Select Committee on Communications Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 940 - 959)

WEDNESDAY 21 NOVEMBER 2007

Mr Andrew Marr and Mr Dominic Lawson

  Q940  Chairman: But it has always been thus, has it not? The point that you are making, I think, is not that the newspaper is trying to get advertising into it. When I started my short journalistic career on The Times I started on something called special supplements, and there were special supplements which were literally written for the advertisers. The difference was that they were obviously marked in that way.

  Mr Lawson: Exactly so.

  Q941  Chairman: The point you are making is a different one; that the advertising is going into the editorial?

  Mr Lawson: Yes.

  Mr Marr: Could I very briefly add on to that? One of my great rows at the Independent was about wraparound, where there was a fashion, for instance, for the advertiser effectively doing the front of the newspaper, which was then stapled to the front of the newspaper, which we resisted desperately. But Dominic is absolutely right—it is creeping in everywhere in a way that it did not before.

  Chairman: Lord Inglewood.

  Q942  Lord Inglewood: Listening to the two of you, it seems to me that being an editor of the kinds of papers that you have edited has more in common probably with being the manager of a football club than almost any other profession.

  Mr Lawson: I think it is a brilliant analogy and I think that is where you see that the good groups appoint a manager and leave them to get on with it. And you see the slightly less good football clubs who halfway through a season ditch the manager and get someone else, whereas with Manchester United Ferguson had a tricky start to begin with but they stick with it and it works out okay. I think it is a very accurate analogy.

  Q943  Lord Inglewood: In the way that the best managers probably operate—and it is something we heard from other witnesses we have spoken to, both in this country and abroad—you start, if you are a proprietor, by trying to identify what the paper is all about and having an editor who is then put in position, and it is really a failure, is it not, if we get the kind of stand-off that, for example, you touched on where the proprietor comes and says, "I want this story put in," because you are trying to create an environment where there is no need for these things actually to be said in such a precise and expressed way—it is all part of the culture of the editorial/managerial relationship that everybody is going in the same direction. Is that right?

  Mr Lawson: That is pretty much right.

  Q944  Lord Inglewood: Then the difficulty, it seems to me, is sometimes to identify what it is they are trying to do. What is success for the proprietor?

  Mr Marr: Status, partly.

  Mr Lawson: Yes. It is a very odd thing because again it is a slightly general question but proprietors of newspapers typically pay much more for them than they were worth commercially. The Barclay Brothers paid £615 million for The Telegraph Group, which is probably twice what it is worth. So clearly there is more to it than commerce. If you were only motivated by commerce you would not pay that sort of sum of money; you would put it in a bank, which would be much more sensible; they would get a much better return at any building society, even Northern Rock. So there clearly is more to it; it is a very intangible thing. However, I do not think it is a bad thing because the press barons put far more money into newspapers than, if you like, a group of accountants ever would and we, the editors, have had much bigger train sets to play with, much more fun and much more opportunity. If you look at The Times, for example, Murdoch has probably been losing £50 million a year on The Times for quite a number of years and it has a very big foreign bureaux and it covers things in a very expensive way. If you had a man who had previously produced widgets who went in there and said, "I will do that" it would be a much smaller paper; it would have much smaller resources; it would see journalists as costs rather than as assets and it would probably be less good. So although you can point to various things about press barons and say, "Is it right that someone should have this amount of potential political power?"—and I understand the question—actually for the British newspaper industry, and you think of Beaverbrook and what happened there or the Rothermeres with the Mail, they produced something which is far bigger and far more successful, I suspect, in the long term than if it were left in the hands of people who otherwise were just looking at the bottom line and nothing else.

  Q945  Lord Maxton: The football analogy could apply to that as well.

  Mr Lawson: Yes.

  Q946  Lord Inglewood: Just to go back to the relationship between the editor and the owner, when things go wrong do owners, proprietors endeavour to undermine the editor?

  Mr Marr: Yes, absolutely.

  Q947  Lord Inglewood: You touched on it. Also by getting at their immediate subordinates, who are ostensibly part of the editor's team, and to try to make them disaffected and so on?

  Mr Marr: Yes, any editor in trouble picks up the media pages and finds the little snippets about them, rumours about their successor not quite but almost denied by somebody in management.

  Q948  Baroness Thornton: This happened to you, did it not?

  Mr Marr: Yes, and probably rightly so I hasten to add! I am not complaining particularly. There is no doubt that there are many ways that an editor can have pressure placed upon him or her, but it tends to happen when there is trouble. We see, not just in The Telegraph Group but across a lot of British newspapers now, quite a fast turnaround of editors and I think that is because the entire industry is under such pressure and you have managements all over the place scratching their heads and thinking, "Maybe there is a cleverer way of doing this; maybe if I put X or Y in they have a magic touch." But the truth is that apart from being—Dominic mentioned the word "fun", which is the crucial word here—fun for the proprietors and it is an enormously enjoyable fun job to do as editor, it is also quite a hard job if it is done well, and people need time to learn about the culture, to absorb it and to make some mistakes. I agree with Dominic, I think that is not happening very much at the moment.

  Q949  Chairman: You said almost immediately, when asked about the motivation for being an owner, status.

  Mr Marr: Absolutely, yes. Of course it is not the only motivation, but if you look at the Independent it is also losing shed loads of money and why does Tony O'Reilly stick with an organisation losing shed loads of money when he can make huge amounts of money with Waterford Crystal and all sorts of other businesses around the world? Part of the reason, let us be honest, is that when he comes to town he goes to see Gordon Brown, and when Gordon Brown announced that he was not going to hold an election after all who was staying at Chequers? Rupert Murdoch. These are people and the like whose lives are enriched by knowing Prime Minister after Prime Minister, Chancellor after Chancellor, who are waited on with great respect when they arrive in London by the political figures of the day, and of course that is part of it.

  Q950  Chairman: But that is only part of it, is it not, because presumably Mr Murdoch also thinks he has influence, not just status?

  Mr Marr: Absolutely.

  Q951  Chairman: In your experience which of the newspapers at the moment have real clout, have real influence in a political sense in this country?

  Mr Marr: Most of them have some influence. For instance, on some parts of the landscape the Telegraph has huge influence on the way the Conservative Party conducts itself and the authority of the current Conservative leader of the day and so forth; and the same would be true of the Daily Mail. I think the papers which have most influence are the ones which appear to be still debating how they are going to jump. So at the moment certainly the Mail and The Times would be the papers I would have suspected of maximum influence because you can see the war being fought out by Brownites and anti-Brownites and Cameroons and traditional Conservatives taking place in those papers on a daily basis, and you can follow the front line column by column and letter by letter and so of course they are the papers which politicians want to influence most.

  Q952  Chairman: But they are not necessarily the biggest circulation, although the Mail has a good circulation. What about the Sun? It, after all, won the 1992 election, so they said—

  Mr Marr: So they said.

  Q953  Chairman: ... for the Conservative Party.

  Mr Marr: Yes, the Sun is also important but, for instance, the Sun seems to have pretty much chosen which way it is going the next time, looking at it—it does not seem to me to be a Brownite newspaper for much longer—whereas it is harder with some of the other papers.

  Q954  Lord Maxton: Mr Lawson said that he thought it was a good thing that politicians were frightened of the media. In your book you do not actually agree with that, do you?

  Mr Marr: Me?

  Q955  Lord Maxton: Yes.

  Mr Marr: I take the view that—I can say this in this room at least—being elected is the most important thing. If you are in a parliamentary democracy being elected is what ultimately gives you authority and I do argue that sometimes as a trade we get above ourselves, and I do not think the politicians should be frightened but I do think you need vigorous places where politicians are pressed, mocked, put under pressure about what they have been doing and so on.

  Q956  Lord Maxton: Should that not be by their constituents?

  Mr Marr: In theory but the constituents are too busy playing football or earning a living usually.

  Q957  Chairman: In both your views are politicians, ministers and Prime Ministers frightened of the press? Are they concerned about the press?

  Mr Marr: More often than not far too much. It is no secret that John Major, for instance, was ridiculously thin skinned about the press; he would phone me up when I was a relatively humble columnist and complain about other columnists and you would think, "This is the Prime Minister, there are other things to be doing." Tony Blair was certainly very aware; he was always able to project this cheeky half-smile and did not appear to be so worried, never got angry and all the rest of it, but he certainly knew very, very closely what was being said about him by whom.

  Q958  Chairman: It is not quite that, it is changing one's policies because you know that that is going to coincide with the view of the newspaper or the proprietor. Mr Lawson.

  Mr Lawson: I think there is a risk in over-estimating the influence of the press. My impression is that people are not influenced by what goes in leader columns. I bet you could write two leader columns saying completely the opposite thing on two successive days and hardly anyone would notice.

  Q959  Baroness Thornton: And indeed they do!

  Mr Lawson: Yes. And whether the Sun backs Labour or Conservative I would think it is quite marginal. I hate to admit it but I think that politicians do overestimate the influence of the press. I think that people are not led by the nose by the press, and I think it is much more marginal than they sometimes imagine.

  Mr Marr: Having said which, in a thought experiment if the three or four most important proprietors happened to be passionately Europhile and in favour of the Euro I suspect we would be in the Euro. There is a complicated relationship between genuine independent public opinion, the media and the political class.

  Mr Lawson: I do not want to get into an argument on this, but if you remember the entire British press, with the exception of the Spectator he said very conceitedly when he was an editor, said that we were right to enter the ERM when we did—the entire British press, the entire establishment—and something happened during the process which turned everything around. So I think that the Euro phobia of the British press is more recent than people imagine. The Mail was not Europhobic before then—it really was not. It really changed dramatically—


 
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