The approach of the United Kingdom
23. The Government's approach to Prüm might
be described as cautious. When Ms Ryan came to give oral evidence
we asked her whether the United Kingdom had been invited to take
part in the negotiations leading to the signature of the Prüm
Treaty when these first began, and if not, what steps the Government
took to be included in the negotiations. Ms Ryan told us that
the United Kingdom had indeed been invited to take part, but had
not done so. She did not suggest that the Government had thought
that such an agreement would be unlawful or even undesirable;
the reason she gave was that the draft Treaty contained provisions
which the Government found unacceptable.
24. We were perplexed by this reply, and pressed
the Minister to explain why, if there were provisions in the draft
which were unacceptable, the Government had not taken part in
the negotiations and attempted to have those provisions amended
or deleted when there was an opportunity to do so, rather than
waiting until the Treaty was signed. Ms Ryan was unable to give
us a satisfactory answer to this question, merely repeating her
original reply. (QQ 2, 6)
25. A Government taking part in treaty negotiations
is not bound to sign a draft treaty which emerges from these negotiations;
and if it does sign, is not obliged to ratify the treaty.[16]
It may have been likely that the negotiations on Prüm would
result in a draft acceptable to the majority of the Member States
taking part in those negotiations, but unacceptable to the United
Kingdom; but this was not, in our view, a reason not to take part
in those negotiations.
26. Once the Treaty was concluded without the
United Kingdom as a signatory, the question arose whether the
Government should attempt to accede to it. On 9 January 2006,
ten months before the Treaty entered into force, Paul Goggins MP,
then the Home Office Minister responsible, told us in a letter
to our Chairman that "the Government is currently considering
whether the UK should accede to the Prüm Treaty". Two
months later, on 14 March 2006, Baroness Scotland of Asthal, the
Minister of State at the Home Office, when asked by Lord Wallace
of Saltaire whether the Government proposed that the United Kingdom
should become a party to the Treaty, replied:
"My Lords, the Government are looking closely
at the Prüm Convention. No decision has yet been taken. We
expect to come to a preliminary view in the next few months."[17]
27. On 29 November 2006, when the Treaty was
already in force between three of the signatories, Ms Ryan told
the Sub-Committee inquiring into SIS II: "We believe there
are potential benefits for signatories to the Prüm Convention,
so we are looking at that very actively at the moment".[18]
And in evidence to this Committee on 19 December 2006 the Rt Hon
Geoff Hoon MP, the Minister for Europe, said: "The Government
is seriously considering signing up to the Prüm Convention
and intends to enter into formal discussions with the existing
signatories in the near future".[19]
28. In the space of a year four ministers
told us that the question of accession to Prüm was under
"close", "active" and "serious"
consideration. We do not understand why it should have taken so
long for the Government to conclude that there was at least one
provision of the Treaty to which the United Kingdom could not
agree.
Prüm: the way forward
29. The time for accession is in practice past.
It is now clear that Prüm was never more than a stepping
stone to an EU-wide instrument. The first clue can perhaps be
found in the Treaty's opening words:
"The High Contracting Parties to this Convention,
being Member States of the European Union,"
which make clear the capacity in which the Contracting
States are signing: not just as independent sovereign States,
but also as Member States of the EU.[20]
30. Article 1 explains the reason for this. Not
only is it open to any Member State of the EU to join the Convention,
but:
"Within three years at most following entry
into force of this Convention, on the basis of an assessment of
experience of its implementation, an initiative shall be submitted,
in consultation with or on a proposal from the European Commission,
in compliance with the provisions of the Treaty on European Union
and the Treaty establishing the European Community, with the aim
of incorporating the provisions of this Convention into the legal
framework of the European Union."
31. Schengen also started as an agreement between
a small number of Member States, impatient at the slow progress
of the EU (then EC), going forward at their own speed, secure
in the knowledge that if they could persuade enough others to
join, the rest would have to follow, so that eventually the provisions
they had agreed became part of EU law. The 1985 Schengen Agreement
said nothing at all about other Member States. The 1990 Schengen
Convention, implementing that Agreement, provided that "Any
Member State of the European Communities may become a Party to
this Convention", but said nothing about attempting to incorporate
it into EU law; it took another Treaty to achieve this.[21]
The Contracting States to the Prüm Treaty have been more
brazen about it, making their ambitions clear from the outset.
In the next chapter we explain how those ambitions are being pursued.[22]
3 In all four authentic texts (German, Spanish, French
and Dutch) it is called a Treaty. The official English translation
prepared by the Council (Document 10900/05) refers to it as the
"Prüm Convention", but the Implementing Agreement
between the seven Contracting States (Document 5743/07), for which
English is an authentic language, refers to it as a Treaty. The
draft Decision of 27 February 2007 (Document 6566/07), which is
agreed by the jurist-linguists, refers to it as the "Prüm
Treaty". Since this will be its title in any future instrument
for which English is an authentic or official language, this is
what we have called it in this report, except where we are quoting
documents which refer to it as a Convention. We have also sometimes
referred to it simply as "the Treaty", or just "Prüm". Back
4
On 17 October 2005, five months after the signature of the Treaty,
the President of the European Parliament admitted in his opening
speech at a meeting of the European Parliament and national Parliaments
that he had not heard of the Treaty. Back
5
The working of the SIS is fully explained in Chapters 2 and 3
of our recent report Schengen Information System II (SIS II)
9th Report, Session 2006-07, HL paper 49. SIRENE (Supplementary
Information Request at the National Entry) is explained in paragraph
55 of that report. Back
6
These provisions are not unlike the "hot pursuit" provisions
in Article 41 of the Schengen Convention, which apply to the Schengen
States but not to the United Kingdom or Ireland. Back
7
First pillar measures are those which have the EC Treaty as their
legal base. Third pillar measures are those which have as their
legal base Title VI of the Treaty on European Union: Provisions
on Police and Judicial Cooperation in Criminal Matters. Back
8
The Hague Programme, paragraph 2.1, agreed by the European Council
on 4-5 November 2004. Back
9
Document 13413/05, enclosing COM(2005)490 final. Back
10
The expression "civil registers" is not defined in the
Commission text. In a letter of 15 December 2005 to the House
of Commons European Scrutiny Committee Paul Goggins MP, then the
Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Home Office responsible
for these matters, said that this category of information was
included because of the value to law enforcement of access to
data which could identify or confirm who people were. He understood
that electoral registers and registers of births, marriages and
deaths were examples of registers held in the United Kingdom which
might be of this type (House of Commons European Scrutiny Committee,
Fourteenth Report of Session 2005-06, HC Paper 34-xiv). Back
11
Behind Closed Doors: the meeting of the G6 interior ministers
at Heiligendamm, 40th Report, Session 2005-06, HL Paper 221. Back
12
IP/C/LIBE/FWC/2005-08 Back
13
Research Fellow at the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS). Back
14
The Treaty of Nice amended Article 40 of the Treaty on European
Union (TEU), and added Articles 40a and 40b. Together these Articles
provide a way for Member States to establish enhanced cooperation
between themselves with "the aim of enabling the Union to
develop more rapidly into an area of freedom, security and justice".
The procedure is governed by Title VII of the TEU. It requires
an initiative of at least eight Member States. It is clear from
subsequent events that the seven signatories of the Prüm
Treaty would have had no difficulty in finding an eighth State
to join them if they had wished to use this procedure. In fact
it has never been used. Back
15
However in a second briefing note prepared for the LIBE Committee
in July 2006 (IP/C/LIBE/FWC/2005-22-SC2) Dr Balzacq argues that,
given that Articles 20-23 of the Prüm Treaty deals with issues
which ratione materiae fall within the Schengen acquis,
enhanced cooperation would not have been open to the signatory
States. Back
16
Perhaps the best example of this is the failure by the United
States to ratify the Kyoto Protocol. Signature of a treaty does,
in international law, involve an undertaking not to act in a manner
contrary to the aims of the treaty, but no more. Back
17
Official Report, 14 March 2006, col. 1098. Back
18
Schengen Information System II (SIS II), 9th Report, Session
2006-07, HL paper 49, Q602. Back
19
Evidence of the Minister for Europe on the Outcome of the December
European Council, 4th Report, Session 2006-07, HL Paper 31,
Q 25. Back
20
Dr Thierry Balzacq, briefing note prepared at the request of the
LIBE Committee of the European Parliament in January 2006. Back
21
Protocol No 2 to the Treaty of Amsterdam, integrating the Schengen
acquis into the framework of the European Union. Back
22
With the further enlargement of the European Union and the creation
of an increasing number of regional groupings, and groups like
the G6 not based on a geographical region, it is probable that
more initiatives of this type will be proposed. It remains to
be seen whether they would use the formal Treaty enhanced cooperation
procedure. Back