Memorandum by the National Union of Journalists
In order to keep this submission relatively
brief we will not repeat the points by the TUC however we generally
agree with and support the submission of the TUC on this issue.
The primary issues identified in this submission
are examined in a constructively critical manner with a view promote
the viewpoint of the NUJ that journalism matters in terms of democratic
development and social accountability, which require an objective
media to provide a well informed public with balanced news coverage.
We have identified key areas that are examined from the standpoint
of a critically constructive approach, looking at the manifestation
of various phenomenon in all sectors of the media, but especially
in newspapers and broadcasting.
The submission has identified keys such as:
1. An increasingly entertainment led media;
2. Shifts in social tastes;
3. The concentration of ownership;
4. Circulation decline in newspapers;
5. The rise of free newspaper titles;
6. Lower audiences for quality news provided
by broadcasting;
7. Cuts in editorial budgets;
8. A general reduction in democratic accountability;
9. The rise in the importance of the internet
as a source of information;
10. Rapid deployment of new technologies;
11. The emergence of 24-hour news;
12. The increasing use of user generated
content;
13. The decline of specialisation.
In investigating these developments we have
sought to draw out the importance of media ownership as a key
factor influencing all others, and thus having a greatly significant
impact on the quality, variety and objectivity of news and information.
Question 1. How and why have the agendas of
news providers changed? How has the content of news programmes
and newspapers altered over the years?
1. There is evidence to suggest that over
the last 50 years the news agenda in the UK newspapers in particular
and in broadcasting has become increasingly entertainment led.
This has meant that sport, show business, celebrity and leisure
coverage have become an increasingly important part of the content
of news. There has also been a major growth in the public relations
sectors of government and industry and these forces have emerged
as major players in the news industry.[4]
2. A number of factors are helping to drive
change. Partly things are driven by social tastes but others arise
from the sweeping away of almost all family ownership of local
newspapers and the rise in vast media PLCs.
3. The big PLCs see local newspapers only
as another business existing as a vehicle for profit making for
shareholders. This has transformed the traditional trade-off between
profits and the provision of service and need to engender a sense
of community in the areas they circulate in.
4. Crucially, this new ethos has allowed
company chiefs to take the decision to make deep cuts in editorial
budgetsespecially cuts in staff. Editors and senior editorial
staff have therefore had to become increasingly selective in how
they deploy their resources and make active decisions on what
issues are covered and which are not. For regional newspapers,
this has meant a widespread cutting back on formal reporting of
time consuming news opportunities such as Parliament, in the case
of national newspapers, and council committees, for local and
regional papers. Court copy has been scaled right back with news
desks preferring to send a reporter out only to specific cases
already known rather than have general coverage from the courts.
5. Scarcer editorial resourcesespecially
through repeated bouts of redundanciesbut with the same
pressures to fill the same number of pages with news, mean news
desks and reporters gravitate to "easier" stories. Rather
than cultivate in-depth contacts, reporters are encouraged by
their news editors to "knock out that press release"
to fill the required space on the page. Lack of time can mean
that instead of pursuing a rounded and balanced story with comment
from a number of sources, many journalists feel pressured to put
through their copy with unchallenged claims.
6. This has helped drive the steady growth
of the PR industry as companies and institutions seek to spin
favourable coverage by attempting to lead the news agenda against
a weakened editorial function. Government bodies, local authorities,
police forces[5]
etc have also significantly beefed up their public relations departments
to help deflect criticism and squeeze out unfavourable comment
on their institutions. This has placed barriers in the way of
journalists reaching deeper into organisations through well-placed
operational contacts.
7. This process has been increased by the
growth of quangos, privatisation and gradual reduction in democratic
accountability in public bodies. This process has been seen in
the public utilities and health service. An example of this aggressively
defensive posturing can be seen by the treatment of freelance
NUJ member Robin Ackroyd who was mercilessly pursued for his story
sources by Mersey Care NHS Trust until, after a battle for almost
eight years, it lost both at the High Court and at the Court of
Appeal before finally being refused further leave to appeal by
the House of Lords in July 2007. Had Mr Ackroyd not been supported
by his trade union, the National Union of Journalists, he would
not have been able to have his interests properly represented.
8. The Freedom of Information Act has been
a generally positive development, which has allowed news operations
to counter the spin culture, outlined above, and has led to a
healthy new source of reliable information. However, the Government
has made it clear it wishes to weaken these rights. In some cases,
use of the FoI has also been a substitute for more traditional
forms of investigative reporting and has masked its decline.
9. The demand by media groups for year-on-year
savings brought heavy redundancies among editorial workforces,
which were invariably among better-paid staff who were usually
the most experienced. This led to an erosion of the skills base
in many newsrooms.
10. As the drive for economies continued,
a new practice came into vogueturning evening regional
newspapers from same-day publications to ones created overnight.
Newsquest and Northcliffe groups but also Trinity Mirror at Coventry
have chiefly developed this. Major savings were achieved by eliminating
the need for a dedicated distribution network. In the case of
the former Coventry Evening Telegraph, the company said
it saved £400,000 annually from dispensing with its own van
drivers and losing the word Evening in the title. But the
move also changes editorial content. Live, breaking news is put
aside in favour of less time sensitive stories. Arguably this
reduces the impact of big, breaking local news stories in their
communities.
11. Technology has also served to change
news agendas. The prevalence of cameras in mobile phones and ease
of transmission electronically has allowed media firms to capitalise
on a potentially vast source of free content. Although bringing
a welcome chance for different forms of media to interact with
their audiences, it is inevitable that editors faced with cuts
to their staff numbers and budgets will consider boosting use
of this material to cover the gaps.
12. Related to this is the growth of the
Internet. While providing journalists with an excellent research
tool, it also offers journalists an easy source of stories. There
is the temptation to use this rather than seek out exclusive stories.
With no overarching national training scheme in place, some editors
will take on new recruits despite them having no formal journalistic
qualifications. Many of these workers may well go on to become
good journalists but without the grounding in the basics.
13. Finally, the rise of the free daily
paper has radically altered news agendas. The aim of newspapers
such as Metro, thelondonpaper and London Lite is
to reach a younger profile audience. Very little content is unique
but instead culled chiefly from agency copy and slickly packaged.
14. Patrick Edwards, a former assistant
night editor on the Metro has said that the "resources
are fairly light to say the least... the news team is very small
and a lot of the stories they rely on are either wire copy from
PA or from the internet. This kind of journalism is all about
making money and selling advertising. ...They are not encouraging
journalists to get out there and find genuine scoops. At best
they are just following up an angle on a story that they have
seen on the wire or on the internet, put in a couple of calls
and that's your job done."[6]
Such insights provide food for concerned thought as the free newspapers
increasingly replace more established newspapers as the staple
reading for millions of people.
15. Meanwhile, in the broadcasting sector
devolution has caused the major broadcasters to consider how they
represent the views of the nations of the UK. This comes about
partly as a consequence of the perception amongst many people
that broadcasters are too centred on the south east of England.
16. The advent of 24-hour news stations
on television has led to an explosion of news provision. Sometimes
news analysis is sacrificed in the rush to fill the ever-expanding
capacity.
17. User Generated Content has affected
the way all major broadcasters gather and transmit material. Whether
it is the first pictures of a train crash or video reports sent
in and by the public, these are changing the way organisations
behave. This empowering effect also throws up important questions
about issues such as accuracy and editorial standards.
18. Feedback via text message, MMS, and
email means that broadcasters have much more interaction with
the consumer, who in turn can have a greater impact on the programme
before, during and after transmission.
19. More generally, news content is changing.
Changes in broadcasting have, in turn, influenced newspaper content.
The news section in some broadsheet papers has changed to a few
long articles of analysisreaders may already have picked
up the facts and breaking stories on radio, 24-hour television
channels or on the internet. There seems to have been an expansion
in opinion, features and celebrity content. Agendas can be linked
to the paper's format: for example, the new free newspapers London
Lite and The London Paper have a distinctively "light"
news content and use newswires such as the Press Association.
There is more scope in the press (as opposed to broadcast media)
for campaigns, such as The Independent's campaign to stop
packaging, anti-war stance or green agenda. Arguably, such issues-based
journalism has gained ground in the broadsheets. A new editor
or political slant may affect news contentbut that has
been the case for some time.
Question 2. How is the way that people access
the news changing? The Committee is interested in national and
regional trends and figures for television, radio, newspaper and
on-line news consumption
20. Television remains the major source
of news for the UK population. It is perhaps still the most trusted
source of news, although this trust has been severely tested in
recent weeks and it seems that more and more people trust radio.
21. It is important that the levels of quality
and integrity that have produced trust in radio are maintained.
The regulation and ownership rules for commercial of radio are
currently the subject of consultation by Ofcom. There is concern
that the regulator will allow for a significant relaxation of
ownership rules. The NUJ has responded to this by arguing that
continued regulation in this area is essential to protect news,
local news in particular.
22. Nevertheless, evidence from Ofcom points
to the fact that for now, and for the foreseeable future, news
on the traditional channels will remain central to the experience
of UK citizens. In particular this research shows that, in spite
of the growth of the internet, the public continue to value highly,
locally produced TV news, and that the internet is very much a
supplement to traditional sources of news.[7]
23. Whilst Internet consumption of news
is rapidly expanding, it is not growing as fast as television
viewing (of news programmes) is declining. This presents major
difficulties for the broadcasters. The profile of typical viewers,
often excluding many younger people and those from ethnic minorities
indicates disengagement and it is possible to overestimate the
ability of the internet to fulfil democratic objectives, especially
as it is not universally available.
24. The growth of multi-channel outlets
has caused a splintering of the audience and this has had some
differing effects. The growth of multi-channel homes has encouraged
niche broadcasting which can to some extent cater for minority
audiences in a way that would not have been possible in a strictly
analogue world. However it is important the major PSBs continue
to deliver a wide range of programming which is properly funded
and available to all.
25. The BBC Trust in its recent report From
Seesaw to Wagon Wheel: Safeguarding Impartiality in the 21st Century
identified five themes; Convergence, Mobility, Personalisation,
On-demand and Participation. These are all significant factors
in accessing how the public access news and how the broadcasters
react in terms of the type and style of programmes they create.
26. It is difficult to pinpoint specific
figures for circulation and access. For instance a smaller local
paper may not have market research about its readership. The statistics
for websites vary, and may be tiny in comparison to the audited
circulation figures.
27. In general it is very clear that newspaper
circulation is in decline. In July 2007, amongst the national
newspapers all showed a decline, with the exception of the Financial
Times (up by 0.86%). Only the FT and the Guardian
recorded growths the year before, in the period from August 2005
to August 2006, indicating that in the context of overall circulation
decline, the specialist publication can maintain its strength
and even grow. Other publications fared less well, with the Daily
Record showing a fall of 6.53% and 7.77%; and the Daily
Mirror down by 5.75% and 5.54% over the same two year periodthe
biggest losers among the national newspapers. Meanwhile among
the Sunday nationals the titles worst effected were The People
(-13.22%) and the Sunday Times (-8.99%) over the year July
2006 to July 2007. The cumulative decline in 2005 showed a fall
over 10 and 20 years of 10.2% from 1995 and 16.6% from 1985 in
the circulation of national dailies, with Sundays down 12.4% and
23.8% respectively.[8]
28. But we should be cautious on how we
analyse them as newspapers are increasingly relying on readership
numbers done by sample polls of the population. These are showing
that more people are reading each copy of a paper. For instance,
the Birmingham Post claims to advertisers that seven people
read each copy sold.
29. Anecdotal evidence from distribution
enquiries suggests that people still miss the paper if it is not
delivered as normal. It also seems likely that "hard-to-reach"
groups, who are perhaps more disaffected and have no internet
access, would receive a free paper with door-to-door distribution,
thus perhaps enabling some of this group to achieve some level
of basic news provision. However, many would argue that this positive
aspect brought about by stronger emergence of free newspapers
is more than offset by the "dumbing down" of the news
that the strong position of such publications has created.
30. National titles, with the Telegraph
and Times leading the way, have been investing tens of
millions of pounds into their online presence and the introduction
of new work methods. No longer is there a single deadline at the
end of the day, it is replaced by 24-hour rolling news, podcasts,
blogs and other time variant forms of presentation. The Guardian
is still the UK's most popular newspaper website with 16.6 million
readers per month globally in July 2007, increased from 13.11
million on the previous year, with the Mail on 11.87 (up from
4.53 million in 2006) coming up from behind.
31. Equally, the regional newspaper sector
is rapidly embracing the internet, with the number of regional
press websites launched in 2006 up by 33% from 828 to 1,102, according
to the Newspaper Society's annual regional press survey.[9]
Question 3. How has the process of news gathering
changed? The Committee is interested in the process of news production,
the prioritisation of budgets and the deployment of journalistic
resources
32. In newspapers, especially at regional
level, tightly stretched newsrooms are now having to cope with
convergence. Journalists on regional papers are being switched
from print operations to video/podcast/web content, or having
to juggle the two. It is often done piecemeal and with little
training. It is slow and takes away journalists from their existing
work that then has to be done by a colleaguethus further
denuding reporting resources.
33. The redundancies, job losses and non-replacement
policies has hit weekly papers most. Looking at the Walsall
Observer as an anecdotal example. Twenty-five years ago that
paper had a total of nine editorial staff, including the editor.
Now it has one senior and one trainee. The editor is shared with
two other titles. It is part of what are called "friendly
frees" within the company, Midland Weekly Media, part of
Trinity Mirror. As such the paper largely regurgitates submitted
material and press releases with little or no challenge. The company
pioneered a system of "super editors" who now oversee
titles in three or four towns.
34. The cutbacks have left reporters often
unable to go out on a story to see the situation first hand. Instead,
they rely more on telephones and email which means stories involving
marginalised sections of the community are often unbalanced eg
those involving travellers, asylum seekers or residents on "sink
estates".
35. Also the use of quality photography
is being scaled back massively. The growth of professional PR
means good quality pictures are being submitted and used. But
this is at the expense of editorial judgment ie you publish what
you are given, not necessarily what you want.
36. At the Manchester Evening News
last year the entire photography department was axed. It now has
no staff photographers. Meanwhile, just as the positive results
the stronger emergence of "user generated" material
are clear, then equally, as has been noted earlier about the impact
of this type of material on the broadcasting sector, then we must
also note that in the newspapers the sheer amount of this material
(which is often actively and unnecessarily sought after) has also
put under threat the good quality of photographic coverage.
37. On the production side, newspapers are
looking to constantly trim the numbers of production journalists.
This can be through new technology, such as computer software
systems that generate template news pages or through creation
of "subbing pools" where sub-editing teams from two
or more sister papers are merged together. At the moment Trinity
Mirror is seeking to merge its Liverpool Daily Post
and Liverpool Echo editorial production with that of the
Huddersfield Examiner, its North Wales and Chester weekly
papers to save money by cutting out casual shifts and squeezing
overall numbers.
38. Meanwhile, in broadcasting, which is
a very rapidly changing sector, within the last ten years, many
significant changes have occurred which has affected the newsgathering
process.
39. Tighter budgets and competition have
had an impact that has often been less than positive. Reducing
budgets has impacted Mass audience broadcasting. At ITV in particular,
the `nominated news provider' process for determining the ITV
news contract has resulted in significantly reduced budgets for
national and international news on ITV. In 2001 A Sky-led consortium
bid to undercut the ITN bid resulted in a reduced budget for the
contract. 133 job losses at ITN were tabled as a result. Globally
at ITN job numbers have halved in the last 10 years.
40. This, in turn, results in a reduced
level of competition with the BBC and other terrestrial news providers.
In the light of the Communications Act 2003, the regulator now
only has minimal powers over the awarding and supervision of this
contract. Primary legislation should be introduced to strengthen
this area.
41. Although ITN have always been able to
"punch above their weight" it is now arguable whether
they can now provide effective competition with the BBC and if
they cannot this has implications for the democratic function
of broadcasting in the UK. Ofcom is now floating the idea of removing
all regulation in this area, in the belief that the market alone
will ensure sufficient competition, range and quality of national
and international news provision. This must not be allowed to
happen.
42. Staffing levels for television news
production have fallen across all broadcasters. This has occurred
for a variety of reasons. One influence has been the introduction
of new technology in terms of lightweight cameras and server-based
editing systems. Some organisations have developed a Video Journalist
(VJ) model. Using journalists to film as well as report with the
consequent reductions in specialist camera staff. This has effected
the style and range of programme items, both positively and negatively.
On the positive: side journalists can get closer to subjects and
the process is less intrusivewith less people and smaller
kit. On the negative, sometimes reduced staffing results in more
basic reporting. In an effort to see a tangible return on a very
high investment, one broadcaster for a time introduced a quota
system whereby a number of "packages" gathered by single
operation workers had to be included in the main nightly bulletin.
This could obviously influence the news agenda and in many cases
would cut across traditional editorial priorities.
43. Server-based editing systems have been
introduced at the many of the main broadcasters including the
BBC and ITV (local and national). This involves making material
available on computer desktops. Bringing editorial process out
of the editing suite and into the main newsroom. This removes
a layer of expertise (craft editors) and can have a negative impact
on quality.
44. Job cuts across all the main broadcasters
have or are likely to have a detrimental effect on quality and
the ability of the broadcasters to effectively compete. For example
job losses at ITV in 2003-04 included proposals to cut 175 job
at Meridian and 400 job cuts at Carlton in Birmingham and Nottingham.
Many of the job cuts were in the editorial area.
Question 4. What is the impact of the concentration
of media ownership on the balance and diversity of opinion seen
in the news? Does ownership have an impact on editorial priorities
and on news values such as fairness, accuracy and impartiality?
45. The ownership of newspapers has always
been linked to the nature of the opinion expressed therein. This
also applies to broadcasting, although in the UK the direct link
between opinion and ownership has been modified by rules on impartiality
and balance.
46. Historically public policy has assumed
that the democratic process is enhanced if citizens have access
to as wide a range of sources of news and opinion as is possible.
Concentration of ownership in the media increases the potential
for the narrowing of viewpoints by increasing the influence of
a select number of proprietors, narrowing the number of sources
available to the public, and by reducing the number of people
involved in decision making about what goes into the news. Given
the acknowledged importance of a variety of sources to the development
of healthy democratic debate in society, the narrowing of ownership
produces a situation where there is an increased potential for
the abuse of media power. It is not the fact of abuse that public
policy has been concerned with, but the potential for abuse. This
remains a potent reason for discouraging concentration of media
ownership, cross ownership within the media industries, and ownership
between the media industries and non-media industries.[10]
47. The success of broadcasting in the UK
has been rooted in the assumption that there is a need to separate
ownership from editorial. This echoes the idea that where ownership
and editorial are not separated, as in the press, the best results
can only be secured by encouraging diversity of media outlets.
UK policy since the mid-1980s has drifted away from these ideas,
and we are in danger of reaching a situation, such as that which
obtains in the USA or Italy, where concentration of ownership
has demonstrably corrupted the standards of public life. We consider
that the time is ripe to act to preserve the lifeblood of our
democracy; that is a diverse media, comprising as many different
outlets as possible and, where possible, those outlets conforming
to the highest, legally enforceable, standards of accuracy, and
fairness and, where appropriate, impartiality.
48. In the newspaper sector there is not
only concern about the lack in the plurality of news sources,
there is also concern about quality. Although the issues of plurality
and quality are often related to each other we believe that there
is a serious lack of mechanism that can monitor the quality of
news output.
49. Of particular concern is the trend of
selling titles to the highest bidder on a sealed bid basis, with
no explicit need disclose the identity of bidders, thus paving
the way for some level of public scrutiny of their suitability,
or to give commitments on service to the public, editorial quality,
and quality of coverage. What are essentially public services,
as is implicitly recognised, quite rightly, in the exemption of
newspapers from VAT, are sold off without transparency of proper
scrutiny.
50. An example of this can be seen with
the sale by Trinity Mirror (TM) of the Trinity Mirror South
group of newspapers and, currently underway, the sale of its Sports
Division.
51. As previously mentioned TM now widely
operates a system of pooled editorship and also of centralised
sub-editing and servicing. TM South has now been sold off into
separate units but TM maintains its role, at the moment, as the
provider of services, including that of sub-editing. This would
leave any smaller buyers totally reliant on the services of TM
in the future, without any definite alternative. The question
arises as to why TM should continue to ensure that level of service
is maintained at a high quality to what are essential, or what
could become, rival titles.
52. Other major groups, such as Northcliffe,
who already own titles that were previously competing with TM
for circulation and advertising revenue, have acquired many of
the titles. This development can only further serve to curtail
plurality and competition.
53. Other examples in recent years of sealed
bidding were the sale of national titles the Express and
the Telegraph.
54. In the case of the Telegraph,
the Barclay brothers appeared to have agreed a £250 million
sale to Conrad Black before the intervention of shareholders secured
more than double that price from someone who has now been convicted
of fraud. Such a total lack of transparency and the nature of
one of the individuals concerned in this particular case, begs
the question as to whether we can continue with a situation that
is primarily reliant on the integrity of individuals. The NUJ
strongly believes that a proper mechanism to ensure transparency
and quality must be constructed and put into place by the regulatory
authorities.
55. It is possible to argue that there is
no necessary link between ownership and the editorial position
of newspapers. This is true in theory and also, occasionally,
in practice. Yet the overwhelming evidence of history in the UK
and the USA, about which there is now ample documentation, shows
that ownership does impact on editorial opinion and issues of
fairness and accuracy.[11]
56. For example the BBC is a public body
in receipt of a licence fee. Historically its power over the provision
of news, that is, along with ITV, as one of only two suppliers,
meant that provisions were put into place to ensure that ownership
did not influence the editorial stance of news. The correct assumption
behind rules on impartiality and balance, and the ban on broadcasters
expressing opinions on matters of public controversy, was that
ownership did influence editorial and in this case steps were
taken to negate that influence. The press in the UK has prided
itself on its freedom to express the opinion of its proprietors
through the selection of news and editorials, and when, for instance,
there have been attempts to curtail the political and social excesses
that this freedom has entailed, the owners have lobbied successfully
to protect their freedom to print what they want.[12]
57. The most recent, and high profile, example
of the importance of ownership has been the career of Rupert Murdoch,
who has used his control over newspaper and broadcast outlets
to pursue his particular political and social agendas. Historically,
this is what most owners have done. The conservative bias of substantial
parts of the UK national press over the last 60 years has been
well documented, even if at times the actual electoral support
some of these have offered has shifted for tactical reasons, often
determined by the politics of the people running those papers.
But the swings of political orientation of the UK press over the
year is evidence of the continuing importance of ownership in
determining the editorial make up of papers.[13]
58. The competition commission is currently
looking at the acquisition by Sky of significant shares in ITV.
For precisely the reasons that are outlined above, the NUJ feels
this level of involvement is detrimental to the public interest.
59. Another important issue stemming from
ownership is the effect of profit maximisation on news supply
and gathering. Large companies, such as Trinity Mirror, have been
prepared to cut costs in order to improve profits. There has been
a 20% cut in editorial and production staff at Trinity Mirror
and a 31% cut at the Western Mail and Echo, since 1999. Yet profit
margins have been very high; 19% at Trinity and 38.2% at the Western
Mail and Echo in 2005.[14]
This inevitably has an impact on the ability of journalists to
cover news adequately and is usually, but not always, a consequence
of mergers or growth strategies, that seek to extract value from
assets rather than spend profits on maximising the quality of
the product. Profit maximisation as a central goal of ownership
has led to Ofcom arguing that in the future commercial public
service broadcasters will have no incentive to provide local news
programming, although it is not clear why profit maximisation
should be allowed as a valid reason for cutting these services.[15]
The NUJ can provide many more examples of contemporary concerns
amongst its members about the impact of such strategies on the
quality of news provision and on range and diversity of news provision
in local newspaper markets.
60. For instance out of five daily and weekly
titles serving the area near Wells, Somerset four are owned by
Northcliffe Newspapers: the Western Daily Press (morning),
Bristol Evening Post (evening), Mid-Somerset Newspapers
series (weeklies) and Western Gazette (weekly). The only
other title is the Somerset Mercury, a weekly owned by
Archant, the Norwich-based group. This near monopolistic position
has resulted in a lack of competition and has exempted the Western
Daily Press from regional pressure to provide quality news
in the field of high politics. It has instead preferred to concentrate
on more sensationalist and popular lightweight coverage, such
as campaigning to free bears kept captive in China for their bile,
while constitutional changes announced by the Prime Minister are
scarcely commented on at all. Thus we see yet another example
of "dumbing down"
61. In this context then, the aim of pubic
policy should be to promote a diversity of sources to prevent
too strong a concentration of voices in any one market, be that
defined as a geographical market, or a market for individual forms
of media, ie national newspapers. Too lax a policy can distort
the range and diversity of opinion available to the public.
Question 5. How should the public interest
be protected and defined in terms of news provision? Are the public
interest considerations set down for Ofcom in the Communications
Act 2003 enough to ensure a plurality of debating voices in the
UK news media?
62. The first question, as it relates to
newspapers and magazines can be answered in the following way.
The public interest will not be served by allowing further concentration
of ownership. It is therefore important to tighten rules on concentration
and cross ownership within and without the media industries. In
addition, there is a strong case for putting the regulation of
press standards on an appropriate statutory footing given the
failure of the PCC to maintain adequately standards of accuracy
and fairness in the press. This needs to be accompanied by giving
autonomy to editors, allowing them, in law, to pursue editorial
policies which they, not their proprietor, considers appropriate.
Equally, journalists must be protected, in their contracts, from
reprisals or dismissal, for refusing to breach professional codes
of practice. In addition, the government could encourage more
co-operative forms of newspaper ownership, or forms based on Trust
structures, thereby diversifying the forms of ownership.
63. The Communications Act of 2003 contains
obligations requiring Ofcom to ensure that commercial public service
broadcasters include in their services news "of high quality"
that deals "with both national and international matters".
It also requires that news be "presented with due impartiality"[16]'
The BBC is also committed in law and as an organisation to impartiality
and has recently produced a report reaffirming this commitment.[17]
These provisions and commitments should be maintained.
64. While it is the NUJ's contention that
the regulation of television news and current affairs should continue
for all Public Service Broadcasters (PSBs). We would also argue
that this should be extended by PSB status being be conferred
on those willing to commit to a range of PSB programming, in particular
news and current affairs. In order to address the financial issues
pertinent to providing regional and local news on commercial television,
financial incentives should be awarded to the broadcasters in
return for fulfilling PSB objectives. A new system in a post analogue
world can be devised which maintains the essential plurality,
which exists at present. This new system will require effective
regulation and new primary legislation. We would be pleased to
elaborate on our views in this area. Our position will be further
outlined in our response to Ofcom's news review.
65. Ofcom[18]
has raised the spectre of the need to relax rules on impartiality
amongst some broadcasters, in order to allow a greater diversity
of views. But you only need to promote more sources of news, all
committed to impartiality, but all coming from slightly different
perspectives to encourage diversity. You do not have to remove
the important obligation to impartiality, or water it down.[19]
But, the argument goes, in an age of multiple sources in the digital
world, impartiality is impractical. The answer to this is that
in an age of multiple sources the need for trusted sources which
are required to do as good a job as they can to be impartial increases.
All companies that transmit news on UK licensable services should
continue to be obliged to fulfil obligations to impartiality in
the future. Linked to the view that impartial news will not be
needed in the digital era, is the view that local news programming
will no longer be affordable on commercial TV in the future. Again,
this is not inevitable, and in fact in the future the need for
reliable, comprehensive, trusted public service local news on
TV and the net, is even more important than it ever was, and companies
that have privileges afforded by public service status should
be obliged to spend money on local news and information services.
66. Ofcom has a duty as part of the regime
surrounding mergers to attend to the "need for... a sufficient
plurality of views in newspapers in each market in the United
Kingdom".[20]
This could be strengthened by ensuring that `sufficient' is more
closely defined to include `three or more' owners of papers in
the local press, with local referring to fixed geographical limits.
In addition the Act could be strengthened to disallow ownership
of more than one national newspaper by any one company. The presumption,
in the interests of democratic plurality, has to be that ownership
by one or a very few companies of media in given geographical
market or sector (ie, radio, TV) is not desirable; steps should
be taken to develop policy along these lines after careful consultation
with the industry and the trade unions. If this were not possible,
then one way of ensuring plurality where ownership is relatively
concentrated, in broadcasting or the press, is to establish an
iron wall between ownership and editorial via legal safeguards
in all forms of outlet for editorial independence. We have a model
for this in the way we organise journalism within public service
broadcasting.
3 September 2007
4 J Curran and J Seaton, Power Without Responsibility
(London, Routledge, 2003, 6th edition): 93ff for evidence of the
increasingly entertainment led focus of newspapers. The activities
of the public relations industry are ably monitored by the organisation
Spinwatch at: http://www.spinwatch.org/ Back
5
Dr Rob C Mawby, Police Service Corporate Communications: A Survey
of forces in England, Wales and Scotland, ESRC, 2007 http://www.lhds.uce.ac.uk/criminaljustice/docs/Microsoft_Word__APPRO_2006_reportappendix_070607.pdf Back
6
Press Gazette, 31 August 2007. Back
7
For figures see: Ofcom, New News, Future News. The challenges
for television news after Digital Switch-over, (London, Ofcom,
2007). Back
8
Steven Barnett, Reasons to be Chearful, British Journalism
Review, Vol 17, No 1, 2006. Back
9
Mark Sweeney, Regional papers join the online rush, Guardian
Unlimited August 30 2007. Back
10
These and other normative reasons for having policies that limit
media ownership and promote diversity of ownership are fully developed
in Professor C Edwin Baker's Media Concentraton and Democracy.
Why Ownership Matters (Cambridge University Press, 2007). Back
11
For the USA studies abound. See, R McChesney, Rich Media, Poor
Democracy. Communication Politics in Dubious Times (New York,
New Press, 2000); Baker, op cit has many more examples. Back
12
A Bingham, Drinking in the Last Chance Saloon: The British Press
and the Crisis of Self-Regulation, 1989-1995, Media History 13.1
(2007): 79-92. Back
13
Curran and Seaton, op cit; J Thomas, Popular Newspapers, the Labour
Party and British Politics (London, Routledge, 2005). Back
14
A Williams and B Franklin, Turning Around the Tanker. Implementing
Trinity Mirror's Online Strategy, (Cardiff School of Journalism,
Media and Cultural Studies, 2007) available at: http://www.cardiff.ac.uk/jomec/en/pubs/200/376.html?printable=Y Back
15
Ofcom, op cit: para 150. Back
16
Communications Act 2003, 279(1)(a), 319(1)(c). Back
17
BBC, From Seesaw to Wagon Wheel. Safeguarding impartiality in
the 21st Century (London, BBC 2007). Back
18
Ofcom, op cit page 11. Back
19
After the repeal of the Fairness Doctrine in 1987 in the USA:
"According to a study conducted by MAP and the Benton Foundation,
25% of broadcast stations no longer offer any local news or public
affairs programming at all (Federal Communications Law Journal,
5/03)... . The most extreme change has been in the immense volume
of unanswered conservative opinion heard on the airwaves, especially
on talk radio." S Rendall, The Fairness Doctrine. How
we Lost it and why we need it back, Fair 12 February 2005,
available at: http://www.commondreams.org/views05/0212-03.htm Back
20
Communication Act 2003 375 (1) (2B). Back
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