Select Committee on Constitution Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 40 - 58)

WEDNESDAY 9 JULY 2008

Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers and Sir Igor Judge QC

  Q40  Lord Peston: So the first question is, when will you cease to be Lord Chief Justice?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: On 1 October, or 30 September more accurately.

  Q41  Lord Peston: This year?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: Yes.

  Q42  Lord Peston: And then you will become the Senior Lord of Appeal in Ordinary?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: Yes.

  Q43  Lord Peston: Do we know, I have forgotten, when the Supreme Court will come into operation?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: We know that the Supreme Court is intended to come into operation on 1 October next year.

  Q44  Lord Peston: So that gives us the progression?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: Yes and the change is automatic under the statute. The senior Law Lord automatically becomes President of the Supreme Court.

  Q45  Lord Peston: Nonetheless your appointment is historic in a sense, because we have never had a Supreme Court before, but you have been given both this job and told you will be the President?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: It is the statute which says that providing I am still the senior Law Lord when the Supreme Court comes into existence I will turn into the President.

  Q46  Lord Peston: The process of getting you appointed in the first place involved this committee you told us about and you also referred, I thought at first apropos of other appointments, to the relevant criteria being in statute for those appointments. Are the criteria for your appointment written in statute?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: The statutory requirements as far as appointing judges is concerned are pretty simple. The appointment has to be on merit and that is what I was referring to when I was talking about the Judicial Appointments Commission having a statutory mandate or criteria in relation to their appointments. It is spelt out absolutely clearly, you appoint on merit, you cannot have a requirement that X per cent of those you appoint are criminal for instance.

  Q47  Lord Peston: I understand that, but there is nothing more in the legislation other than "merit"? It does not say "by merit we mean"?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: No, there is not.

  Q48  Lord Peston: Does that apply to Sir Igor as well? Are you also there on merit, end of story?

  Sir Igor Judge: I hope so!

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: Yes, it does. Could I just add a cedilla, my appointment as a senior Law Lord was by the process which the statute lays down for appointing the President of the Supreme Court. Now as a matter of strict law, that does not come into effect until we have a Supreme Court, but there was agreement between Lord Bingham and the Lord Chancellor that it would be appropriate that that machinery should be used to appoint his successor.

  Q49  Lord Peston: Just before I come to you, Sir Igor, just to clarify it to a total lay person, is there a legal literature on what the word "merit" means? As a layman I can think of at least two concepts. One is the person is a brilliant lawyer but the other is the person has very sound judgment, and the two do not seem to me to be the same. In other words, if I were the lay person on one of these committees, I might well say that X is the better candidate, if that is what we are doing, because he, she seems to show sound judgment even though Y seems to know more about the law.

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: There is no statutory definition of merit, it is really a matter for the relevant body, which would normally be the Appointments Commission, as to the elements which go into make a meritorious candidate. At the same time for a particular vacancy there may also be other specific requirements for a particular expertise in a particular area which have to be considered.

  Chairman: The seminal work on the rise of the meritocracy says that merit is IQ plus effort.

  Q50  Lord Peston: Sir Igor, was your experience pretty much the same?

  Sir Igor Judge: There was what I would describe as a job description provided both for those who were consulted and of course for the Judicial Appointments Commission panel which undertook the process. There is a job description currently available for the President of the Queen's Bench Division who will replace me. That job description has been at least partly drawn up in the light of the fact that I am now moving to be Lord Chief Justice and I will take some of my own current responsibilities with me as Lord Chief Justice so we will need a different job description. But there is a job description available—I do not know whether it is common knowledge but anyway there is one and there was one—and there is one for the President of the Queen's Bench Division.

  Q51  Lord Peston: Are you interviewed as well?

  Sir Igor Judge: I was.

  Q52  Lord Peston: You were?

  Sir Igor Judge: Yes.

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: I was not.

  Q53  Lord Peston: What is lying at the back of my mind, which you can probably guess, is the extraordinary contrast between your experiences and what happens when a member of the US Supreme Court gets chosen. Much as I admire the American constitutional system the contrast, again speaking as a layman, just seems to me to be entirely right on our side as opposed to theirs.

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: I think we would both agree with that!

  Chairman: Counter-Terrorism. Lord Morris?

  Q54  Lord Morris of Aberavon: Some of us have come hot foot from discussing the Second Reading of the Counter-Terrorism Bill last night. I am not going to ask you about the merits, as that is the word we are talking about, of the 42-day period which has been proposed, but what I want to know is the implication of having a parliamentary debate during the course of an investigation and the fears attached to that. I am not asking you about how a judge will decide in a particular case but in this unprecedented situation of a parliamentary debate, which would be very wide ranging according to the indications given by the Home Secretary, could that cause as a general matter problems about a fair trial and an abuse of process argument?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: Less frequently now than used to be but there is quite often an application made to a judge on behalf of a defendant that it is impossible to have a fair trial because it would be impossible to get a jury which has not been biased by what they will have read or seen in the media. It is very rare that a judge accedes to such an application. Judicial experience tells judges first of all that if there has been a significant period of time between something being in the newspapers and the trial the likelihood is that the jury will have forgotten all about it. Secondly, experience tells us that juries are very good at putting out of their minds, or out of consideration, matters they may have read in the papers some months before. The first thing which happens in any criminal trial is that counsel for the prosecution gets up with all the majesty of the law and tells the jury what the prosecution case is about the defendant, and nobody has suggested that this is unfair prejudice as far as the jury is concerned. The trial then proceeds. So it would only be in an extreme situation that facts which might have been stated in debate in the House subsequently reported by the press could lead to an application that it is no longer possible to have a fair trial. I imagine there would be precautions anyway taken by way of anonymising names and so on in debate but I am not conversant with the details of what is proposed.

  Q55  Lord Morris of Aberavon: I appreciate, Lord Phillips, the issue of delay between a particular press reporting and an actual trial, and when I was Attorney one had issues of contempt to consider, sometimes happy and sometimes unhappy experiences in applications to the Court of Appeal. There it is. Is there any parallel you can think of where in the middle of an investigation there is a parliamentary debate, whatever the guidelines, which was triggered off by a specific case and sought to be justified by the Home Secretary and inevitably there would be not only publicity but the whole atmosphere that this is an extraordinary situation calling for special measures and that in turn would make it difficult to have a fair trial?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: I do not think that I am really competent to give an answer to that question; it would call for quite a lot of historical research. I did preside over a trial in which two of the defendants were alleged to have conspired with the late Robert Maxwell; it was after his death. I have not researched what may have been said in Parliament about Robert Maxwell but I suspect he was the subject of some parliamentary discussion which may well have been reported.

  Q56  Viscount Bledisloe: I would like to ask you a question of which I am afraid you have received no warning, and that is about the funding of civil litigation. First of all, is it right that the funding of criminal legal aid and the funding of civil legal aid comes from the same source and that, as the criminal legal aid consumption goes up, so only the residue is left for civil legal aid? When the amount needed for criminal litigation is really a product of the activities of the Government and the police, is it right that civil legal aid should be eroded by that? Slightly related, what is your general view of the desirability and efficacy of contingency fees?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: On the first one, I think all legal aid comes out of the Ministry's budget. I am not aware of any instance of the Ministry saying, "We have to cut back on civil legal aid because we have had an overspend on criminal legal aid." There has been an instance when the Ministry has said they have to make economies—they call them "efficiency measures"—because of the expenditure which has taken place on criminal legal aid. There has however been a cut-back on civil legal aid, particularly in the area of personal injuries, on the basis that this is replaced by the conditional fee system. The conditional fee system is not a perfect replacement for civil legal aid, you can get up to double what would be the appropriate fee as an enhancement for success if you agree to act on a basis you will get paid nothing if you lose. You are not going to be prepared to accept instructions on that basis unless the prospects of winning look pretty rosy. That means that cases where there is a very strong case are likely to go for trial because there will be lawyers who are prepared to act, but sometimes you will have a case which ought to go to trial which is not all that strong but it does raise an important issue of principle. The conditional fee system does not cover that. I know the Master of the Rolls at the moment is very concerned about the whole area of fees and at the moment he is conducting an inquiry into it but we have not got a perfect system of public funding of civil litigation.

  Q57  Viscount Bledisloe: It can only be anecdotal but are you saying that contingency fees in certain circumstances lead to abuses of process by the contingency fee lawyer?

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: There is a concern about this and this is why it would have been unlawful to have such a system in the past. I have not come across any case where it is suggested that because the lawyer was only going to get paid if he won, he has behaved in an improper or objectionable fashion.

  Sir Igor Judge: My position is exactly the same. Suspicious but no evidence.

  Q58  Chairman: Lord Chief Justice and Sir Igor, can I thank you very much on behalf of the Committee for joining us this morning and for the evidence you have given us. Thank you very much indeed.

  Lord Phillips of Worth Matravers: Thank you.






 
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