an agenda and I accept, being critical, that we have got to find ways of doing everything, not only in terms of budgetary priorities but equally the political will that is necessary to ensure that those policies have some impact across the Union. That will take time but we have to persuade other countries to invest the same degree of effort that we are prepared to make, for example, on the Lisbon agenda. I do not think we actually disagree, but I do not think we are talking about the same thing. If I come back and give you evidence about the budgetary review, which no doubt is a possibility at some stage in the future, then we can have a clearer and perhaps tougher discussion about resources. This document is not strictly about resourcing.

  Chairman: Thank you very much. If there are no supplementary questions on that one then maybe we could move on to just one or two specific proposals in the Policy Strategy. I would like to ask Lady Thomas to ask a question about the European Institute of Technology.

  Q128  Baroness Thomas of Walliswood: Firstly you will know that we have published an on-going report on that and we were very concerned about the Institute and the way it was apparently being set up in general. I do not think we have had much information as to any changes which may have been made in the proposal, although there may have been such changes. My understanding is that it may go up for agreement at the June 25 meeting, but I do not know whether that is the confirmation either. Whatever the current situation is, would you agree that it is rather curious to plan for the financial implementation of a project which has not even be approved?

  Mr Hoon: I did say at the outset that this document was aspirational and the European Commission are very ambitious about the European Institute of Technology, it is something in which the European Commission collectively have invested a great deal of time and effort. You are right that the Member States have yet to actually agree a specific proposal but it is fair to say that there are continuing discussions about what the EIT might look like.

  Q129  Baroness Thomas of Walliswood: That was clear but there was a slight possibility of scaling it down a tiny bit, but the way that the funding was going to be arrived at seemed to consist of taking little bits of odd budgetary leftovers from various other budgetary heads and then enabling the EIT to bid for contracts against other people from the social fund and other similar kinds of funds, which did not seem a very satisfactory way of setting up a new organisation. The best that could happen is that if it did get lots of good contracts it would simply be taking money away from other people who might have been bidding for very similar sorts of contracts.

  Mr Hoon: It does rather depend on what emerges. We have had a very clear view that the EIT should link together existing universities, existing research facilities, using the benefits of modern technology to integrate a great deal of the work that is done across the European Union. We would have no difficulty with an outcome that was along those lines, but you are right that there have been some discussions about the budget and we have been pretty firm about the budget. Ministers at the informal Competitiveness Council on 26 April said to the Commission that they should submit a convincing and concrete funding proposal.

  Q130  Baroness Thomas of Walliswood: That would be an improvement.

  Mr Hoon: That is a fairly succinct statement of our position.

  Q131  Lord Roper: I wonder whether you would like to comment on your assessment of the external relations proposals under Europe as a world partner and in particular how far these can really be put forward by the Commission given that a coherence in this field obviously depends upon a good deal of interaction between the Commission and the Council.

  Mr Hoon: It depends on whether the Noble Lord wants the long answer or the short answer. The short answer is that we are essentially very comfortable with the various proposals; the problem with the long answer is that I would have to go through each of them in turn. It is a fair summary of where the EU is at the present time in terms of the coherence and effectiveness of these external policies and we do not have any specific disagreements, but there is a great deal in it and it demonstrates actually the success of our external policies and the coherence of the approach that EU Member States have been able to develop in quite a range of areas.

  Q132  Lord Roper: As far as Council and Commission relations are concerned, how far is this document something on which you feel in agreement with the high representative?

  Mr Hoon: I do not know whether it has been specifically agreed with Javier. Given the institutional tensions that exist between the high representative and at least one member of the Commission from time to time I had probably better not comment on that. Do you want to say anything, Anthony?

  Mr Smith: If Javier Solana was drawing up his list it would probably look slightly different to this but a lot of the things that are on the top of his mind are included in here including something related to the Balkans and the Middle East Peace Process, but not everything that he is doing. They have tried to pick out things which are both a very high priority like enlargement, the WTO negotiations, relations with key international partners like Russia, the US and others and issues on which the Commission played at least the leading role and sometimes has a crucial lead in carrying out negotiations.

  Mr Hoon: Iran is not in that list, for example, which I am sure would be in Javier's list.

  Q133  Chairman: The Policy Strategy tells us that the European Neighbourhood Policy will build on the annual evaluation of progress due at the end of 2007; the impression we have had is that the European Neighbourhood Policy has not had very much of an impact so far although today I am very happy to read that there is going to be a much bigger effort to increase co-operation in the Black Sea region which is welcome news.

  Mr Hoon: If I could give the Committee a practical example of where it could have an impact, I was in the Ukraine recently—actually there has been an outbreak of agreement in the Ukraine in the last 24 hours but prior to that the only thing upon which the president and the prime minister agreed was that they had an ambition to join the European Union, and what they were working towards, in discussion with the Commission, was a neighbourhood programme that was not necessarily solely concerned with leading towards the European Union but which, if completed, could get them quite a long way down the track. I thought that was quite a good way of looking at the neighbourhood policy; not something that solely and automatically leads to membership but something which, if the right reforms are made, could lead in that direction and indeed would complete a great deal of the work that any aspiring member state would have to complete in order to enter into effective negotiations. The neighbourhood policy is therefore quite important.

  The Committee suspended from 16.50 pm to 16.58 pm for a division in the House

  Chairman: Minister, we have got you for another 16 minutes and, as they are saying in France at the moment with the election of President Sarkozy, fasten your seatbelts, here comes a question from Lady Symons.

  Q134  Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean: My Lord Chairman, thank you very much. Minister, the document talks about working to ensure the successful completion and implementation of the Doha development round, something, I suppose, much to be desired by us all, but it couples with it proposals for the new generation of free trade agreements with important emerging economies. I seem to remember in the old days Pascal Lamy said, when he was trade commissioner, that it was impossible to pursue both, that by pursuing bilateral agreements it indicated a lack of confidence in the Doha development round. Obviously, minds have changed a bit over that but can you offer any explanation as to why, is it just catch-up with the Americans who are pursuing these bilateral agreements and does it not leave the poorer economies of Africa struggling when concentrating on agreements with important emerging economies, rather than those that are the ones that really need help and on whom the Doha development round was concentrated?

  Mr Hoon: I am sure they are not inconsistent and my impression is that they are almost certainly talking about different things. The purpose of Doha is clearly to build trade questions into development issues, recognising that probably the most important aspect for a developing country in order to sustain its growth and prosperity is having access to the European market and indeed to other markets. What we are trying to do in relation to bilateral agreements with countries like India, Korea and so on is to reflect the detailed trade arrangements with countries that these days could hardly be described as developing countries, so we are talking about two different things and therefore you are probably right that there should be a parallel process. One of the things that we have been looking at is to ensure that those parallel processes are consistent one with another, and to that extent I agree with you that it is important that there should be that degree of consistency. Shan, do you want to add anything?

  Ms Morgan: You have covered everything, Minister, but simply to say that the approach is rather pragmatic to make sure that we are moving forward and not being left behind by agreements being made between other third countries.

  Q135  Baroness Symons of Vernham Dean: Have we got the resources to do both in Europe?

  Mr Hoon: Yes. Essentially, the key to Doha as far as the EU is concerned is the extent to which the agricultural sector is opened up to trade, and that is part of a multilateral negotiation—I will not go into the detail now and I should not need to. Equally, I think that the bilateral agreements recognise that countries like India are a completely different place now, they are advancing, industrialised economies where trade questions of a bilateral kind are increasingly important, so I just do not see the two things as being either inconsistent or, frankly, arguably about the same thing.

  Chairman: Minister, the energy section is one of the cross-cutting priorities in the APS. Lord Freeman, you have a question on that.

  Q136  Lord Freeman: I anticipate, Mr Hoon, that Sub-Committee B will begin work on an inquiry into the single market review which the Commission has promised to look at the better workings of the internal market. Could you comment on the priority and indeed support that HMG will give to an integrated network for the distribution of gas and electricity, and in the other half of your breath answering the question could you just comment on what other areas in terms of the single market review HMG would see a priority for—presumably not consolidation of corporation tax which is alluded to, but there are other suggestions made on page 7 of the Commission's document which might commend themselves, particularly to small and medium-sized enterprises.

  Mr Hoon: The UK has rightly become the champion of the single market in a number of different fields and we want to see that completed. Financial services is an obvious area, energy is another area. The Treasury has made some calculations about the benefits to consumers of lower prices that will follow from a genuine open and consistent market across all 27 Member States. It has a further implication which perhaps is politically more difficult, which is of course that different Member States secure their energy from different places and one of the concerns that the UK has had for some time is our potential dependence on, if I can put it politely, troubled parts of the world; therefore, we have sought to diversify our sources of energy in a way that has not always been the case in other Member States. Therefore, a coherent view of the energy market would allow for a degree of solidarity, I suppose is the word, between different countries in facing those who might be tempted to use energy as a political lever in other kinds of discussions and negotiations. That is not unknown in the recent past and I suspect it will be an increasing feature of politics for the European Union in the future. In a sense creating a single market both is a benefit to consumers and is consistent with what we have done elsewhere, but I also see it as having a strategic implication for the European Union in allowing all 27 Member States to stand together as consumers rather than be picked off one by one by countries who might be tempted to use that leverage that large resources and reserves of gas and oil might allow for them. I do not think the proposal is quite designed yet to harmonise corporation tax, but because we would be concerned that it might lead in that direction we are resisting the idea of establishing a common tax base for corporation tax. In fact, one does logically lead to the other and it would be quite hard if there was a consistent test for the corporation tax base to resist the idea that there should be a common corporation tax.

  Q137  Lord Freeman: That is perhaps a negative that I cannot find in the explanatory memorandum, not perhaps that that is the right place. Are there any other suggestions by HMG for areas that the Commission should look at in improving the single market?

  Mr Hoon: I suspect that the problem is that broadly speaking most of those areas have probably been previously agreed. The issue now is the delivery and implementation; there are a number of areas in financial services, for example, where the market is not as open and as transparent as it should be.

  Q138  Baroness Cohen of Pimlico: The Commission is proposing to carry out a strategic review of the EMU at the end of its first 10 years. My sub-committee, Sub-Committee A, perhaps recklessly, is in the process of conducting a similar review this year. When I say a similar review, it is hardly going to end up advising people how to improve the Euro; the subject matter that we are fundamentally considering is what are the things that have been undoubtedly achieved—the answer roughly being the sorts of things currency units do achieve—and where are the strains showing. It is a different review. Will the Government be involved in any way in the Commission's review?

  Mr Hoon: I asked that question in preparing myself for this Committee meeting and Shan has gone and found the answer, so she can give it to you.

  Ms Morgan: Our understanding is that the Commission has decided to produce the 10 year review in 2008, that it is not expected to ask for the views of any Member States in carrying out that review, but that we will of course have the opportunity to comment in the usual way through discussions at the ECOFIN Council.

  Chairman: Does that answer your question, Lady Cohen?

  Baroness Cohen of Pimlico: Yes.

  Q139  Lord Roper: Will that take part in the full ECOFIN Council rather than the ECOFIN Council at the level of members of the EMU?

  Ms Morgan: That is our understanding.


 
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