Select Committee on Economic Affairs Minutes of Evidence


Examination of Witnesses (Questions 60-78)

Mr Andrew Meeson, Mr John Cullinane, Mr John Whiting and Mr Jacob Rigg

28 APRIL 2008

  Q60  Lord Barnett: One of you referred to personal allowances and the changes there that you reckon are unfair. In your earlier evidence, which unfortunately I was not here for, you spoke about "simplification can never be fair". I am not sure whether you would classify this as simplification anyway, but, on the issue of personal allowances, you feel this is really unfair the way it has been done. Is that my understanding?

  Mr Meeson: My Lord, it is probably I, on behalf of the ATT, who am guilty of the comments to which you allude. Yes, we do believe that there is an element of unfairness in this. Like John, I can see both sides of the argument and I am not prepared to put myself on either side of the fence in that respect, but, the purported abuse, as it were, is that the non-domiciliaries are in some way unfairly benefiting from sheltering their offshore income and gains from UK taxation. In one sense the £30,000 levy addresses this, but then to say, "In addition, we will remove the personal allowance"—which adds an extra taxation burden to their already taxed to UK income—and to do the same with the capital gains tax annual exemption—which then puts an additional burden on their already taxed UK-based gains vis-a"-vis the normal non-domiciled individual—seems to be almost, to put it callously, putting the boot in when someone is down. It is adding insult to injury.

  Mr Whiting: I would also confess to a similar comment, my Lord. I have a particular interest as a member of the Low Income Tax Reform Group—so a particular interest in the unrepresented. It is of great concern that we have here a provision that will affect a considerable number of the vast majority of non-domiciles who are not only unaware of the term "non-domicile" in many cases—they are paying their UK taxes—but, because of the situation back home—and we could easily be talking about the half million or so foreign students who are here paying fees to our universities, as much as the people who are serving in our sandwich bars, waiting at tables, bring the agricultural produce in—because of the work they do back home, or their summer job back home, or the rent on their flat, are suddenly losing their personal allowances. And this is assuming they are geared to dealing with this. It seems unfair, at best, and, actually, totally impractical, because all the evidence we have gathered from talking to HM Revenue & Customs is that they are simply not geared up to cope with this. Indeed, we are still, even today, finding that they have not realised that there are issues when, for example, here in the UK we may try to deny a low-income person a personal allowance but under the double tax treaty they are still entitled to it, so they, therefore, have to deny it on the one hand and then give it back again—all of which sounds hopelessly impractical even if it is fair, which we would argue it is not.

  Q61  Lord Barnett: Given the amount of money you reckon—and the Treasury have given you the figures—we benefit from non doms, are you all saying you would prefer we did nothing to change the situation?

  Mr Rigg: Certainly at STEP we are guilty of making these comments in our submission. Whilst I agree with the rest of the panel that the situation needed to be looked at, certainly it could have been looked at over a much longer period of time, with adequate consultation, without rowing back on draft legislation that had already been launched and, indeed, then issuing clarifications, effectively legislating by press release, where people were trying to plan their tax payments on the basis of the latest letter that had happened to come out of a meeting or a notice from Ernst & Young or something like that. Certainly we would support the basic fundamental policy principles that the Committee cites but I think it is important to balance the sort of important abstract concept of fairness with the important but very concrete notion of competitiveness in all of this. Perhaps where we have ended up, although it has its problems, is not necessarily too bad for our competitiveness, but the way in which we have got to this position is really, really damaging to the UK potentially.

  Q62  Chairman: You are concerned mainly about the people who are non domiciles but earning relatively low amounts of money over here and low amounts of money of overseas income.

  Mr Whiting: That is a particular area of concern of mine. All of us would recognise different categories of people here. Within this, all of us would agree, I suspect, going back to Lord Barnett's question, that there is definitely scope and sense in reforming the residence and domicile rules. If we go back to the consultation that started in 2002, we were to have a reform, and I think many of us subscribed to the ideas and the principles that were in there. To take one particular example, it would be very welcome if we could have a good reform to the definition of residence. Certainly the CIOT is strongly in favour of a statutory residence test that can be applied mechanistically rather than by HMRC judgement. That would be a very welcome way forward, as undoubtedly there is some tightening up that is sensible on the definitions of domicile and remittance basis, but to see that we have 50 pages of legislation on the remittance basis is too much.

  Q63  Lord Barnett: You have mentioned that your concern is about the less well off being hit. If they have little or no unremitted income, they can claim not to be any more non dom, can they not?

  Mr Cullinane: Somebody who comes here on a seasonal basis, as a potato picker or something from Romania or somewhere like that, if they have more than £2,000 of income in Romania but they are here long enough to be resident in the UK as a year-by-year matter, then, if you follow the strict letter of the law as it is coming in, either they have to disclaim personal allowances—so they are going to have to get their PAYE code changed to effect that or they are in default—or they have to report the Romanian income they get—which may only be £2,001 by the way: it may be very small—and then they and the Revenue, if you are to follow the law properly, are going to have to work through the Romanian tax implications, the double tax implications, and so on. It is quite evident that this problem was not even thought about and that HMRC have no plans to try to enforce this. It is a way of making millions of people non compliant and putting a tax cloud over their head. As John said, we are concerned about the tax system in general as a result of the way this has been handled. The very wealthy have to some degree got what they wanted in terms of achieving reversal to the policy, whereas the problems affecting these people have only just come out. The poor and wealthy alike would have been better served by a more open, consultative approach. By all means say, "These are anomalies that need to be tackled," but allow that to be debated and get people acclimatised to the idea.

  Lord Paul: I still am not convinced that the Treasury has really gained from this or lost, if you look at the next five years. I am non domicile—I am too late to change—but there are lots of people who are seriously considering that they will change their residence. Governments could not make up their minds. For the last 40 years they have been looking at it. Now, all of a sudden, as more of a political decision that makes no sense whatsoever.

  Chairman: You have the question. We will have your answer when we come back.

  The Committee suspended from 3.46 pm to3.54 pm for a division in the House of Lords.

  Q64  Chairman: Lord Paul has been for a good long walk, having been to vote, and would like the answer to his question.

  Mr Whiting: Lord Paul's question, if I might paraphrase it, was: Do we think the measures will raise any extra money in the long term? That is a very powerful question. The concern is that they will overall damage the UK's tax revenues. My personal view is that it is hard to see how they will raise significant amounts of money. Certainly, from my own firm's experience, we are seeing a number of clients considering moving—not the flood that was at one time predicted but there is the feeling that some will move, and, more subtly, some will not come here in the first place.

  Mr Rigg: Certainly that is the experience of STEP and our membership. A significant number of people who were considering coming here are not now coming here. It is difficult to say how it will end up with the tax revenue position, but I think it is likely that only small amounts of revenue will be involved now.

  Q65  Lord Powell of Bayswater: I think under the present practice you can arrive on day one and that does not count, be there on day two and that does count, and leave on three and that does not count; so that, in effect, you have got three days for the price of one. Now that has been reduced to two days for the price of one. Will that be a bigger disincentive, even than the idea of paying £30,000 a year tax?

  Mr Cullinane: In terms of short-term residency, to the extent you are clarifying rules then it does allow people to plan, even though there is an element of tightening up in it. Our main concern about that area is that we are tightening up in the way of doing a day count but the day count is by no means the end of the story as to whether you are resident or not. You are tightening up the detail but the rest of the iceberg is still there. The Revenue rules are firm on this matter but do not exactly reflect case law and the case law is somewhat more unpredictable, as evidenced by the fact that there are still cases going through the courts. It is not so much a problem with what is being finally enacted; it is more a missed opportunity to say, "Couldn't we put this all on a statutory footing so that everybody knows where they stand?" and then I think people will know exactly how much they can come here before they become a UK taxpayer. I think we would then find more people would readily come and there would be more tax revenues. Even though some people who are coming will not be resident.

  Mr Whiting: As to the result of adjusting the amount of days here, it is probably sensible.

  Q66  Lord McGregor of Pulham Market: Could I come back to the £2,000 de minimis limit. I think you referred to the educational aspect of this. Do you mean by that that the self-employed and those not in employment will all be impossible to get at, to be made aware of the new changes, and that, therefore, it is going to be a burden on employers to do that? Is that what you mean by that? The second question is on what I might call the unintentional evasion of the tax. It seems to me that it is extremely difficult for HMRC to be able to follow through tiny sums of money. The illustrations you have given really are very, very small. Whereas there are means of checking these things in the UK, I do not see how it is going to be possible for them to do this, except at extraordinary cost in administration and so on, to ensure compliance. The last question is: Does that lead you, therefore, to the view that it is better to confine the removal of personal allowances for capital gains tax for those who have to pay the £30,000 charge?

  Mr Whiting: The education aspect is exactly as you have stated. Let us leave to one side those wealthy entrepreneurs who have advisers. Let us even leave the high-earning executive who has advisers. We are talking here about the large bulk of non doms who either are going to be in ignorance or look to other people for explanations. The Low Incomes Tax Reform Group already know that we are going to get customers looking for explanations, because we have already started to have them, but the great majority, if they look anywhere, will probably look to their employers. We just do not think the Revenue & Customs are geared up to assist, but that even assumes that these people have heard about this issue in the first place, and there we do not think the Revenue & Customs have really thought that they need to do an awareness campaign—to get Adam Hart-Davis to do another sort of jumping out of aeroplanes campaign or something on a non-dom basis perhaps The first stage is that there is a great problem about educating on the residence issue. Your question on evasion: from the low incomes tax point of view we have termed it inadvertent non-compliance.

  Q67  Lord McGregor of Pulham Market: I did say unintentional.

  Mr Whiting: People will just inadvertently not comply. If we go back to Lord Powell's point about low income remittances, let us bear in mind that somebody from Poland or wherever who is paying for things in the UK with his Polish credit card, is remitting funds which might or might not mess up the whole of this arrangement, so there is going to be a great deal of unwitting non-compliance. Frankly, we are assuming that the Revenue have just said, "We don't really want to bother with that. We are only interested in the £30,000," but if these people are perhaps slightly higher up the income scale, perhaps employed by the archetypal city bank, it is the bank/the employer who is going to pick up the cost. What is the answer to this? Undoubtedly the best answer is that this loss of personal allowances only trips in, along with the £30,000, after seven years. Just to bring it right back to your first point, to education, one cadre we have continually highlighted is the student population. We here in the UK try to attract overseas students to take A-levels, degrees, et cetera, probably in the hope that they will continue to work here, but you might just note that by the time they have done A-levels, degrees and had a gap year or whatever, they are virtually into seven years' residence, so that this new system is probably an incentive to go home at the end of it.

  Q68  Chairman: The ATT memorandum accepts that the reason for computing the £30,000 charge in the way that the legislation does is a desire to ensure that the payment qualifies for credit against foreign taxes, particularly US tax. You state, however, that the chosen mechanism is neither simple nor clear. Do you accept that the objective is a good one? Do you have any thoughts on an alternative better mechanism?

  Mr Meeson: My Lord Chairman, if one is going to do this £30,000 levy in some way, it is probably adding to the fairness (or reducing from the unfairness, whichever you chose to look at) by making it as creditable as possible against overseas taxes, but then, of course, it starts raising the question as to whether you are in fact penalising these people at all if they are getting a direct pound for pound offset somewhere else for what they are paying here, which raises our concern that effectively the levy itself is an administrative tax, rather than a financial tax, as much as anything else. That ties in also with our thoughts on the de minimis: that if you have this £2,000 de minimis, the Treasury is effectively saying, "We don't care about a certain number of people," and they are the ones for whom the tax take is £400 per annum, but that leaves a huge gap in the difference between people about whom £400 is acceptable and people about whom £30,000 is a price worth paying. It is an enormous scale and there are rather too many innocent (or more innocent) categories of people, as John has suggested, that fall within that.

  Q69  Chairman: You reckon a lot of the people who are going to be paying the £30,000 are going to get tax relief against their foreign taxes anyway.

  Mr Meeson: Some of them inevitably will. Some of them will not. It is certainly not going to be beyond the wit of man to arrange that one would do so, given that one has the choice of deciding which income and gains are subject to the £30,000 tax.

  Q70  Chairman: Resident and domicile: are there any things you have not said that you wanted to say on that subject? You seem to have given some very comprehensive answers, but they came out in ways rather different from the way we originally thought.

  Mr Whiting: We would just add one plea. Whatever the changes that have been made—and many of them have been very constructive—we do not have a complete package and one of the pleas we would strongly make is that HMRC and the Treasury, needs to commit to keeping this under review and making further changes.

  Q71  Lord Barnett: Not surprisingly, every year the Finance Bill will change it, for donkey's years ahead.

  Mr Rigg: If it is kept under review, having changes every single year, where things are tightened up or loosened inadvertently or what-have-you in a sort of hotchpotch manner, would not be good for the UK competitiveness. It would be incredibly damaging for us all.

  Mr Whiting: All I would be looking for is sorting out the anomalies.

  Q72  Chairman: Let us go on to the third section: encouraging enterprise. Clause 28 increases the EIS investment limit from £400,000 to £500,000. Do you think this is a necessary change, given that the limit has been increased, as you know, from £200,000 to £400,000? Are you aware of any evidence suggesting that potential investors are wanting to make investments larger than £400,000?

  Mr Cullinane: Not specific evidence. I can imagine there may have been. A lot of these questions revolve around the same point, which is when it comes to these special reliefs, given they complicate the tax system, and they treat some people differently from others, it seems to me you need an awful lot of evidence as to whether it is achieving something worthwhile. The general impression you get is that while a lot of good work is being done to quantify that, it does not hit you that it is making a great deal of difference.

  Mr Whiting: It seems a bit odd to start a general review of this and then say, "Here is part of the answer," just as you are starting a review.

  Chairman: I think the way we asked the question indicates that we probably feel a bit like that ourselves.

  Q73  Lord Barnett: I was wondering how effective all these reliefs are. Do you have any indication of how effective it is, set at the previous level or the current proposed level?

  Mr Cullinane: In fairness, our members are largely tax practitioners. We are not economists or econometricians and so on, so the evidence is anecdotal. Probably, to some degree, it would hit us this way as tax practitioners: the client is already doing something or considering doing something and says, "Please do your best to get us the best tax treatment you can." We would tend to see situations where people are going to do something or they are considering doing something and the tax relief is extra. It may be that it is doing a great deal of good and it is not quite clear to us, but, again, it is not clear why the tax system should subsidise this good that is being stimulated in this way versus all the other good that might be done if it were put into generally lower tax rates. Generally we are rather sceptical of the value of these reliefs, while being open to the fact that we would not see all the evidence and we have not undertaken the scientific evidence, if I may put it that way.

  Mr Whiting: My own firm did a survey on exactly those areas on EIS. Of potentially eligible companies, we found that two-thirds had heard of the relief, and of those which had used it, precisely half said it had influenced the decision. In other words, half "Would have done it anyway and thank you very much for the relief" and half, "Yes, it had influenced it."

  Q74  Lord Barnett: You would probably prefer, therefore, to drop it altogether.

  Mr Whiting: The general evidence of the survey we did, which looked not just at this but at nine reliefs, was that the message coming back from business—and this is SMEs, the smaller businesses—was that they would prefer a lower rate of tax, a simpler system, and less reliefs.

  Q75  Lord Barnett: Simple systems do not seem to be possible anyway, do they, in the tax system?

  Mr Whiting: If you could get rid of some of the reliefs, many would prefer abolishing the reliefs and simplifying it that way and having a straight lower rate of tax.

  Mr Meeson: The survey that John alluded to looks at the relief from the viewpoint of the company into which the investment is being made. Anecdotal evidence, looking at it from the other direction, from the point of view of the individuals making the investment into these companies, is particularly coloured by the fact that the independent financial advisory world has largely turned enterprise investment schemes, particularly venture capital trusts, into marketed commodities and the anecdotal evidence suggests here that the enterprise investment relief itself is not the driving factor. Most of the investments into the EIS and VCT are mainly ordered to retain the capital gains tax roll-over relief, and the income tax relief is, as John says, a bonus.

  Q76  Lord McGregor of Pulham Market: There is a distinction between the two, is there not? I can see that the EIS is a capital gains tax roll-over relief element but the VCT is somewhat different. Mr Cullinane, I thought you were commenting from the investors' point of view—your own clients, as it were. Has not the VCT system as a whole—and in some cases it has raised quite a substantial amount of money—attracted higher rate taxpayers into using that relief in a way that they would not otherwise have done, and provided equity for companies themselves in a way they could not otherwise have got?

  Mr Cullinane: I cannot claim that we as a body are getting scientific research into this. My general perception would be there are certain investors who are predisposed to a lot of ways of saving a lot of tax. Because there are so many of these types of things on the market at any one time, they will say, "Have you looked at VCT" and so on, so there is a certain amount of money that follows those opportunities around. Whether those companies could never have raised funds any other way, I frankly, if it is decent investment, rather doubt. I also have a suspicion that a great deal of the tax saving from the investors' point of view disappears to the organisers of these schemes and the tax saving effect appeals to certain investors' psychology as much as to cold assessment of their financial interest. In short, I am very, very sceptical of all of them. I do not say you could never justify any special treatment or any intervention; I am just very sceptical as to whether it either has the impact it does, or, if it does have an impact, whether it really makes sense to target those things and that other things that are therefore missing out as a result would not be equally beneficial.

  Q77  Chairman: We have to face the fact that three of us here were Treasury ministers and probably at some time or other were responsible for producing some of these sorts of schemes. I do not think we are going to analyse the past, but would I be right in deducing from the tones of your replies that, if we were looking forward, whilst we would not look to you for guidance that this is likely to be a very important part of the fiscal system going forward, that is the message I am getting. I do not know if I am right. Others might but you do not.

  Mr Whiting: Looking at it from a tax point of view, we acknowledge that it is there, it is a relief that we will make sure it is possible our clients, be they corporates or individuals, can claim. The acid test is: Is this raising extra money and is it getting that money for businesses that would otherwise be unable to get the funds? That is perhaps the key question, and whether the Government should subsidise that process. Maybe the people to ask are more the financiers than ourselves. Harking back to Lord MacGregor's question, there has been a lot of money generated, particularly through VCTs, that has sought and largely found investment. As the study by the University showed, it went to riskier businesses generally—and maybe that is a good thing. Whether the overall payback for the tax relief given was worthwhile is a very interesting question.

  Q78  Lord Barnett: We could simplify the tax system a bit by dropping the whole damn thing.

  Mr Whiting: You could indeed, my Lord.

  Chairman: That really puts that particular issue to bed—for us, anyway. I am very grateful to you for coming along and, as usual, answering our questions and making comments which are highly relevant to what we are think of doing. We are very grateful to you. Thank you very much.





 
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