Select Committee on Constitution Sixth Report


EU (Amendment) Bill and the Lisbon Treaty: Implications for the UK Constitution


CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Scope of the report

1.  The remit of the Constitution Committee is to consider the constitutional implications of all public bills and to keep under review the operation of the constitution. There can be no doubt that the European Union (Amendment) Bill,[1] and the Lisbon Treaty which it aims to implement, are of constitutional significance. As the Committee recognised in its first ever report, the relationship between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU) is of "first class constitutional importance".[2]

2.  The European Union (Amendment) Bill would provide statutory approval for the Treaty of Lisbon and incorporate the Treaty in UK law, to enable the Government to ratify the Treaty; and create new arrangements for parliamentary approval of future changes to the treaties which will govern the EU. It is clear, therefore, that our assessment of the bill must also consider the likely impact of the Lisbon Treaty itself upon the UK constitution.

3.  The Committee is conscious of the work of other committees in both Houses of Parliament in gathering evidence on the Lisbon Treaty and providing analysis. We make reference in particular to the report of the House of Lords European Union Committee, The Treaty of Lisbon: an impact assessment.[3] It is our intention that our report should be read in conjunction with that and other reports. Our approach to the Lisbon Treaty is different to that of other committees: we are concerned exclusively with the changes that may be brought about to the workings of the UK constitution rather than the operation of the EU's institutions and processes. We also make comments and recommendations on Parliament's control over amendments to the treaties governing the EU.

4.  Our report does not deal with the question of whether or not there ought to be a referendum either on ratification of the Lisbon Treaty or on the UK's membership of the EU.[4] Whilst the principles and practices governing the use of referendums are clearly of constitutional importance, an inquiry into this subject would require us to range well beyond EU matters. It is a subject which the Committee may choose to return to at a later date.

5.  In preparing this report, we decided to adopt methods similar to those used in our report on The Draft Constitutional Treaty for the European Union in October 2003.[5] Accordingly, we issued a Call for Evidence to a panel of academic experts from across the UK. We are indebted to those who responded and their evidence is published with our report.

  • Professor Mads Andenas (University of Leicester, who wrote with Professor Andreas Follesdal of the University of Oslo)
  • Dr Gordon Anthony (Queen's University, Belfast)
  • Professor Damian Chalmers (London School of Economics and Political Science)
  • Professor Alan Dashwood (University of Cambridge)
  • Dr Valsamis Mitsilegas (Queen Mary, University of London)
  • Professor Jo Shaw (University of Edinburgh)
  • Dr Eleanor Spaventa (University of Durham)
  • Professor Takis Tridimas (Queen Mary, University of London)
  • Professor John Usher (University of Exeter)

6.  We also wrote to the Foreign Secretary to ask him to set out the Government's view of how the Lisbon Treaty would affect the UK constitution. His reply is reproduced alongside the other evidence.

7.  The Foreign and Commonwealth Office has produced a consolidated version of the texts of the two treaties that will, if the Lisbon Treaty comes into force, govern the operation of the EU: the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.[6] All references are to those versions of the treaties.

Background to the Lisbon Treaty

8.  There are two principal treaties under which the EU currently operates:

Amendments to these treaties were made most recently by the Treaty of Amsterdam (which entered into force in May 1999) and the Treaty of Nice (February 2003).[7]

9.  In 2003, the Convention on the Future of Europe (chaired by the former President of France, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing) concluded work on a Draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe.[8] The purpose of this new treaty was, in the words of the Government, "to make the EU more efficient, simpler to understand, more accountable to the European and national Parliaments, and better prepared to function effectively with 25 and more members".[9] The text produced by the Convention was revised and agreed at an Inter-Governmental Conference and adopted in October 2004 as a Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe ("the Constitutional Treaty"). The agreed text of the Treaty was laid before Parliament in August 2003.[10] In order for the Treaty to come into force, it needed to be ratified by all Member States according to the requirements of their national constitutions. In 18 of the Member States, the Constitutional Treaty was ratified. In May and June 2005, however, the Treaty was rejected by the people of France and the Netherlands in referendums. The seven remaining Member States (including the UK) therefore halted the procedures leading to ratification.

10.  Following the demise of the Constitutional Treaty, EU leaders agreed a detailed mandate for a new reform treaty at the European Council in June 2007. This led to the Lisbon Treaty, which was agreed by the governments of the Member States in Portugal in December 2007.[11] If ratified by all Member States, the Treaty will come into force on 1 January 2009. There has been considerable debate over how different the Lisbon Treaty is compared to the abandoned Constitutional Treaty. We do not enter into that debate. Our focus in this report is on the changes that the Lisbon Treaty would make to the arrangements currently in force.

Amendments made by the Lisbon Treaty

11.  The Lisbon Treaty would make numerous textual amendments to the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty of Rome. Notably, it would bring an end to the legal entity called the European Community (EC) so that henceforth it would be the EU that exercises all powers under the Treaties. The existence since 1992 of two European entities (the EC and the EU) along with the terminology of 'three pillars'[12] representing different fields of policy and law-making has done little to assist public understanding of 'Europe', and it is to be hoped that this change will bring greater clarity.

12.  If the Lisbon Treaty comes into force, there will still be two principal treaties governing the operation of the EU:

  • the Treaty on European Union, which as now will be a relatively short document—the 55 Articles set out the principles, basic institutional framework and main policy areas over which the EU has responsibilities; and;
  • the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union—this is the renamed Treaty of Rome, as amended, and provides a more detailed statement of the powers and procedures of the EU institutions in 358 Articles.

13.  The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union would be in seven parts.

TABLE 1

Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union
Part OneCategories and areas of Union competence
Part TwoNon-discrimination and citizenship of the Union
Part ThreeUnion policies and internal actions
Part FourAssociation of the overseas countries and territories
Part FiveExternal action by the Union
Part SixInstitutional and financial provisions
Part SevenGeneral and final provisions

14.  This report considers those aspects of Parts One, Two, Six and Seven that are of relevance to the UK constitution, but we do not consider Parts Four and Five. It is Part Three of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union which is the most significant for our purposes. It sets out provisions (many of which are already in place) on policy and law-making powers in the following areas:[13]

TABLE 2

Part 3 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union
IThe internal market
IIFree movement of goods
IIIAgriculture and fisheries
IVFree movement of persons, services and capital
VArea of freedom, security and justice
VITransport
VIICommon rules on competition, taxation and approximation of laws
VIIIEconomic and monetary policy
IXEmployment
XSocial policy
XIThe European Social Fund
XIIEducation, vocational training, youth and sport
XIIICulture
XIVPublic health
XVConsumer protection
XVITrans-European networks (in the areas of transport, telecommunications and energy infrastructures)
XVIIIndustry
XVIIIEconomic, social and territorial cohesion
XIXResearch and technological development and space
XXEnvironment
XXIEnergy
XXIITourism
XXIIICivil protection against natural or man-made disasters
XXIVAdministrative co-operation

15.  Most of the competences enumerated as Titles I to XXIV in Part Three of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union already exist in the current treaties. From the perspective of the UK constitution, some of the most potentially significant innovations relate to Title V, the "area of freedom, security and justice".[14] This includes provisions on internal and external border controls, asylum and immigration, and prevention of crime, racism and xenophobia. In also encompasses judicial cooperation in civil and criminal matters, police cooperation, and the operation of Europol (the European Police Office). We comment on the constitutional implications in Chapter 3.

16.  Another important change concerns the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, which we consider in Chapter 3. In its current incarnation, it is a political document rather than a legally binding one. Under the Lisbon Treaty, the amended version of the Charter (agreed in December 2007) would acquire legal force.

PROTOCOLS

17.  The Lisbon Treaty also contains 35 protocols, which are attached to and would have the same legal effect as the Articles of the Treaties. Some of the protocols are new; others are amended versions of protocols in the current Treaties. A number of protocols relate to or have implications for national constitutional matters:

DECLARATIONS

18.  Finally, a number of 'declarations' were made at the time of agreeing the Lisbon Treaty, some of which relate to matters of constitutional significance.[15] A declaration, unlike a protocol, is not legally binding. It may, however, have political force and provided that it has been agreed by all Member States, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) may have regard to a declaration in interpreting Treaty provisions to which it relates, insofar as it does not conflict with those provisions.


1   Introduced to the House of Lords on 12 March 2008. Back

2   1st Report (2001-02): Reviewing the Constitution: Terms of Reference and Method of Working (HL Paper 11), paragraph 42. Back

3   10th Report (2007-08): The Treaty of Lisbon: an impact assessment (HL Paper 62). Back

4   In the Committee's 9th Report (2002-03): The Draft Constitutional Treaty for the European Union (HL Paper 168), we published written evidence from Professor Rodney Brazier on this issue, who noted "the inadequacy of the present ad hoc situation concerning referendums" (page 47). Back

5   Ibid. Back

6   Consolidated Texts of the EU Treaties as amended by the Treaty of Lisbon, Cm 7310. The text of the Lisbon Treaty is published as Cm 7294. Back

7   Various Treaties of Accession have also enlarged the membership from the original six states to 27. Back

8   The text was scrutinised by this Committee and others. See The Draft Constitutional Treaty for the European Union (HL Paper 168) and, for example, the European Union Committee's 41st Report (2002-03): The Future of Europe: The Convention's Draft Constitutional Treaty (HL Paper 169). Back

9   Cm 5934, p 16. Back

10   Cm 6429. Back

11   For the Government's stance in the final negotiations of the treaty, see the White Paper published by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, The Reform Treaty: The British Approach to the European Union Intergovernmental Conference, July 2007 (Cm 7174).  Back

12   In The Treaty of Lisbon: an impact assessment, the European Union Committee explained: "Under the existing Treaties, the 'first pillar' of the European Union is the supranational European Community. The 'second pillar' (foreign and security policy) and 'third pillar' (justice and home affairs) are areas of intergovernmental cooperation with their own decision-making mechanisms, where the Union does not have explicit legal personality. The Lisbon Treaty merges the first and third pillars, and abolishes the European 'Community' because the distinction is no longer necessary-there is just one organisation, the Union. Justice and home affairs policy moves into the generally applicable mechanisms of the Union (based on those of the old first pillar/Community), which are laid out in the TFEU. The Common Foreign and Security Policy, which remains subject to specific procedures, is outlined in the TEU" (paragraph 2.4). Back

13   The numbers correspond to the 'Titles' into which Part Three is sub-divided. Back

14   See The Treaty of Lisbon: an impact assessment, Chapter 6. Back

15   For example, Declaration 17 concerning primacy provides that: "The Conference recalls that, in accordance with well settled case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union, the Treaties and the law adopted by the Union on the basis of the Treaties have primacy over the law of Member States, under the conditions laid down by the said case law. The Conference has also decided to attach as an Annex to this Final Act the Opinion of the Council Legal Service on the primacy of EC law as set out in 11197/07 (JUR 260): 'Opinion of the Council Legal Service of 22 June 2007. It results from the case-law of the Court of Justice that primacy of EC law is a cornerstone principle of Community law. According to the Court, this principle is inherent to the specific nature of the European Community. At the time of the first judgment of this established case law (Costa/ENEL, 15 July 1964, Case 6/6411) there was no mention of primacy in the treaty. It is still the case today. The fact that the principle of primacy will not be included in the future treaty shall not in any way change the existence of the principle and the existing case-law of the Court of Justice'." Back


 
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