Select Committee on European Union Minutes of Evidence


Memorandum by Mr Stephen Jakobi OBE, Consultant, Cross-Border Justice

SUMMARY

1.  Background: the history of the EU provisional liberty proposals

  1.  The writer initiated the concept in 1994 and with the aid of associate practitioners, he formulated the Eurobail system.

  2.  He attended all the Commission's expert meetings and consultations in this connection.

2.  The need for EU action

  3.   The Scale of the problem. When your Lordships last examined the position my concern was noted.

21 MARCH 2007

  4.  This concern was based on a 1995 research project I conducted.

  5.  The conclusions of that project were that there were 5,000 foreign EU prisoners at any one time and if there was a viable bail system, half of them would not be in prison.

  6.  Over the intervening 10 years, the EU has expanded and the volume of interstate travel has increased.

  7.  The 2005 research by the independent contractor estimated 10,000 foreign EU prisoners at any one time and 80% potentially subject to discrimination.

  8.  The two studies are broadly in agreement, the number of prisoners has almost doubled and the number of citizens affected has more than doubled.

  9.  The observation is made that foreigners are likely to spend longer on remand than natives.

  10.   The cost to the people involved: the impact assessment uses an economically based assessment that observes that many are eventually acquitted and others given non-custodial sentences.

  11.  It is observed that the attempt to quantify the experience in economic terms, by reference to compensation sums, is risible. The psychological effect on the innocent is devastating, and frequently long-term or permanent. Suicide on release, though rare, is not unknown.

  12.  The cost of public authority is reasonably argued.

3.  The major legal and practical implications of the Commission's proposal

  13.   Legal and constitutional background: the current inquiry needs to be considered against the background of House of Lords previous inquiries.

  14.  In the inquiry into procedural rights in criminal proceedings, it was noted that there was a dispute amongst Member States as to the legal basis of the framework decision.[1]

  15.  The subsequent inquiry, "Breaking the deadlock" concluded that there would have to be constitutional reform before progress could be made.[2]

  16.  The lack of a common age of criminal responsibility within the EU gives rise to the possibility that adults would obtain bail and some young children would be left in custody.

  17.   Incompatibility of justice systems: the common law based systems in essence are compatible with any sort of enforceable international pre-trial transfer system.

  18.  By contrast, the code civile based systems (French example) generally insist on the availability of the accused for questioning until the formal trial.

  19.  It is therefore impossible, in theory, and sometimes in practice, for a Code Civile country to allow an accused bail outside that country. The only solution is a viable videoconferencing system throughout the EU.

4.  The adequacy of the system proposed and whether another option is preferable

  20.   Overview: the classical factors in magistrates' decisions to grant bail involve assessment of risk and therefore militate against foreigners. An adequate system needs to provide for informed and impartial risk assessment.

  21.   The Commission's perspective: it is accepted by the Commission that its aim is to promote equal treatment of all citizens in the EU legal space.

  22.  There are no proposals in the documents for any mechanism to deal with the problem of risk assessment.

  23.  The guarantee of return to court is dealt with.

  24.  The mechanism for supervision of the citizen on bail is too complex.

  25.  Assessed against the Commission's own aspirations for its scheme, it is considered it will only have a marginal impact on the problems if the European arrest warrant is any precedent.

  26.   Eurobail is the only viable alternative, since it is the only scheme proposed that involves impartial assessment of risk in granting bail.

  27.  The procedure is examined.

  28.  The power to deal with conditions of bail would be vested in the accused's home Court.

  29.  Advantages: proof against xenophobic risks, applicable to all cases, allows all courts to apply their own familiar laws and is simple in concept.

  30.  Disadvantages: children, juvenile and Code Civile problems.

5.  What amendments might be made to Commission's proposal

  31.  Children and code civile problems.

  32.  Simplification of protocol between countries.

6.  Observations

  33.  The impact assessment is severely flawed.

  34.  Statistical evaluation has been examined in detail.

  35.  Assessment of the policy options are roughly ranked according to their importance. Individual rights and notional cost of injustice are bound up together. The fourth, fifth and sixth criteria are simply different aspects of political acceptability and should be taken under one head.

  36.  The comparative assessment between the schemes discloses obvious bias against Eurobail under most heads.

  37.  Apart from the above, there is an inexplicable misrepresentation that the term "bail" only applies to monetary surety arrangements.

7.  Conclusions

  38.  There is no prospect of any viable scheme without fundamental constitutional change in the governance of the EU and therefore no reason why any scheme should be pursued against the current background.

  39.  However unpromising the setting, the need for EU action is even greater than the Commission's assessment of the position.

  40.  The impact of the Commission's scheme will be at best marginal.

  41.  There are serious practical shortcomings in all schemes.

  42.  The Eurobail system is clearly superior to the chosen scheme on merit and it is unfortunate that the comparison of schemes is not impartial. There should be no confusion between inherent merit and political expediency.

SECTION 1

BACKGROUND—THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN UNION PROVISIONAL LIBERTY PROPOSALS

  1.  The writer can claim to have initiated the concept of an EU wide provisional liberty system. He invented the concept in the course of an article on European Bail problems published in the Times on October 18th 1994.  He also invented the term Eurobail at about the same time though it does not appear in the article. In 1995 the writer, on behalf of the organisation he founded, Fair Trials Abroad (FTA), gave written evidence on the concept to your Lordships' Select Committee considering the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference. Apart from some activity by the Civil Liberties Committee of the European Parliament the concept made little headway until 1999.  In the meantime, the writer had, at the request of the British Home Office and interested MEPs, been working on the practicalities of such a system with the aid of FTA's British, French, Dutch and Italian correspondents. By 1999 we had reached the final form of the system known as the Eurobail system.

  In January 1999 both written and oral evidence was given on behalf of FTA to your Lordships' EU Select Committee on the Corpus Juris project. The ensuing report gave specific endorsement to the concept of Eurobail.[3] Since then Eurobail System, in common with all other measures for protection of citizens' rights, was on "hold" until the 2002 Commission initiative.

  2.  From 2002 to 2005 the writer attended all the experts meetings mentioned in the Commission's proposal. It is of particular significance that in 2004 the official responsible for the preparation of the framework resolution met with FTA's European criminal lawyers panel (ECLAP). After a detailed exposition of the various alternatives canvassed in the impact assessment Eurobail was unanimously selected as the only system that answered the perceived problems.

SECTION 2

THE NEED FOR EU ACTION ON PRE-TRIAL SUPERVISION MEASURES

THE SCALE OF THE PROBLEM

  3.  It may be recalled that your Lordships last examined the bail position in the EU in the course of your inquiry into procedural rights in criminal proceedings.[4] In paragraph 56 of the report it was noted "Mr Jakobi said that the question of bail causes far more misery and demonstrable injustice in the European system than almost anything else you can think of affecting foreigners. Whereas the native goes free on conditions, the foreigner sticks inside jail."

  4.  This observation was as a result of a desk research project carried out by the writer in 1995 to ascertain the number of EU citizens affected by pre-trial custody outside their own country and such evidence of discrimination as existed. For various reasons, including incomplete statistics, it was presented as a rough estimate of the parameters of the problem.

  5.  The conclusions were as follows

  There are at least 5,000 prisoners in the EU at any one time who are on remand and facing the legal handicaps discussed in this paper.

  Nearly half of them, over one in five of the total number of "foreign" EU prisoners would not be in prison if they were natives of the country holding them.

  At the experts' meeting held in 2005 it was apparent that this was the only published work on the topic before the external contractor was commissioned.

  6.  Over the intervening 10 years, the EU has expanded and there was more interstate travel by EU citizens. These factors must be taken into consideration in comparing the new figures, compiled by the external contractor, with the old results.

  7.  The Commission impact assessment[5] summed up the numbers of people in pre-trial detention as follows,

  "During each calendar year, it is estimated that almost 10,000 EU nationals are detained in pre-trial detention in EU countries other than their normal country of residence. At any moment, there are around 4,500 EU nationals in pre-trial detention in EU countries other than their normal country of residence."

  "Based on the data from several countries, it was estimated that as many as 80 per cent of EU nationals currently in pre-trial detention could be potentially subject to a pre-trial transfer order and the application of alternative measure than pre-trial detention."

  "This would suggest that during any one year as many as 8,000 EU non-resident pre-trial detainees could be subject to an alternative pre-trial non-custodial measure."

  8.  It will be seen that the two studies are broadly in agreement: the number of prisoners has almost doubled, probably primarily due to the two factors noted above, and the number of citizens affected has more than doubled.

  9.  With regard to the problems experienced by EU nationals in pre-trial detention[6] attention should be drawn to the figure in table 3.2 for France. Whilst it would appear that the average pre-custodial remand time for the jail population as a whole is four months a more realistic figure in the writer's experience would be approaching double that for the non-native. The writer would attribute this to delays in obtaining and assessing foreign evidence in relation to the case. Unfortunately there is an absence of data for Spain in the Table.

THE COST TO PEOPLE INVOLVED[7]

  10.  These have been categorised in the Impact Assessment under four heads: loss of freedom, loss of earnings, "consequential loss" (professional standing, stigma, breakdown of families and relationships) and cost of family and friends visiting whilst in detention. The section goes on to observe that many people who have been held in pre-trial detention are eventually acquitted and to those should be added cases that are disposed of in a non-custodial manner.

  11.  As one who has had probably more professional opportunity to observe at close quarters the effects of discrimination in remand practices involving the innocent on both the victims involved and their families than anyone, I am forced to comment that the attempt to quantify the experience in economic terms by reference to compensation sums is risible.

  The psychological effect on the innocent and their close family of even a comparatively short term of imprisonment in a foreign country for whatever reason is devastating. It usually leads to the need for professional assistance and frequently long-term or permanent economic, social and psychological breakdown. Matrimonial breakdown is a prominent feature of such incidents, and suicide, though rare, is not unknown.

THE COST TO PUBLIC AUTHORITY[8]

  12.  The economics of custody and its alternatives would appear to be reasonably argued. Videoconferencing is a major technological advance which needs to be built into the thinking of those concerned with cross-border justice policy generally.

SECTION 3

THE MAJOR LEGAL AND PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE COMMISSION'S PROPOSAL

LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL BACKGROUND

  13.  The current inquiry needs to be considered against the background of your Lordships' previous inquiries into Procedural rights in criminal proceedings[9] and, subsequently, Breaking the deadlock.[10]

  14.  In the inquiry into Procedural rights in criminal proceedings it was noted[11] "that some member states have in the past expressed reservations about the usefulness and legality of such a proposal. They have argued that subsidiarity precludes action at EU level and that the treaty does not provide a sufficient legal basis for the proposal."

  15.  The subsequent inquiry, Breaking the deadlock,[12] specifically focused on the problem of progress of procedural rights. The Writer summarised the position as follows:[13]

  "The committee based its deliberations on evidence given by the Attorney General and various government officials. To summarise: the European law on procedural rights, which would have made a marked difference to the rights to justice of Britons abroad, is so locked in committee that the UK Government has despaired. As a consequence, the UK Government, together with the Czech Republic, Irish Republic, Malta, Cyprus and Slovakia, is proposing a non-binding "code of good practice" resolution to the same affect.

  During the course of his evidence, the Attorney General went out of his way to point to the difficulties which have arisen for this type of legislation as a result of the failure to ratify the constitutional treaty. In particular: "This treaty would have brought important changes to the way criminal justice measures are agreed in the (European) Council." It was quite clear that he considered the abolition of the unanimity rule as a vital ingredient to progress.

  His comments are applicable to the whole spectrum of criminal justice measures."

CHILDREN AND JUVENILES EXCLUDED

  16.  During discussions of the Commission proposals for a Framework Decision on Cross-border Supervision of Probation a serious anomaly was discovered due to the lack of a common age of criminal responsibility within the EU—which varies from 7 in Ireland to 16 in Portugal. The problem is that the European arrest warrant has as a mandatory ground for refusal to execute it that the child is below the age of criminal responsibility in the executing authority. It would appear to be impossible for any other criminal justice measure within the ambit of the European legal space to deviate from this precedent.

  What this must mean in practice is that while some adults may get bail, some quite young children in the same circumstances may be detained in a strange land with no one to speak their language while their case is disposed of.

  The EU must determine a common age for criminal responsibility, and what that should mean in practice for foreign children, as a matter of urgency.

INCOMPATIBILITY OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEMS

  17.  The common law based systems, in essence, are compatible with any sort of enforceable international pre-trial transfer system since they share the following characteristics:

    —  The accused has to be charged or released within days of arrest, the outside limits being, at present, 28 days in the UK.

    —  After charging, the accused cannot be questioned in the course of the inquiry, although the police are at liberty to continue their inquiries.

    —  The trial commences as a specific stage of the proceedings, is continuous and starts at a specific date.

  18.  By contrast, the code civile based systems share the following characteristics to a greater or lesser extent (the French system is used for this comparison):

    —  Charging is a much more flexible concept. In 95 per cent of the cases, the investigation is conducted by the police and are judicially supervised by the prosecutor. In these cases, charging usually occurs as quickly as it does in a common law system. The other 5 per cent are the more serious charges, where an examining magistrate is involved and is potentially a very lengthy investigation. It is possible for the accused to be in custody for months before formal charges are decided by the examining magistrate.

    —  The accused can be questioned at any stage of the inquiry until the examining magistrate hands the case over to the trial tribunal.

    —  The trial can be said to commence with the opening of the inquiry by the examining magistrate since all the evidence taken in the presence of the accused and his lawyer is, in general, unquestionable evidence for the formal hearing at trial. The accused is not only questioned about the offence, he will also be questioned about his background and personality.

  19.  It is for these reasons that a code civile criminal justice system requires the availability of the accused to attend the examining magistrate at all stages of the pre-trial procedure until the case is closed and passed to the trial tribunal. It is therefore essential that a viable video conferencing system be set up throughout the EU before any practical pre-trial alternative to custody for non-residents can operate.

SECTION 4

THE ADEQUACY OF THE SYSTEM PROPOSED AND IN PARTICULAR WHETHER ONE OF THE OTHER OPTIONS CONSIDERED BY THE COMMISSION WOULD BE PREFERABLE

OVERVIEW

  20.  In its response to the Commission Green Paper[14] FTA stated its view that the heart of the problem regarding discrimination against foreigners, was best expressed as follows:

  "As both the Commission in itself and the ECJ have recognised, the magistrate's decision on bail essentially involve `the classical grounds.' That is to say consideration of three factors: gravity of the offence, the likelihood of further criminal activity whilst on bail (including interfering with witnesses or repetition of offence) and the danger of absconding.

  Of these classical grounds, the gravity of the offence is a common factor for nationals and foreigners alike. However, the other factors involve assessment of risk and militate against foreigners. It is routine for a court, secure in its knowledge of its own society, to assess such important factors as ties with the community when it comes to nationals. By contrast, for foreigners, the assessment of ties with the community is fraught with difficulties: there is an inevitable lack of personal information before the court and possible cultural difficulties.

  Further, in the absence of swift and effective arrest arrangements operating throughout the EU against fugitives from justice, magistrates will fear that if a foreigner is allowed home he will not return.

  What is required in an adequate system is that it provides answers to these two needs such as an informed and impartial personal risk assessment, coupled with an ironclad guarantee that the defendant would be arrested and returned to the court if he/she became a fugitive from justice."

THE COMMISSION'S PERSPECTIVE

  21.  The Commission's proposal (referred to as policy option 2 in the impact assessment) is for a new Council framework decision. It is accepted by the Commission that "the general aim of this proposal is to . . . promote equal treatment of all citizens in the common area of freedom and security and justice."[15]

  22.  The impact assessment document[16] agrees in general terms with the view expressed by FTA on risk assessment.[17] However, one searches in vain for any mechanism in the proposed framework decision for dealing with this problem. On the contrary, the original provisional liberty decision remains with the issuing court.

  23.  The guarantee of a return to court on application by the issuing authority is reasonably dealt with, if one can accept that children and juveniles will be excluded from operation of the framework decision.

  24.  The mechanism for supervision of the citizen released on remand between release and trial is of unnecessary complexity, put forward by the Commission on the grounds that it is necessary to keep the issuing court in control of the process (see above).

  25.  Assessed against the Commission's own aspirations for its scheme, it is considered that it will only have a marginal impact, if any, on the problem posed by the mass discrimination established in section 2 of this paper. The European Arrest Warrant has been operational for some three years, and is in essence a compulsory extradition system. It may be recalled that claims were made by the Commission on its launching that its existence would increase the likelihood of provisional liberty being granted. The ECLAP experience was that defence practitioners who cited the arrest warrant in efforts to obtain provisional liberty for their clients found no practical difference in the results attained.

THE ONLY ALTERNATIVE: EUROBAIL

  26.  Since the only scheme proposed that deals with the inherent xenophobic factors involved in an original bail decision by a foreign tribunal is Eurobail, it is the only viable alternative, in view of problems concerning the objectivity of the Commission's impact study in its final form and bizarre misrepresentations made concerning Eurobail. The procedure and advantages of the scheme as presented to the Commission[18] is set out below.

  27.   Procedure

  The authority where the foreign national was arrested would consider if the offence, as committed, could result in provisional liberty for a national of that country. If the offence and its circumstances were too grave to permit provisional liberty, the accused would be remanded in the custody of that authority. If the circumstances of the offence might permit provisional liberty, the arresting authority would notify the appropriate authority in the accused's home country, whereupon the accused would be sent home as expeditiously as possible for the disposal of his application for provisional liberty. It would then become the responsibility of the accused's home law enforcement officials to ensure that the accused is delivered back to the jurisdiction of the crime.

  28.  Reasonable notice of requirement for judicial purposes would be a factor. The power to vary conditions or rescind bail between release and return would be vested in the accused's home court.

  29.   Advantages

    —  It is proof against xenophobic risk assessment in any of its manifestations (culture clash, evaluating community ties of a foreigner or the quality of foreign evidence collection).

    —  It is applicable to all cases involving the provisional liberty of a foreign EU citizen.

    —  It allows both trial and home court to apply their own laws and knowledge at appropriate stages of consideration of transfer.

    —  It is simple in concept, in that responsibility for ensuring the defendant shall be present at trial passes with his person.

  30.   Disadvantages

    —  Children and juveniles.

    —  Code Civile problems unlikely, in practice, to be completely solved even by universal videoconferencing arrangements.

SECTION 5

WHAT AMENDMENTS MIGHT BE MADE TO THE PROPOSAL TO IMPROVE THE PROCEDURE

  31.  Establishing a common age of criminal responsibility, coupled with an approximation of systems for dealing with juveniles and a common age of transition between juvenile/adult. The Approximation of regimes for dealing with the young is an important prerequisite for any scheme to operate fairly.

  32.  Code Civile problems require solution.

  33.  The protocol recommended with regard to communication and powers of the competent authorities in both countries concerned should be re-examined with a view to simplification.

SECTION 6

OBSERVATIONS

IMPACT ASSESSMENT

  34.  It has already been remarked that the impact assessment is severely flawed. The criticisms that follow should not be laid at the door of the external examiner. It is specifically stated in the impact assessment that he was working under the guidance of a steering committee, and, in accordance with usual practice within the Commission, the Commissioners bear the responsibility for the accuracy of the impact report.

  35.   Statistical evaluation: has already been examined in detail in section 2.

  36.   Assessment of the policy options. The criteria are explained in detail in the introduction to the assessment.[19] They are, in fact, roughly ranked according to importance.

    —  The first (individual rights and equal access to justice) is vital if any scheme is to pass muster policy in accordance with the most fundamental principles on which the EU is founded.

    —  The second (notional cost of injustice) is bound up with the first criteria, and it is somewhat hard to see how qualitatively the two can be distinguished. Indeed, detailed perusal of the ranking of all schemes shows no difference between these two rankings within any individual schemes (eg if **** for first criteria then **** for second criteria). What was the point of the exercise?

    —  The fourth, fifth and sixth (reducing the net costs of detention and the spin-off effects on judicial and police co-operation) are not to be considered as of equal importance to the first three criteria. It is submitted that they are all, in fact, different aspects of political acceptability and they should really be lumped together under that one head.

  37. The comparative assessment: new legal instrument (NLI) and Eurobail

    —  Ensuring equal access to Justice. (Impact assessment NLI ***** Eurobail ****). Since NLI does nothing to alleviate discrimination in risk assessment during the original decision to grant bail it must surely merit a rating of merely **/***. On the other hand, what are the grounds for not granting Eurobail ***** status?

    —  Reducing notional costs of injustice. (Impact assessment NLI ***** Eurobail ****). In view of the remarks on criteria (36) NLI**/***? Eurobail*****?

    —  Decreasing the risks of absconding (NLI** Eurobail**) is correctly explained in the comment on NLI which is applicable to both schemes. So what is one to make of the comment on Eurobail?

    —  Reducing the costs of detention. (NLI***** Eurobail****) since the same comments are applicable to this criterion as to the others noted above NLI**/*** Eurobail*****

  38. Misrepresenting Eurobail.[20] Apart from the curious presentation of comparative star ratings noted above, the assessment of benefits and constraints rests upon an inexplicable misrepresentation that the term "bail" only applies to monetary surety arrangements. Not only was it explained in the memorandum submitted on behalf of FTA during the consultation process that the British expression "bail" should be taken in this context as being the equivalent to the continental expression "Provisional liberty", the concept was explained in all papers and expert meetings throughout the process.

SECTION 7

CONCLUSIONS

  39.  The Attorney General has given evidence that there is no prospect of any viable scheme for a European Council framework decision to be enacted in the sphere of fundamental procedural rights without fundamental constitutional change in the governance of the EU. Accordingly, there is no reason why an inferior scheme should be pursued for political expediency purposes against current background.

  40.  However unpromising the setting the need for EU action on pre-trial supervision measures is even greater and more urgent than the assessment contained in the impact statement. The numbers affected by the lack of a proper measure have demonstrably increased over the last 10 years and will continue to do so. The assessment of the effect of injustice on them is likely to be greater since foreigners are likely to be kept on remand awaiting trial and the economic assessment made is risible.

  41.  The experience gained through the operation of the European Arrest Warrant, although anecdotal in character, suggests that the impact of the new legal instrument scheme on the mass injustice demonstrated will be at best marginal.

  42.  There are serious practical shortcomings in all schemes. The lack of a common age for criminal liability, coupled with a lack of approximation in methods of dealing with juveniles, generally requires attention. The Code Civile criminal justice system requires virtual attendance of the accused on demand throughout the criminal justice process from arrest to close of the dossier. This problem can be largely solved by mandatory video conferencing arrangements throughout the EU which may take a long time to become operationally viable. Since there are clearly no reasonable prospects in the near future of any scheme being brought into operation it is recommended that the Commission now gives priority to resolving these obstacles by establishing a common minimum age for criminal responsibility and a practical judicial video conferencing system.

  43.  The Eurobail system is in fundamental rights terms clearly superior to the chosen framework option, but is apparently considered by the Commission to be politically inexpedient in the current climate of the European Legal Space. It is unfortunate that the impact assessment and comparison of schemes considered bears the appearance of stealthy bias under the cloak of impartial appraisal. It is surely right that political expediency and acceptability be separately assessed so that there is no confusion on inherent merit.

February 2007


1   (1st Report 2005-05 HL Paper 28). Back

2   (2nd Report 2007-07 HL Paper 20). Back

3   Prosecuting Fraud on the Communities' Finances-the Corpus Juris (9th Report 1998-99 HL Paper 62). Back

4   (1st Report 2004-05 HL Paper 28). Back

5   SEC (2006) 1079 clause 3.2. Back

6   Ibid 3.3. Back

7   Ibid 3.4.1. Back

8   Ibid 3.4.2. Back

9   (1st Report 2004-05 HL Paper 28). Back

10   (2nd Report 2006-07 HL Paper 20). Back

11   Paragraph 9. Back

12   Op. cit. Back

13   Letter to The Times 18th of January 2007. Back

14   "A fair approach to provisional liberty/bail" October 2004. Back

15   Explanatory memorandum: consistency with other policies and objectives of the Union. Back

16   SEC (2006) 1079. Back

17   In particular, ibid 3.3 "the court in a `foreign' country is in a difficult position to make a risk assessment..." And the remaining arguments expressed therein. Back

18   "A fair approach to provisional liberty/bail", FTA response to the Commission's Green Paper, October 2004. See also: Eurobail: preliminary reflections for a framework programme, FTA June 2002. Back

19   Impact assessment, 6.1. Back

20   Op. cit 6.2.5. And table 6.5. Back


 
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