Select Committee on European Union Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witness (Questions 200-219)

Dr Matt Muijen

7 DECEMBER 2006

  Q200  Lord Wade of Chorlton: We have received evidence regarding the human rights aspect of mental health and it has been suggested that an agreed basis of key principles for human rights in the sphere of mental health might be a better basis for making progress with Member States than one of setting minimum standards for mental health. We would be grateful to know how realistic you feel would be the aim of achieving minimum standards for mental health across the European Union, and what do you think of the alternative approach based on agreeing a set of key principles?

  Dr Muijen: First of all, I do not think they are mutually exclusive. One of the strengths of the national service framework was that in effect it was based on principles which then were reinforced by standards, not minimum standards but standards. I think that principles or standards on their own can operate somewhat in a vacuum—what do you do with principles that are invariably well-meaning? They need to be followed through with quite hard-hitting policies and legislation supported by funding. Neither EC nor WHO, by the way, has a mandate to come up with binding principles or standards, so it would be at best advisory, which in itself might be worthwhile. Why I am always slightly struggling with principles is that they nearly always refer to wonderful ideals about human rights and other aspects of care but can almost be seen as a substitute for the real thing. The other danger of it is that, certainly across Europe, words can mean so many different things in different countries. If one talks about least restrictive care in some of our newer Member States, it means something very different from what it means in the UK, which already implies that in that case principles need to be translated into very specific statements of what is required, which then invariably leads to a common denominator which is adjusted to the least developed Member States. What has been interesting in the Helsinki Declaration exercise, however, was that the least developed countries were least worried about the implications because they often did not understand quite what the meaning was, whereas the governments of England and other highly developed countries were highly concerned because they understood very much what was meant by some of the more complex statements. It does not necessarily mean that countries will resist principles but it might mean that they certainly will not follow them through. The same could be said about minimum standards, not that minimum standards imply that countries will not go beyond minimum standards, but again how do you phrase them in such a way that they have a clear meaning. And how do you inspect them afterwards across Europe with no organisation having a mandate to both impose them and reinforce them? I am not against principles. I think principles are important, but on their own we would yet again get many of these strategy documents which I receive on an almost daily basis. It makes me exasperated because they include all these wonderful standards and then none of them will be implemented.

  Q201  Lord Wade of Chorlton: On that basis you are suggesting that the minimum standard would be a more sensible way, at least to start. Would you prefer to see a system in which you could start with a minimum standard that might be accepted over a broad area but you could then ratchet it up as time progressed, because clearly, from what you are suggesting, some of the minimum standards that might be accepted would not be terribly good?

  Dr Muijen: If I had to choose I would go for minimum standards. If I did not have to choose I would have both. I think that principles are important as statements of intent but they have to be followed by some quite clear explicit descriptions of the care that is required in a more detailed manner. Besides, these services need to be costed, and I mean service in its broadest meaning here.

  Q202  Baroness Greengross: Could we start by looking at deinstitutionalisation? Do you think that the EU has competence to look at care in the community and so on, and what are the main issues that it might have competence to deal with?

  Dr Muijen: Let me answer the last question first. The European Commission (and the European Union, of course) does not have competence to deal with services, but it does have competence to deal with issues that have impact on services, such as human rights, and also public health and those can be translated in ways which can bring it very close to, if not directly affecting services by directives that could shape some of the foundations of services. This can cause tension with Member States but Commissioner Kyprianou is always very explicit in his statements, ie that there is no mandate to impose any service directive. That is very clear.

  Q203  Baroness Greengross: Taking that a bit further into the issue of compulsory treatment and human rights and so on, could you set out for us the key issues relating to that, not just in institutions but also for compulsory treatment in the community because that is very important to us at the moment as a Bill is going through Parliament now on mental health?

  Dr Muijen: And also since your Bill will have major implications for the rest of Europe because England in particular is seen as taking a leadership role. I have already been to meetings where community treatment orders were perceived as a good idea because there was a belief that they had already been introduced in England, so any decision that is made in England will have consequences for the rest of Europe, something England is not always aware of. It is still seen as the model country in terms of mental healthcare, and healthcare as a whole, I believe. What one finds around Europe is a lot of diversity in legislation similar to the diversity I referred to earlier on in services. Again, it has been delegated in many countries to a lower level. There is no German mental health law. There are laws in each of the different Länder. The same is true in Spain and in Switzerland, I believe, as well. There is considerable difference in the principles of legislation around Europe. Some countries use a competence principle at the point at which people are being admitted, and I am talking, of course, here about legislation which takes away freedom from a person with mental illness and enforces treatment. I assume that that is the kind of legislation you refer to here. There is, as I just said, a differentiation in many countries between competence and risk. Some countries use the competence principle and so someone can be admitted against their will if they are deemed to be incompetent. In other countries, as in the UK, it is based on the risk of an individual suffering from a mental illness with very different definitions of what mental illness is. The problem invariably encountered with competence is the definition of competence. Competence has at least five different meanings and in the end what it means is often that a psychiatrist has to give a judgment on what they believe competence is. What also differs is that in many countries magistrates will make the final decision about whether someone should be admitted, rather than, as in some countries such as the UK, psychiatrists on their own, although often requiring approval by a third party such as a social worker, being allowed to make this decision. Another important distinction is that some countries, including Holland, only allow people to be taken to a place of safety following the imposition of an order rather than treatment being given against their will, which is another specific step in addition to someone being hospitalised. The direct link between people being placed in a place of safety and then being given treatment is not automatic in some countries, which can lead to very perverse situations of people having to stay in hospital for weeks without treatment being given because they meet the criteria for one but not the other. At the moment there is no country I am aware of in Europe, but again I have to be careful because there are so many different legislations, which has a proper community treatment order in the pure sense of the meaning, and what I mean by that is that people can be treated against their will in the community. Countries are very much looking to the UK. Recall is possible in some countries, so that people are temporarily allowed conditional discharge into the community, but there is as yet no example of the American form of community treatment orders. One observation I always make is that the whole issue of choice can be ignored in these debates. To give myself as an example, if someone were to judge that I needed treatment against my will I would prefer the option of receiving that in a place of my own choice rather than immediately and without alternative being taken to hospital, of course, with due procedures in place.

  Baroness Greengross: You have been talking more about competence than risk and the big issue which is all over the red tops at the moment here is, of course, risk.

  Chairman: Risk to other people.

  Q204  Baroness Greengross: It is the risk to other people, not to the patient, and in that case it is probably in relation to the taking of medication. Would that come under this competence?

  Dr Muijen: That is precisely the problem, and that is why many countries in the end decide on risk, because the risk may not be very easy to judge but it is easier; at least you know what one refers to. There are many different dimensions of competence and they are very rarely explicit. They have advantages and disadvantages. The risk to others no doubt will weigh heavily when determining competence because it is clearly related to competence when judging whether behaviour is responsible. It could always be formulate in terms of competence. On philosophical human right grounds no doubt competence is the proper way to go. On the other hand, if one looks at community protection, I can well see that risk is a shortcut to decide what should happen. I also have to say that when one looks at the evaluation of introductions of mental health acts which create a different basis for admission, there can be little change. When numbers were evaluated in Holland, it was found that through one mechanism or the other on the whole the same number of people are admitted against their will, although it should be added that this is not a good argument not to develop optimal legislation.

  Q205  Earl of Dundee: What are your views on preventative measures and the part that these can usefully play in protecting against mental ill health?

  Dr Muijen: It is, of course, a highly complex question. Let me make one point that is relevant to every question, which is the question of terminology. This is not unique to this House, but already in these questions "mental health", "mental ill health", "mental wellbeing", "mental illness", "lack of mental wellbeing" are all being used, and we all assume we are talking about the same group and the same concepts. It is very dangerous. In the Helsinki Declaration we consistently used either "mental wellbeing" to talk about positive mental health, or "mental health problems" to talk about negative mental health, and already this could lead to debates about the meaning of those concepts. The importance of it is that clearly prevention refers to very different groups from those when we discuss community treatment order. The other issue, and this will come back later in the debate about stigma, is that there are different shades. We cluster together a whole group of disorders and a whole group of people who actually have nothing in common. It is a bit like talking about infectious diseases as one group, and I do not mean this in any other way as a parallel. We talk about people with, let us say, relatively minor anxiety states and people with very major forms of schizophrenia as part of the same group. It is unhelpful because they need very different interventions leading to different outcomes. That is related to prevention because there is already the challenge here of prevention at the population level, which is particularly relevant to, let us say, stress-related disorders, anxiety and depression, rather than looking at prevention for very specific high-risk groups, for example, children with two parents with schizophrenia. Everyone is on the side of prevention but in practice it is very often secondary to other forms of government action. Think about building roads, building new housing, school development, all of which have major implications for the mental wellbeing of the population and potentially the development of stress and anxiety disorders. There are some specifically targeted prevention strategies in a country such as Finland which is very strong on that. Holland has a very well developed prevention network, including specific prevention workers. The evidence for very high level prevention strategies is not very strong, for the obvious reason that they cost a lot and they are quite non-specific. The evidence for more targeted specific interventions is well beyond this discussion because one then, of course, has to break it down into individual groups. Just in passing I want to say a few words about the Commission for Social Determinants, which has been started at the World Health Organisation, chaired by Professor Marmot, who is probably well known to you. It looks at the implications of different structures of society for exposure to risk factors, which then leads to differential disease burden and also to differences in access to care. Mental health is very important in this cycle because mental ill health is associated with a very high level of co-morbidity. The joint prevalence of depression and cancer and the link with survival rates is very important and as such I think mental health deserves a far stronger and more explicit place in many policy-making areas.

  Q206  Earl of Dundee: But do you consider that we might be at risk of falling between two stools here, because, as you point out, it may be very unhelpful to be too loose with a definition of what mental health is or to extend it so much to include wellbeing that we are not really, by including wellbeing in preventative measures, achieving very much at all? On the other hand, if we learn, which we do, that in a given year as many as one in four people suffer a lack of mental wellbeing, then even if we begin with a rather non-targeted collection of preventative measures perhaps that will still serve a useful purpose. For if European policy and deployment start like this in a rather loose way then arguably proper methodology and targeting might develop all the better later on. What do you think about that? Will this approach fall between two stools? Or instead, will it yield the best result?

  Dr Muijen: I take the point that in an ideal world where we prevent—and I do not quite know the right term—poor wellbeing, we would have societal intervention which means that everyone is going to be happy all the time, which would prevent all forms of mental illness and which would be well worth the investment. Sadly, I cannot think of any intervention that would meet any of these kinds of aspirations, except maybe in an absolutely equal society. It was attempted to create such societies in some countries early in the last century, but we do not support these forms of intervention and when they were tried they failed. Efficiency is far higher when we target high risk groups. It is even higher when we deal with people who already have developed some early stages of these diseases. Again, I am with you if you say that we need to combine these two approaches, which is, of course, always a desirable compromise position, but I would insist on some hard evidence from health economists, such as Professor Knapp, who leads the world in this area, that it will pay for itself because any pound spent on prevention is a pound not spent on people suffering from very bad conditions. One can add to this that sometimes the very best interventions are non-specific mental health interventions, such as improving conditions at work.

  Q207  Chairman: That was what I was going to ask you. What about working practices, for example? I am sorry to interrupt you, and I do not know how technical the evidence is but there seems to be quite a lot of evidence that there are certain ways of working and atmosphere in the workplace now which can be directly inimical to mental wellbeing and therefore lead to things like depression and all the more minor things which do cost the economy—and this is an interest of the European Union, of course—a lot of money. I do not know whether you have had any thoughts about how the European Union can somehow get into that area because it might make a difference, not perhaps to schizophrenia, that sort of illness, but to the ones which are more general mental illness, the depressive diseases, in effect.

  Dr Muijen: Exactly, and a lot of work has been done in this country in some of these areas. If I am thinking about stress at work, let me just say that the 28 per cent mentioned in the Green Paper I find astonishingly low; that must be referring to pathological stress because I am no doubt included in the people who have some stress at work sometimes, as I suspect many of you would agree with. Nor is that necessarily a bad thing, but I suspect that issues like working environment, management styles, enforced breaks, enforced holidays, would have a very beneficial effect. Sometimes these simple general interventions are far more important than mental health specific strategies in the workplace, which I find, if anything, rather stigmatising.

  Q208  Earl of Dundee: Earlier on you pointed out that the newer applicants to the European Union are more receptive than some other countries in these matters. Just now you mentioned the beneficial effect of friendly working conditions, enforced breaks and so on. Improved access to education, housing and transport forms another example. There are countless other simple remedies to reduce stress. All of them are fairly obvious. No great studies are required. How strongly and frequently, therefore, do you and your organisation advocate this common sense approach?

  Dr Muijen: I would say that I do not need to go to Lithuania to give advice about stress and transport. Taking the train into work is very stressful. Certainly one of the lessons I learned when I started working across Europe was how much many of these newer countries are struggling economically. We are not talking about wealthy countries that have the opportunity to fund research. These are countries that are fighting for their economic life and with very high levels of unemployment, high levels of inequality, and they are struggling to spend every dollar in a way that is directly linked to a better economy and growth and wealth. I think many of these issues we are talking about here are not quite on their agenda yet. Also, you would be surprised how backward—and I use this word advisedly—many of these countries are in their services. Most countries outside western Europe, not just outside the EU, are still dominated by institutions, so when we advise on first steps we look at issues such as people sometimes sharing a bed, and if they are lucky they have a blanket each to cover them. In some countries outside the EU membership they are fortunate if they receive any medication at all, not just new medication. There was one hospital I visited where only 20 per cent of the patients were able to receive the medication they needed.

  Q209  Chairman: It is almost like the developing world, in fact.

  Dr Muijen: Some are, yes. Even countries which are now members of the European Union are still very much struggling even to provide basic facilities in mental hospitals, so to deal with prevention at a societal level is hard. What does happen in these countries is micro initiatives. We talked earlier about civil society. There are some very fascinating small-scale initiatives wherever you go, nearly always inspired by charismatic local leaders who take an initiative and make it happen. Everywhere you go they are there, and that is an area of real potential, in England as much as anywhere in Europe.

  Q210  Chairman: Thank you. We ought to move on to stigma. You have had the question. I would like to know how you think the stigma issue should be addressed in respect of mental health. It is obviously a very severe problem, particularly for those people who go in and out, let us say, of the workforce or who are sometimes ill and sometimes well and are conscious of the stigma, as it were, of it being held against them. What examples have you seen across Europe where promotional activities have helped with this problem?

  Dr Muijen: I have seen promotional activities. What I have not seen are well evaluated national activities. I have been to countries where I saw posters on the bus, like, "Your neighbour may suffer from mental illness". That was in France. I am not sure whether it helps or not, by the way. There are quite a few initiatives around Europe but evaluation is nearly always rather soft. Of course, it is very hard because how do you measure these kinds of national initiatives? I very much liked the activities in Greece where famous singers were involved and other national personalities. Finland has been very active. Holland has done some good work and Scotland has been very active, amongst the leaders in its level of activity, but good evaluation has not taken place. I am always a bit concerned about stigma because it has become so popular a theme that it is almost an excuse these days. Whenever I talk to politicians they use the word "stigma", and, rather than coming up with solutions, it tends to be a reason why it is all so difficult. It has emerged as the key theme over the last couple of years and not particularly in a helpful fashion. There is also tremendous attention being given to addressing stigma of mental illness, and sometimes it actually makes situations worse. I remember once seeing a video that tried to de-stigmatise mental illness, and if anything it probably would have increased racism as well as stigma at the same time by constantly showing the link between a very mean-looking big black man and schizophrenia, which probably was not the intention. It is not always very professional and well thought through, although always with the best intent. What interests me much more is discrimination, the behavioural level of stigma. That is where some more interesting activities can take place. The other concern is promoting stigma as a solution. It sometimes creates a kind of sense of mental illness being a myth: if only we de-stigmatise it, it will disappear. Mental illness can be a very serious conditions with people needing a lot of support, and de-stigmatisation would not mean that support could be taken away.

  Q211  Chairman: Or gets any better, no.

  Dr Muijen: Exactly. Stigma is everywhere. Let us not belittle it. I have been to many countries where people do not want to work in mental health because of stigma. Some of our Member States have major problems recruiting staff. Trained staff go to the UK because salaries are higher. I know of one country where one per cent of medical students specialise in psychiatry and then they often do not become psychiatrists because they go for better paid jobs in the local economy. Stigma has a direct role there. It is a theme well beyond just people at work.

  Q212  Chairman: I quite like your idea of concentrating on discrimination rather than on stigma. Discrimination is something you can deal with. There is a legal framework for dealing with it. In this country we are supposed not to discriminate against people for various reasons. One might add other categories to that, so that is helpful, thank you, the use of that word.

  Dr Muijen: Can I add to that by anticipating a question a bit later on, since we are now talking about discrimination? The other important aspect is that it might be counter-productive to specifically deal with mental illness as an isolated theme, and that we should mainstream as much as we can. I think by singling out legislation to protect people with mental illness we may create a kind of gaming by employers to avoid employing people with mental illness altogether.

  Chairman: It has happened in other areas. There was a reluctance to take on people with physical disabilities because they had a responsibility towards them. I hope it is passing over now but that would be the same sort of problem.

  Q213  Baroness Uddin: Just before I come to my question, which is about dealing with vulnerable groups, particularly minority groups, I welcome what you said about de-stigmatisation, particularly of groups who are suffering in that way. As a social worker in this field many years ago, working particularly with women, I think that the way it makes them out to be some kind of demon in society when they have been through institutions is a really valid point and I wish you every success in de-stigmatising this and getting into that kind of arena of acceptability. I am very interested in your reference to the demonisation of black men and what that entails and now Muslims being demonised as terrorists. Given that there is recognition that some groups in our society are suffering more strenuously than the general population, triggered by conflict or prejudice or discrimination, and an example is children and very high suicide rates and self harm among Asian women in this country, which could be because of discrimination and conflict, lack of employment, all those points you mentioned, as well as racism and Islamaphobia, what do you think are the specific things that can be done to handle this issue at an European Union mental health strategy level? I would be very interested to hear from you about your experiences of good practice in Europe, and if England is as good as you say, and I know it is, whether you have sighted any good examples in England about this particular issue.

  Dr Muijen: Let me start with the second part of the question which in some sense is easier. I was very impressed with the report of the Social Exclusion Committee. It showed what can be done when people from a more generalist perspective look at a specialist area, because they look for mainstreaming—and I have used that word earlier—rather than singling out and providing very specific interventions, which always alarms me. I think mainstreaming is very important in any form of discrimination. You want to integrate people. You talked about specific sub-groups. I think the danger is precisely that they can be marginalised and as a consequence do not reach any of the support that is required. Europe has very different challenges. I remember very well from being in England, and also when I now talk to English friends, that there is strong concern about first of all race and ethnicity and, secondly, Islamophobia. What is interesting is that the former is not so much of an issue elsewhere. Religion is often far more important. There are very different sub-groups in countries, for example juxtaposing Hungarians in Romania and Romanians in Bulgaria, in Turkey Christians and Muslims. There are rather different challenges in many different countries. I think there is a real danger for organisations like WHO to plan this top-downwards. We believe we can come up with a strategy for the whole of Europe, which is impossible. I believe we need to think in countries at the level of Blackburn and a sub-part of London rather than Europe as a whole. It is too diverse. This is an area where England again has been very active and I think that many other countries increasingly realise that they also have to deal with these challenges. This is however a question way beyond my remit. You are talking about the whole of society rather than mental illness. The consequences are directly affecting mental health, and, again, the social determinants for health are relevant here but also the social stratification with nearly always immigrant groups, and particularly ethnic immigrant groups, at the very bottom living in unhealthy circumstances and having poor access to care with all the predictable consequences.

  Q214  Baroness Uddin: I understand that that may be well beyond your remit but does that remit belong to anyone?

  Dr Muijen: That is a very good question. The mental health remit belongs to me but I am talking about the social determinants of health. There I feel an ownership, but where I always get very nervous is when mental health specialists start giving advice on the economic running of a country because I probably do not know really what I am talking about.

  Chairman: I am sure you could have a good stab at it but I think we appreciate your ability to pick what you feel comfortable with in giving us your expert advice.

  Q215  Lord Moser: If I may turn to discrimination in the workplace, I find it very puzzling why the mental health strategy of WHO, and therefore the EU, covers learning disabilities. It is a field that I know a little bit about. I realise that people with learning disabilities need help; I am not questioning that. I also realise that mental health problems can cause learning disabilities, et cetera, but mental health is a big enough and confusing enough subject anyhow. Why throw in learning disabilities?

  Dr Muijen: We did not. That is actually a question which should be the other way round, and I will answer it in a moment as if it were the other way round. Learning disability is not included in the Helsinki Declaration and as far as I am aware it is also not included in the Green Paper. There are references to disability; I do not think there are references to learning disability, unless I am very wrong. I can certainly talk authoritatively about the Helsinki Declaration, which explicitly excluded learning disability.

  Q216  Lord Moser: When we asked last week's witness he strongly defended its inclusion.

  Dr Muijen: Who was this? In what? In Helsinki or in the Green Paper?

  Chairman: No, I think in the work that we are doing.

  Lord Moser: Perhaps Professor Knapp will be able to tell us.

  Q217  Chairman: In the Commission strategy.

  Dr Muijen: The Commission strategy is not something I am willing to take responsibility for, but based on this question, I actually read it through and it is not mentioned. The word "disability" is mentioned but it was mentioned as disability in the workplace.

  Q218  Lord Moser: Sorry to interrupt, but the Commission Green Paper does include it.

  Dr Muijen: I am surprised because it has never come up in any discussions, nor does it come up in the document itself. Can I answer it? What deeply embarrasses me is our lack of activity in relation to disability. That is probably a more important question. I am very ashamed about having no discernible activity in the area of learning disability when those are probably the people who suffer most in institutions in many of our Member States. Of course, the obvious follow-up question is why is there no activity, which is my lack of resources. I am working with three technical staff and two secretaries in 53 countries. I have to assist with the implementation of the Helsinki Declaration and two top priorities I cannot address, which are learning disability and dementia.

  Lord Moser: I am very happy with your reply about that. Professor Knapp can sort this out for us. Something is funny.

  Chairman: Thank you very much indeed. Discrimination in the workplace, Lady Gale.

  Q219  Baroness Gale: I think you have partly answered this in your earlier remarks about discrimination in the workplace. Do you think there is a need for some new anti-discriminatory legislation relating to mental health in the workplace? We know that many employers would not employ someone if they knew they had poor mental health. Do you think employers ought to have some sort of code of practice that they follow and do you know any examples of this good practice in Europe?

  Dr Muijen: The second half is easier than the first, but let me start with the first. To some extent I am always very reluctant to recommend legislation because first of all it needs to be enforced and secondly people look for ways of bypassing it. We can hardly recommend affirmative action to make you employ five per cent of your staff with mental illness because who is going to determine what mental illness is? What is more important is to offer support for people in the workplace, particularly supporting people to get back to work and stay at work, but, of course, prevention is highly relevant here. It is probably far more effective at the workplace to prevent high levels of stress rather than cure. I was asked a question not that long ago about why we do not give special protection to people with mental illness in the workplace, like giving them offices, to which my point was, "I am in quite a stressful situation because I am in an open space myself", and it is very difficult to come out with guidance which specifies protection to a relatively undefined group, like people suffering from stress. It seems to me that this is an area where general good practice is probably more important than specifically targeting a few people. With regard to people with diagnosed mental health problems it is a question of who to target. There are many examples of very good practice in several countries, such as ongoing support after people go back to work, job-seeking support, for example the clubhouse model but also the social club, particularly in Italy, which gives tax advantages if one employs a certain proportion of people with disabilities including mental illness, which is much appreciated by the people attending them. I have also seen excellent examples of modern forms of industrial workshops in countries such as Israel and France. At a national level legislation is more complex. It might well be by carrots rather than sticks that action will be most helpful, such as giving subsidies or tax breaks for good practice.


 
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