Select Committee on Communications Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 1320 - 1339)

WEDNESDAY 9 JANUARY 2008

Ms Jocelyn Hay, Professor Ivor Gaber and Mr John Clark

  Q1320  Baroness McIntosh of Hudnall: On this question of influence, could I go back to the point that was raised about the influence of advertisers. We have raised this question with one or two regional news organisations and they have consistently said to us that this influence does not prevail; that a fear of offending advertisers, as it were, does not affect editorial policy. You have said there are straws in the wind but do you have any evidence that this is going on?

  Ms Hay: I have an example from independent local radio from a few years ago. A personal contact of mine, a friend of mine who was a programme controller of a local radio station, took up and featured a feature on car servicing. This was a generic programme, if you like, about garage scams which went out on his local radio station. One of their local garage advertisers took it personally and objected strongly and that controller was brought in and told, "You will never, ever do this sort of thing again." It was the last straw as far as he was concerned, and he handed in his resignation. It is difficult for me in public to give the name and chapter, but I have the name.

  Q1321  Chairman: How many years ago was that?

  Ms Hay: It was some years ago. Off the top of my head, I cannot remember, but it was probably ten years ago. It is an indication of how subtle pressure can be brought to bear. It is not so much about the overt side, which is obvious, but this economy with the truth, if you like: things not done which might be done, because they might offend.

  Q1322  Bishop of Manchester: Professor Gaber, you mentioned earlier, as an example, the effect of Fox on CNN. I know it is abroad but, nevertheless, you did raise it as an example. I wonder, without going into too much detail, if you could give a specific example.

  Professor Gaber: I cannot give you a specific example because it was across the range of outputs. CNN, I think most commentators on the broadcast scene of the United States would agree, was seen, firstly, to move its agenda rightwards and to adopt a more "patriotic" tone. It all started with the so-called war on terror: CNN started to wear the US flag—this they had not before; they started to use a strap line very similar to Fox's. For example, they used to have an environmental programme—and when this began, four or five years ago, the environment was still seen as a progressive, left of centre issue in American political discourse. They dropped their environmental programme. I think most observers would accept that CNN shifted in order to try to counteract Fox. In fact, it lost viewers. There is also an argument, that I would be less confident in making, but which others have made, that the American networks themselves, CBS, NBC and ABC, also shifted their agenda in response to Fox. Fox is now the most watched television news channel in the United States.

  Q1323  Baroness Thornton: Could we turn to some questions which are about defining public interest. In your evidence, in terms of news provision, you mention four criteria with which we are all familiar: universality of provision, impartiality, plurality and diversity. Could you discuss with us which of these you think is under the most threat in the current broadcasting environment?

  Professor Gaber: At the moment, I think plurality is. There is no immediate change in terms of the terrestrial suppliers—but in terms of the 24-hour news markets, we are now down to two news suppliers. We did have ITV. ITN could not sustain in the ferocious competitive environment in which it found itself. Diversity is a constant issue. Is it to some extent being solved by the Scottish news and current affairs provision being separate? I am not sure. For me personally it is the plurality issue. Again it is potential. We are talking about potential threats, apart from the ITN 24-hour news.

  Ms Hay: Might I add to that our concern about radio and independent radio. There are threats to the diversity and plurality of news on independent radio particularly. We are concerned about the cutbacks, of course, in ITV with its regional news. There is a fear that it could only be the BBC that could be left to provide that kind of news. IRN is a case in point, where the newsrooms have been cutback, so the resources are not there, and nor is the plurality.

  Q1324  Baroness Thornton: Which of the four criteria we have accepted do you think requires the greatest degree of regulatory intervention to protect the public interest?

  Professor Gaber: There is a problem in answering a question like that. As soon as one says "This one" it gives a downgrading to the others. It is a bit difficult to choose in that sense, because it seems to me that they are a thread, they hang together. If you do not have all four working, it is difficult to claim that you have the public service news service for which one would argue.

  Q1325  Baroness Thornton: Do you think the regulatory environment recognises that?

  Professor Gaber: The current regulatory environment?

  Q1326  Baroness Thornton: Yes. Does it recognise that all four hang together and deliver that?

  Professor Gaber: Good question.

  Q1327  Baroness Thornton: It is not an exam question.

  Professor Gaber: No.

  Mr Clark: In a way, one could perhaps put diversity at the top of the pile because it would then bleed down into virtually everything else which is there. Without the diversity, you are not going to have the impartiality and you are not going to have the universal use. You may have the universal access but you are not going to have the universal use. The regulatory environment certainly does not work well for diversity at the present time. For example, if you take the Ofcom Content Board—and I have yet to hear them make a pronouncement on content—it does not seem to meet that particular need. But, as Ivor says, they all do link together and it is very difficult not to downgrade one.

  Q1328  Baroness Howe of Idlicote: Just going back to some of the earlier points you were raising about the citizen-consumer `merger', public interest and so on which you have set out very clearly in your evidence to us—the fact that the public interest test is contained in the 2003 Act and Ofcom has operated a general orientation towards deregulation and marketisation, and that is a very commercial type of construction—could you be a little more specific really about why you think their duty to promote competition in the interests of consumers really rules out the citizen; not least in the light of the fact that Ofcom have repented to some extent and have now agreed to keep the citizen and consumer separate? They see a commonality of interests in some respects but not in others. Are you as worried about that as you were before?

  Ms Hay: It has taken them three years to do that. It has—and we still have some concerns about it. The point is that it is so much easier to deal with the consumer interest, which involves value for money and much more measurable aspects of the world, than the citizenship side, which deals with a lot of fuzzier issues, like citizenship and democracy and culture in which the benefits are much more difficult to quantify. It does seem that Ofcom is

  acting much more as an economic regulator. We are very pleased that Ofcom has now recognised, for instance in the issue of children's programming, that there is a deficiency there and there needs to be a public interest intervention, and that on the news side there is a public interest which is not necessarily easily quantifiable in monetary terms, and the fact that they have brought forward their public service review. But when we talked to Ofcom—the meeting we had last year with the Content Board—they said they were powerless to do it, that the Act did not give them the powers to impose positive requirements. Yet when we look at the Act in regard to news, section 279, clause 600, does require Ofcom to include conditions in the licence of all public service channels in order to secure that programmes included in those channels include news and current affairs programmes, so there is a positive obligation on Ofcom here to provide news and to see that it is provided. The difficulty is providing the financial means for the broadcasters to do it in a much more competitive world. One of the suggestions we had was for tax breaks.. Perhaps one of my colleagues would elaborate on that.

  Professor Gaber: It is very much a back-of-an-envelope thought but, when we were discussing and thinking about positive measures rather than negative, it occurred to us that there is a case to discuss, the possibility of encouraging the maintenance of public service news (as I will call it for shorthand). That is in order to encourage what were the terrestrial broadcasters, ITV, Five and Channel 4, to continue to show high quality news in peak time they could perhaps be offered some tax breaks on the amount of money they spend on news. We are building on the old ITN model. ITN was subsidised by the ITV companies to provide news. That has now ceased. There were severe concerns about ITN and the quality of its output a couple of years ago. I have to give credit and say the ITV companies have started to turn that around and the quality of ITN I think is recovering quite significantly, but I think in the longer term there is a real problem. To come back, Lady Howe, to your original question about citizenship: particularly looking at the issue of the under 25s, and perhaps even the under 34s, and the ethnic minorities—they are all avoiding news in vast numbers (if vast numbers can avoid something)—we need to work out how do we reach those groups. One way is to encourage the main channels to put out news which is going to reach them, which will not necessarily meet any commercial tests, and that does require subsidy. We are not arguing for direct government subsidy but we do think there might be a case for looking at tax breaks as a way of encouraging news output after DSO.

  Q1329  Baroness Howe of Idlicote: Surely if there is a duty, as you have spelt out, in the Act itself, Ofcom has the power to decide how it spends its revenue. Is there not a case for trying to ensure that it spends rather more of its revenue on some of the things that you are talking about?

  Professor Gaber: We are quite keen to look at carrots rather than sticks.

  Q1330  Baroness Howe of Idlicote: We all are.

  Professor Gaber: We would like Ofcom to find positive ways. Secondly, I have to say that the track record of Ofcom in intervening in terms of programme content is not hugely encouraging.

  Q1331  Chairman: You would prefer your incentive method to the other popular view, which is that you top-slice the licence fee.

  Professor Gaber: Top-slicing the licence fee raises all sorts of other issues which relate to the future of the BBC, the structure of the BBC, so, yes, remaining neutral on top-slicing for the purposes of this debate I think it is more attractive. We have had all sorts of tax breaks in the past. ITV has had significant tax concessions. I think it is quite an attractive option.

  Mr Clark: I would just add: Keep the commercial element commercial.

  Q1332  Baroness Bonham Carter of Yarnbury: You were talking about tax breaks. Ofcom, of course, is suggesting that they are going to charge for spectrum once digital switchover happens. I was wondering what your response to that is.

  Ms Hay: That is going to put the broadcast companies into a very difficult position vis-a"-vis the big telecoms and other companies and the big multinationals. It is going to mean it will be very difficult for the smaller companies to compete in that market, so we are not in favour of that kind of move from Ofcom. It is a separate debate, but certainly there are many public interest issues here which have not been fully thought through. It is too simplistic, again, here: Ofcom coming in as an economic regulator, relying on finance, but where are the smaller companies going to get the money? It is going to put them in competition.

  Q1333  Lord Maxton: I am slightly concerned about this whole argument. I am old enough to remember when the only news was the BBC news on the radio, and then on the television. We live in a much more diverse television news world. We live in a world which will be even more diverse in 2012, for everybody, because there will be new services which are not national but international. We also live in the internet world, and the next stage will be the internet controlled on your television, not on your computer. That will give you an enormously diverse range of news. People will also get the news on a variety of different devices, so you do not have to go home and sit in front of your television set to find out what is happening in the world. Do we not live in a much more diverse world rather than one which is limited in the way you have suggested?

  Ms Hay: We do. I was going to come on to this in response to Lady Howe's question. It is terribly important that we have those outlets and use those delivery methods as well, but it is the preparation of the news that goes out on those, the content, that is so important. In the future diverse world that is going to be increasingly important, because all sorts of other biased and partial sources of news will be coming from all over the world, but what do you have to balance against them unless we have quality news in this country? Someone has to produce that and that will take resources.

  Professor Gaber: I totally agree with what you have stated but the evidence we have from news consumption in this country and the United States is that consumers or citizens or viewers or listeners still prefer to go to news sources on which they can rely. You only have to look at the popularity of BBC News online or the Guardian or the Times online to show that even in a diversity of outputs people will tend to go to those outlets with which they feel secure. Whilst we are going to be in a multi-platform environment, I do think the big news suppliers will remain the big news suppliers, whoever is carrying the news for them.

  Q1334  Lord Inglewood: I should declare an interest as a patron of VLV, which I am very pleased to be. In response to the last remark Ms Hay said that what mattered was that in the UK there should be a core of quality news. Does that mean that the VLV is approaching this from the perspective that, as long as we retain the core in this country, the rest is less important? Are you suggesting to us that policy in this country should be that we should have a core of quality news provision or that the news provided in this country all should be of quality?

  Ms Hay: I am suggesting here that certainly the principal outlet should be of quality and by impartiality rules. I think that includes all our main sources. When you are into an internet world—and I am speaking off the top of my head now—you cannot control every person that puts out news or blogs or whatever else, all of which in future will be part of the media scene, it is difficult to do that. Nor can you control the sources that are coming into the UK on the internet. We will be in a much more diverse world, so it is increasingly important from that perspective that we have something against which to measure it. Does either of my colleagues want to add to that?

  Professor Gaber: I agree.

  Q1335  Lord Corbett of Castle Vale: Could we turn to the role of the Secretary of State in media and mergers. In paragraph 4(b) of your written evidence you say that there are circumstances where the Secretary of State, when taking a decision whether to make a reference, could have some kind of conflict of interest. Can you explain how this might occur?

  Professor Gaber: Yes, and then let me give you the solution. Let me give you an inappropriate example, the immediate one in recent years of the BBC. I know we are talking Ofcom and not the BBC, but it is a good example. We could go back to Death on the Rock with Thames, but the BBC example is more fresh in our memory. This is no reflection on the then Secretary of State, who I think acted extremely correctly, but, nonetheless, with the BBC and the Government in direct conflict about a major issue, about weapons of mass destruction, had, at that moment, a media merger issue arisen which involved the BBC—which obviously it would not because we are talking about newspapers and television—then one would have said that the Secretary of State was in a very difficult position to make an objective judgment, given the cauldron that was boiling. Clearly it could arise with newspapers, a newspaper hostile or supportive of the Government, involving a merger and so forth. We did consider this and we thought the Secretary of State clearly, politically, needed a role. This would be a big political decision. But we also thought there might be a case for suggesting that he or she acted on the recommendation of perhaps a joint panel, of perhaps this Committee and its opposite number, the DCMS Select Committee in the Commons, which could take a broader view, would be less government dominated and, if it came to the crunch, after having gone through the process, could make the recommendation to the Secretary of State whether they vetoed or approved a particular media merger. We think that would reflect a wider democratic consensus, if you like, about the appropriateness or otherwise of the proposed merger.

  Chairman: A marvellous idea!

  Lord Corbett of Castle Vale: You have done very well, Professor, you have also answered the question I had not yet asked.

  Q1336  Baroness Howe of Idlicote: In your evidence you mention the Ofcom Consumer Panel as being an objective area. Would they not be seen as a little bit too close to Ofcom itself?

  Ms Hay: The Ofcom Consumer Panel seems to be doing very good work on behalf of the consumer but they will not touch anything to do with content. When we have tried to take content matters to them they have said, "No, that is not our role. We are the Consumer Panel." They have done some excellent work on telecoms and other things. I am delighted that they have at last made a recommendation about that. Their final recommendation under their former chairman was to recommend that Ofcom do something about children's television. It is the first time, I think, they have made any comment on content at all. Under their previous chairman they seemed to be pretty independent in their rulings on consumer issues.

  Baroness Howe of Idlicote: I would certainly agree with that.

  Q1337  Chairman: Professor Gaber, to go back, the essential point you are making is that the Secretary of State's involvement can also involve a conflict of interest.

  Professor Gaber: Potentially, yes. There are circumstances one can envisage.

  Q1338  Chairman: That applies under any government.

  Professor Gaber: Yes.

  Ms Hay: The media is so important politically—in the things which come up just before an election, for instance. Particularly now, where you have concentrated cross-media ownership of newspapers and radio stations and television stations, there is, again, huge potential for subtle, behind-the-scenes pressure.

  Q1339  Baroness McIntosh of Hudnall: Extending this out a bit, I would like to ask you a couple of questions about the complexity of the regulatory environment, which is an issue which is quite topical just now, since this pertains in other areas apart from here. Do you think there are problems that arise from having four bodies involved in regulating the media markets? If you think there are problems, can you see any immediately obvious desirable reforms that could be put in place that would address some of those problems?

  Mr Clark: The problem is one, as you say, which goes across a whole lot of regulatory bodies and it is rather difficult to make a special case for broadcasting as being different from other types of commercial operation. Plainly, it is a very tedious process at the moment: the reference to the OFT, the reference to the Competition Commission, the reference to the Secretary of State. Time seems to be the real problem in it. Huge swathes of time disappear in the whole thing. We have not thought out a recommendation to simplify that in terms of the number of bodies, because it is too tied up with the rest of the legislation in the country, but we do feel that there are certain very strict time limits which might be applied to a circumstance which moves very fast. The BSkyB issue has now been running some nearly 18 months, I suppose, or something like that, and they are no nearer finalisation.


 
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